Paper 2 Superpower Relations and the Cold War C1941-‐91
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The Foreign Trade Regime in the Comecon Countries Today
THE FOREIGN TRADE REGIME IN THE COMECON COUNTRIES TODAY KAzmuExz GRzmows~i* I. THE ScoPE OF REFORM Recently, in three important aspects, foreign trade techniques in socialist Europe were changed significantly. Economic expan- sion, the growing sophistication of national economies in the en- tire area and the need for closer cooperation, both among the members of the Council for Mutual Economic Aid (hereinafter Comecon) and with the free economy countries, have rendered the system of artificial separation of import and export activities from the production of goods obsolete. Accordingly, foreign trade has been made largely the responsibility of the producers again in an effort to involve them directly in more efficient competition for foreign consumers.' Second, in the effort to promote growing effi- dency within the Eastern Bloc, the General Conditions of Delivery of 19582 and the international code of sales and deliveriess were * Professor of Law and Political Science, Duke University. This article is part of a forthcoming book entitled, East-West Economic Relations, to be published by the author in 1972. 1. See generally K. Grzybowski, Soviet Private International Law 46 (1965); K. Grzybowski, The Socialist Commonwealth of Nations: Organizations and Institutions 29, 57 (1964); S. Pisar, Coexistence and Commerce: Guidelines for Transactions between East and West 243-816 (1970); Hoya, The Comecon Gen- eral Conditions-A Socialist Unification of International Trade Law, 70 Colum. L. Rev. 253 (1970). 2. Obshchie Usloviia Postavok Tovarov mczhdu Vneshnetorgovymi Organi- zatsiiami Stran-Uchastnits Soveta Ekonomicheskoi Vraimopomoshchi (General Conditions for the Delivery of Goods Between Foreign Trade Organizations of Member-Countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance), in Mnogos- toronnee Ekonomicheskoe Sotrudnichestvo Sotsialisticheskikh Gosudantv 121, 297 (Institut Gosudarstvi Prava Ak-ademii Nauk SSR 1967). -
The Brezhnev Era (1964–1982)
Name _______________________________________________ Date _____________ The Brezhnev Era (1964–1982) Next to Stalin, Leonid Brezhnev ruled the Soviet Union longer than any other leader. Brezhnev and his supporters stressed the ties with the Stalinist era by focusing on his good points and ignoring his crimes. 1. What is the KGB? Brezhnev strengthened the Soviet bureaucracy as well What was its as the KGB (Committee of State Security)—formed in purpose? (list 2) 1954; its mission was to defend the Soviet government from its enemies at home and abroad. The KGB suppressed dissidents who spoke out against the government at home and in the satellite countries. The Soviets also invested in a large military buildup and were determined to never again suffer a humiliating defeat, as happened in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet Brezhnev proceeded cautiously in the mid-1960s and sought to avoid confrontation with the West. He was determined, however, to protect Soviet interests. Brezhnev Doctrine (1968) 2. What was the Prague In 1968, Alexander Dubček (1921–1992) became head of the Czechoslovakia Spring? Communist Party and began a series of reforms known as the Prague Spring reforms, which sought to make communism more humanistic. He lifted censorship, permitted non-communists to form political groups, and wanted to trade with the West, but still remain true to communist ideals. Brezhnev viewed these reforms as a capitalistic threat to the socialist ideologies of communism and, in August of 1968, sent over 500,000 Soviet and Eastern European troops 3. How did Brezhnev to occupy Czechoslovakia. In the Brezhnev Doctrine, he defended the Soviet react to the Prague military invasion of Czechoslovakia, saying in effect, that antisocialist elements Spring? in a single socialist country can compromise the entire socialist system, and thus other socialist countries have the right to intervene militarily if they see the need to do so. -
Documents of Contemporary Art: TIME Edited by Amelia Groom, the Introduction Gives an Overview of Selected Writings Addressing Time in Relation to Art
“It is important to realize that the appointment that is in question in contemporariness does not simply take place in chronological time; it is something that, working within chronological time, urges, presses and transforms it. And this urgency is the untimeliness, the anachronism that permits us to grasp our time in the form of a ‘too soon’ that is also a ‘too late’; of an ‘already’ that is also a ‘not yet.’ Moreover, it allows us to recognize in the obscurity of the present the light that, without ever being able to reach us, is perpetually voyaging towards us.” - Giorgio Agamben 2009 What is the Contemporary? FORWARD ELAINE THAP Time is of the essence. Actions speak louder than words. The throughline of the following artists is that they all have an immediacy and desire to express and challenge the flaws of the Present. In 2008, all over the world were uprisings that questions government and Capitalist infrastructure. Milan Kohout attempted to sell nooses for homeowners and buyers in front of the Bank of America headquarters in Boston. Ernesto Pujol collaborated and socially choreographed artists in Tel Aviv protesting the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. Indonesian artist, Arahmaiani toured the world to share “HIS Story,” performances creating problematic imagery ending to ultimately writing on her body to shine a spotlight on the effects of patriarchy and the submission of women. All of these artists confront terrorism from all parts of the world and choose live action to reproduce memory and healing. Social responsibility is to understand an action, account for the reaction, and to place oneself in the bigger picture. -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Skrifter Utgivna Av Statsvetenskapliga Föreningen I Uppsala 194
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala 194 Jessica Giandomenico Transformative Power Challenged EU Membership Conditionality in the Western Balkans Revisited Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Brusewitzsalen, Gamla Torget 6, Uppsala, Saturday, 19 December 2015 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Professor David Phinnemore. Abstract Giandomenico, J. 2015. Transformative Power Challenged. EU Membership Conditionality in the Western Balkans Revisited. Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala 194. 237 pp. Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. ISBN 978-91-554-9403-2. The EU is assumed to have a strong top-down transformative power over the states applying for membership. But despite intensive research on the EU membership conditionality, the transformative power of the EU in itself has been left curiously understudied. This thesis seeks to change that, and suggests a model based on relational power to analyse and understand how the transformative power is seemingly weaker in the Western Balkans than in Central and Eastern Europe. This thesis shows that the transformative power of the EU is not static but changes over time, based on the relationship between the EU and the applicant states, rather than on power resources. This relationship is affected by a number of factors derived from both the EU itself and on factors in the applicant states. As the relationship changes over time, countries and even issues, the transformative power changes with it. The EU is caught in a path dependent like pattern, defined by both previous commitments and the built up foreign policy role as a normative power, and on the nature of the decision making procedures. -
TOWI Nw866 O Uj
TOWI Nw866 o uJ HAIII: 9 THE DECHOUKAOE HAS ONLY JUST BEOUN! PERU: IHIT BLOOD THAT HAS BEEI{ SPITT SHAtt NEUER BE FORGOIIE]II F{r**ffiffi sliti;::l$ 1986t6 Hoiti The Dechoukage Has Only Just Begun! Crisis in Haiti and the Tasks of Revolutionaries by the Haitian Internationalist Revolutionary- Group A Call to the Haitian Revolutionary Movement by the Haitian Revolutionary Internationalist Group and the Haitian Workers Party t6 People Are Disposed to Take Care of Business - Talks with Haitian Workers Party l8 Peru This Blood That Has Been Spilt Shall Never Be Forgotten 34 Flames Leap to Puno 37 Support for People's War in Peru Echoes on Every Continent 39 Excerpts From Worldwide Campaign Speech Five Years of People's War in Peru 44 RIM Committee Greets Peru Campaign 46 A "Shining Trench of Combat" Statement on the Massacre of Our Comrades in Peru's Prisons by the RIM Committee 28 "Day of Herois111" - Statement by the PCP Central Committee- 32 Forward Along the Path Charted by Mao Tsetung!42 Interview with Afghan Revolutionary 48 Romania: From Goulash Communism to Capitalist Austerity 58 The Weapon of Criticism: Book Reviews 64 A llorld to I,I4n is a quarterly published by World to Win, whose address is: BCM world to win London WCIN 3XX. U.K. This issue was printed by Russell Press, Bertrand Russeil House, Forest Road West, Nottingham, U.K. AUGUST, I986. Subscribe to A World to Win From Kurdiston to Colombio - people oll oround the world reod A World to Win Avoiloble in English, 'a.,ry%i_*{ Forsi, Sponish, ltolion, ond Turkish. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
Czechoslovak-Polish Relations 1918-1968: the Prospects for Mutual Support in the Case of Revolt
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1977 Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt Stephen Edward Medvec The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Medvec, Stephen Edward, "Czechoslovak-Polish relations 1918-1968: The prospects for mutual support in the case of revolt" (1977). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5197. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5197 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CZECHOSLOVAK-POLISH RELATIONS, 191(3-1968: THE PROSPECTS FOR MUTUAL SUPPORT IN THE CASE OF REVOLT By Stephen E. Medvec B. A. , University of Montana,. 1972. Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA 1977 Approved by: ^ .'■\4 i Chairman, Board of Examiners raduat'e School Date UMI Number: EP40661 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. -
THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN and AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY in LIGHT of the KOREAN WAR Author(S): DAVID G
THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR Author(s): DAVID G. COLEMAN Reviewed work(s): Source: Australasian Journal of American Studies, Vol. 18, No. 1 (July, 1999), pp. 19-41 Published by: Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41018739 . Accessed: 18/09/2012 14:16 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Australia and New Zealand American Studies Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Australasian Journal of American Studies. http://www.jstor.org AUSTRALASIAN JOURNALOF AMERICAN STUDIES 19 THE BERLIN-KOREA PARALLEL: BERLIN AND AMERICAN NATIONAL SECURITY IN LIGHT OF THE KOREAN WAR DAVID G. COLEMAN The Korean War had a profoundimpact on the ways in which American policymakersperceived the Cold War.Nowhere was thismore fact evident than in the case of Berlin. Despite the geographicalseparation between the two countries,policymakers became concernedwith what theyidentified as the 'Berlin-Koreaparallel.' Holding the Soviet Union responsible for North Korea's aggression,Washington believed that in NorthKorea's attackit was witnessing a new Sovietcapability that could give theUSSR a decisiveedge in the Cold War. -
<K>EXTRACTS from the REPORT on the TRIPARTITE
Volume 8. Occupation and the Emergence of Two States, 1945-1961 Excerpts from the Report on the Potsdam Conference (Potsdam Agreement) (August 2, 1945) The Potsdam Conference between the leaders of the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain was held at Cecilienhof Palace, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm Hohenzollern, in Potsdam, Germany, from July 17 to August 2, 1945. The Soviet Union was represented by Josef Stalin; the U.S. was represented by President Harry S. Truman, who had only been in office for a few months, having succeeded Franklin Delano Roosevelt on April 12, 1945. Winston Churchill represented Great Britain at the start of the conference, but after the Labor Party won the elections of July 27, 1945, he was replaced by the new prime minister, Clement R. Attlee, who signed the agreement on behalf of Great Britain on August 2, 1945. The agreement reached by Stalin, Truman, and Attlee formed the basis of Allied occupation policy in the years to come. The provisions with the most far-reaching consequences included those concerning borders. It was agreed, for example, that the Oder- Neisse line would be established as Poland’s provisional western boundary, meaning that Poland would undergo a “western shift” at the expense of German territories in Pomerania, Silesia, and Eastern Prussia. It was also agreed that the territory around East Prussian Königsberg would be ceded to the Soviet Union. In addition, the conference settled upon the “transfer” of Germans from the new Polish territories and from Czechoslovakia and Hungary. These measures constituted an essential basis for the division of Germany and Europe. -
Primary Source Document with Questions (Dbqs) the POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction the Dropping of the Atomic Bo
Primary Source Document with Questions (DBQs) THE POTSDAM DECLARATION (JULY 26, 1945) Introduction The dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki remains among the most controversial events in modern history. Historians have actively debated whether the bombings were necessary, what effect they had on bringing the war in the Pacific to an expeditious end, and what other options were available to the United States. These very same questions were also contentious at the time, as American policymakers struggled with how to use a phenomenally powerful new technology and what the long-term impact of atomic weaponry might be, not just on the Japanese, but on domestic politics, America’s international relations, and the budding Cold War with the Soviet Union. In retrospect, it is clear that the reasons for dropping the atomic bombs on Japan, just like the later impact of nuclear technology on world politics, were complex and intertwined with a variety of issues that went far beyond the simple goal of bringing World War II to a rapid close. The Potsdam Declaration was issued on July 26, 1945 by U.S. President Harry Truman, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China, who were meeting in Potsdam, Germany to consider war strategy and post-war policy. Soviet leader Joseph Stalin also attended the Potsdam Conference but did not sign the Declaration, since the Soviet Union did not enter the war against Japan until August 8, 1945. Document Excerpts with Questions From Japan’s Decision to Surrender, by Robert J.C. -
Factors in the Soviet Decision to Invade Czechoslovakia Antony Kalashnikov
Factors in the Soviet Decision to Invade Czechoslovakia Antony Kalashnikov This essay describes the factors in the Soviet decision to invade Czechoslovakia and argues that the principle motive was to prevent political reforms which would have established Czechoslovakia as multi-party state. The paper will be organized in three parts: after establishing factual background of the ‗Prague Spring‘ reforms, the essay outlines the various factors contributing to the decision. I will then analyze them in comparative historical light in order to single out the most important reason for the invasion. Introduction On the night of August 20-21, 1968, Warsaw Pact troops led by the Soviet Union crossed the Czechoslovakian borders and occupied the country in an impeccably executed manoeuvre lasting only a few hours. General Secretary Alexander Dubcek and other key figures of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia were immediately seized and brought to Moscow before the Politburo. There, they signed the Moscow Protocols, repealing all the reforms launched in the preceding months, dubbed the ‗Prague Spring‘. Dubcek remained nominally in his post, but was voted out within a few months and replaced with the conservative leader Gustav Husak. These events epitomized the Brezhnev Doctrine, whereby the Soviet Union showed its commitment to hold on to its interests in Eastern Europe even if it meant resorting to military action. This essay will describe the factors in the Soviet decision to invade Czechoslovakia and argue that the principle motive was to prevent political reforms which would have established Czechoslovakia as a multi-party state. The paper will be organized in three parts: after establishing factual background to the ‗Prague Spring‘ reforms, the essay outlines the various factors which contributed to the decision. -
The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)
TheHershberg United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1) ✣ What options did John F. Kennedy consider after his aides in- formed him on 16 October 1962 that the Soviet Union was secretly deploy- ing medium-range nuclear-capable missiles in Cuba? In most accounts, his options fell into three categories: 1. military: an attack against Cuba involving a large-scale air strike against the missile sites, a full-scale invasion, or the ªrst followed by the second; 2. political-military: a naval blockade of Cuba (euphemistically called a “quarantine”) to prevent the shipment of further “offensive” military equipment and allow time to pressure Soviet leader Nikita Khrush- chev into withdrawing the missiles; or 3. diplomatic: a private overture to Moscow to persuade Khrushchev to back down without a public confrontation. Kennedy ultimately chose the second option and announced it on 22 Octo- ber in his nationally televised address. That option and the ªrst (direct mili- tary action against Cuba) have been exhaustively analyzed over the years by Western scholars. Much less attention has been devoted to the third alterna- tive, the diplomatic route. This article shows, however, that a variant of that option—a variant that has never previously received any serious scholarly treatment—was actually adopted by Kennedy at the peak of the crisis. The United States pursued a separate diplomatic track leading not to Moscow but to Havana (via Rio de Janeiro), and not to Khrushchev but to Fidel Castro, in a secret effort to convince the Cuban leader to make a deal: If Castro agreed to end his alliance with Moscow, demand the removal of the Soviet missiles, and disavow any further support for revolutionary subversion in the Western hemisphere, he could expect “many changes” in Washington’s policy toward Journal of Cold War Studies Vol.