CEU eTD Collection T HE POLITICS OFREPRODUCTION INSTATE SOCIALIST In partial fulfillment for the degree of Master of Arts in Gender Studies. F ROM Supervisor: Professor Éva Fodor H ‘ QUANTITY Department of Gender Studies Central European University UNGARY Budapest, Hungary Anikó Gregor Submitted to 2011 By (1948-1989) ’ TO ‘ QUALITY ’: CEU eTD Collection regime from its Stalinist predecessor. an important role in the legitimacy of the regime. These incentives also helped distance the Kádár childcare allowance and grant fit the consumerist context of 'goulash-communism' which played paid the like incentives, financial positive regime Kádár the In system. the of legitimizing a sense towards the future of Hungary and this emphasis played a significant role in the political in children, and mothers towards responsibility their express to order in policies reproductive on legitimacy oftheexistentsystem could be reached. In Stalinist the regime officials used decisions argue that in both periods reproductive policies served as tools through which the political children became more important issue. the replacement level but the social origin and background, and in this sense the quality of it, in the Kádár regime officials thought that less children should be born and only for providing children should be born was more important for the policymakers than thesocial composition of more and more that namely fertility, the of quantity the (1948-1956) period Stalinist the in while meetings of the Hungarian Politburo and important regulations on population issues I argue that identified between the two periods in this process. By analyzing transcripts and reports of the analyze how politics influenced reproductive behavior and what kind ofdifferences can be socialist Hungary. First, byapplying the theoretical framework of politics of reproduction I Abstract Second, I point out the ways how reproduction itself made politics in these regimes. I My thesis examines the changing emphasis in reproductive policies during the state i CEU eTD Collection best and who helped and supported me through this year. Thank you for your endless patience! from many joint activities and celebrations during this year. when I had to talk tosomebody about my thesis in order to clarify and structure my thoughts. CEU. Iam also grateful for their interest towards my research project and for their attention fulfill all the requirements at CEU. Without their support Icouldn’t have finished my studies at member of the ’Asztaltársaság’) at ELTE whoStudies at CEU for the knowledge triedthey passed to me through this academic year. to load me as less as possible in ordermy project. to not have been finished. Her support and encouragement helped me alot when I felt Istuck in help during the period of thesis writing. Without her useful guidance and advice this thesis would Acknowledgments And last but definitely notleast my greatest gratitude regards to Peter, who knows me the I would like tosay thanks to all of my friends and myfamily who tolerated my absence Tanárn Ildi, (Juli, colleagues and friends sociologist my thank to like would I I would also like tosay thanks to all of my professors at the Department of Gender First ofall, Iwould like tothank my supervisor, Éva Fodor for her tireless efforts and ii ŋ , and every , and CEU eTD Collection ILORPY...... 60 BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES...... 57 CHAPTER 7.CONCLUSIONS...... 54 ...... 41 MOTHERHOOD ASAQUALITATIVE CONTRIBUTION CHAPTER 6. CONSOLIDATEDSTATE-SOCIALISM (1956-1989): SHIFTTOWARDS THE STALINIST PERIOD (1948-1956)...... 27 CHAPTER 5. MOTHERHOOD ASAQUANTIFIABLE CONTRIBUTION ANDDUTY IN STATE SOCIALIST PERIOD...... 15 CHAPTER 4. SOCIAL, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CONTEXT – HUNGARY IN THE ...... 7 CHAPTER 3.THE POLITICS OF REPRODUCTION CHAPTER 2.GENDER REGIMESANDSTATE...... 5 THE ...... 1 CHAPTER 1.INTRODUCTION OF LIST FIGURES, TABLES AND ILLUSTRATIONS...... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS...... iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii ...... i ABSTRACT 6. 3. Motherhood as paid work: giving prestige and preserving the standard of living...... 49 6. 2. Making difference between women: who should and who shouldn’t .45 reproduce herself? children...... 42 6.1. Theconstant but consolidated emphasis on the ‘quantity’: changes in the ideal number of children...... 36 5. 2. Propaganda: public abortion trials, and awards for mothers with a high number of childlessness...... 28 5. 1. Policies: ban onabortion, decisions on mother and child protection, and tax on ...... 26 4. 6. Theorganization of the Politburo 4. 5. Pronatalist policies and the politics of reproduction in other state socialist countries...... 25 4. Public debates on demographic problems...... 23 4. 3. Demographic situation during the state socialism...... 21 4. 2. Economicchanges and consumerism...... 17 ...... 15 4. 1. The broader context: Hungary asastate socialist gender regime 3. 2. Reproduction makes politics...... 10 ...... 7 3. 1. Politics makereproduction 2. Theconcept ofgender regimes...... 5 2. 1. Stateas amultilayer entity...... 5 1. 3. Structure of the thesis...... 3 ...... 2 1. 2. Methodologyand sources ...... 2 1. Researchtopic andresearch question .2 .Aad o ohr ...... 37 5. 2. 2.Awards for mothers 5. 2. 1.Abortion trials in public...... 36 5. 1. 3.Taxon childlessness...... 35 5. 1. 2.Decisions on motherand child protection...... 30 5. 1. 1.Regulation abortion...... 28 of al f Contents Table of iii CEU eTD Collection Picture 3.Children celebrate 1 May...... 40 Picture 2.Crèche in factory...... 34 the ...... 20 Picture 1.Family photoalbum List of Illustrations Table 1.The mainpopulation indexes...... 58 of Tables List ...21 NumberFigure 1. of lived birthsandabortions andthetotal fertilityrateinHungary (1945-1989) List of Figures Figures, Tables andList of Illustrations iv CEU eTD Collection my young unmarried mother, not to reproduce themselves. babies and defined those groups of women who were not encouragedgrant for working women, state the encouraged or forcedor certain who types of woman towere have their allowed, like were not allowed to have an abortion and by creating a generous paid childcare allowance and By regulating abortion inthey could. In contrast,a in the 1980sway and even in the 1960s or 1970s the situationthat was different. defined which not a basis forgroups being eligible for abortion. Every woman had to give birth to children, asof many as women were allowedby propaganda to become a mother. Being unmarried or having uncertainand social conditions was which Abortion was strictly banned in the 1950s and every woman was forced by laws and encouraged honor for a girl, a dutygive for birtha wife” to (Lher child in the name of the infamousthey would get married and have me together. slogan of thosepaper to visit theabortion committee. She neveryears: went to the committee and they decided that “Giving birthdoctor declaredis an that she was eligible forof childbearing. When my anmother visited abortion the gynecologist in order to confirm her pregnancy, the because she was unmarriedweeks when my motherand became pregnant. Thus,gave the conditions were far from theher ideal situation a allowance, and she hadn’t even finished the school and they knew each other only for a couple of married, my mother hadn’t got a job which would have made her eligible for paid childcare teacher and he had a small close apartmentto theHungarian-Romanian border. Although my father had a job as anelementary school in a block of flatsthen, with and a shemortgage was a fourth-year-student on it, they were not in a vocationalChapter 1.Introduction high school in a small Hungarian town If this whole story had happened 30 years before, in 1953, shewould have been forced to My mother noticed she was pregnant with me in September, 1983. She was 17 years old ánynak szülni dics 1 ŋ ség, asszonynak kötelesség .) (Kocsis 2006). .) (Kocsis CEU eTD Collection the exact date of meeting canbe found in brackets thusone can look forthese transcripts by date, too. ( ( 1 discussions within this group. I chose those meetings in which thePolitburo dealt with the issue and Ianalyze reports on the meetings and decision making processes containing debates and National Archive of Hungary communist and socialist political committees became available for researchsources purposes in the and Methodology 2. 1. too. legitimacy, political policies were grounded in important economic concerns, they served as a basis for these regimes’ the quality of childrearing became more important. I also argue that although these reproductive certain social classes and by ensuring much longer paid childcare leave than in theStalinist period towards concerns with ‘quality’. Theaim became to have a certain number of children (2-3) from class or theorigin ofchildren, in later periods of state socialism thepolitical emphasis was shifted they belonged to, and less attention was paid tothe conditions of childrearing or to the social on the idea that women had to bear as many children as possible, no matter which social group constructed ‘motherhood’ in these periods and what was the meaning of this concept for them. reports of the Politburo. I am interested in how influential Hungarian politicians imagined and socialist period (1956-1989) in theaims of thereproductive policies through thetranscripts and ’56 state post the and (1948-1956) period Stalinist the between identified be can similarities Stalinist and state-socialist years of Hungary. My research question is what kind of differences and field, about reproductive policies and reproduction related welfare policies in theperiods of question research and topic Research 1. 1. www.mol.gov.hu These reports and transcripts are available through the website of the National Archive of Hungary Politikai Bizottság) Politikai In my thesis Ianalyze political arguments, discussions and decisions of the Politburo I argue that while in theStalinist period of state socialism the political emphasis was more After the change of regime more and more transcripts and reports of different ). Here I follow the reference by referring to the index used in the Archive. In the reference the In the Archive. in used index to the referring by reference the follow I ). Here , one of the most important political decision-making groups ofthe political 1 . Ihave chosentranscripts of the Politburo from the two periods 2 CEU eTD Collection argument that in the Stalinist regime motherhood meant that women had to give birth to as many that Iexamine. In Chapter 5 I present those policies and propaganda elements which support my Chapter 4. Igive a description of the social, political and economical context ofthose periods research and approaches on the politics of reproduction, especially in state socialist countries. In relationship between state and gender regimes and I show how my thesis contributes to previous 1. 3. Structure of the thesis the of Structure 3. 1. sense that not just the regulation itself but the reasons behind it become more evident. texts of the regulations and the transcripts of meeting together can complement each other in a regulations and orders concerning with population and reproductive issues. Isuppose that the enactment and laws can be found in the Appendices (Appendix I. and Appendix II.). time. The list of those meetings which I have analyzed and thelist ofinquired regulations, orders, discussed in themeetings of the Politburo. These discussions are my primary sources from that different departments concerned with, for example, population issues and these reports were only note that the Politburo received different suggestions and reports from the bureaucrats of additional information about decision making processes and the background of certain policies. suggestions. Although it limits my research, in my opinion even the summaries can contain regime reports contains transcriptonly of the discussions orthe debates within the groupa of the Politburo,summary in the Stalinist about the Stalinistfinal decision of theperiod Politburoenactments or decisions, too. There is a difference in the transcripts and reports between themadeand on thethe Kádárother departments of the party towards the Politburo and I use the texts of population policy regime. by done reports and use suggestions I transcripts and reports the Besides policies. population of While in the post ’56 period every report contains a After the introduction I situate my research into the existent scholarly literature about the Besides reports and transcripts of the Politburo Ialso turned to the exact text of different I am going to show the operation of the Politburo at theend of the Chapter 4. Here I 3 CEU eTD Collection topics connected to my analysis. research possible further suggest some I and conclusions the draw thesisI end ofmy the At reproductive policies shifted from the importance of ‘quantity’ of the fertility to the ‘quality’ of it. children as they can. Then I move on to the Kádár regime and Iargue that the focus of 4 CEU eTD Collection 523). The division oflabor between genders and the gendered structure of power relations certain kind of gender regime which means a special gender order of the society (Connell 1990, regimes mainly gender butof not exceptionallyconcept The 2. 2. derived from thein the state socialist Hungary andstate. what kind of changes appeared in this process. AccordingPolitburo and certain social policy decisions in order toshow how motherhood was constructed to Connellinto this trend because in myresearch Iam focusing on theopinionsevery of the members of the statefits also analysis My 1998, 6). (Waylen ones discourses-focused and practice the to hasapproaches a years there has recent the been In 1989). 1998; MacKinnon Waylen 1990; 1988; Connell (Pateman a relations gender shift in the analysisentity of state but fromit regulates the structural relationships and institution-focused betweenreports. men and women andHere I chose the analysisit of one of the most importantalso decision making group’s transcripts and creates new typesidea of state as process allows us to analyze the complexity of this process from differentof aspects. The 2002). Haney 20; 2000a, Kligman and (Gal issues different to concerned decisions making In this sense the notion of 'state' contains several organizations working on different levels and argues that state should be conceptualized as a process rather than as a thing (Connell 1990, 509). on the national level. Ifind R. W. Connell’s approach to the notion of state very useful when she organization in thepolitical hierarchy was a part ofthevery complex phenomenon of ‘the state’ one of the most important political groups, the Politburo. The Politburo as entity a governor multilayer a as State 1. 2. Chapter 2.Gender regimes and the state Several feminist authors claim that thestate is not a gender neutral and gender-blind In my thesis Iam going to analyze thechanges in theconstruction of ‘motherhood’ by The pattern of gender relations in a society is a result of several structural procedures 5 CEU eTD Collection Hungarian statesocialist gender regime. will attempt to highlight changes in the notion of motherhood between different periods of the of motherhood tothe quality of fertility and the activity of childcare. This means that myanalysis reproductive policies and how the focus has been shifted from the ‘quantity’ and fertility aspect compare two periods of the Hungarian state socialism inorder to show the changes in I thesis my In 5). 2000a, Kligman and (Gal space and time over changed relations gender shaped on that. introduction oflong-term maternity allowance and grant can shape gender relations and norms the like behavior, reproductive on incentives orpositive sanctions Negative 2006). Bicskei 2002; (Haney WWII after Hungary of case the in and 1999) Sainsbury 1997; Lewis 1996; 1993, Orloff example, several authors highlighted the gendered nature of welfare regimes in general (e.g. policies are situated in a certain context of gender policy regime. based on institutions and different policy frames then gender regimes. Different reproductive an effect onthe construction ofpolicies (1999, 5).Gender policy regimes thus seem to be more By using the term ‘gender policy6). 1997, (Walby regimes’, structures” gendered interrelated of as“systems described are regimes Gender Diane Sainsbury refers to a gender regimerelations and which define tasks, duties and rights of menwhich and women (Sainsbury 1999, 5). has rather, they emphasize theexistence of complex rules whichinfluence and norms gender construct and legitimate gender divisions” (Waylen 1998, 7). practices “[s]tate precisely, More 527). 1990, (Connell power” of institutionalization central role in theformulation and regulation ofgender relations in thesociety because state is “the asignificant plays State regimes. gender acertain of characteristics important most the expresses As Gal and Kligman argue, socialist gender regimes and their basic processes which processes basic their and regimes gender socialist argue, Kligman and As Gal At the same time, different policies also can have consequences on gender relations. For Other definitions of gender regime do not refer directly to the complex concept of state; 6 CEU eTD Collection policies state can regulate male and female bodies, and in mythesis I am going to highlight how bodies (Waylen 1998, 10). I agree with both Foucault and Waylen that through reproductive understood as policies through which the state constructs and regulates men’s and women’s similarargument is made byGeorgina Waylen whoclaims that reproductive policies can be The 245) 2003, [1976] (Foucault problem.” aspower’s and problem a biological as political, and the population, with the population as political problem, as a problem that is at once scientific disadvantageous phenomena appear on thescene. As Foucault highlights: “Biopolitics deals with processes through censuses, nation-wide statistics, biopolitics would intervene if unwanted and to thesocial-economic environment inwhich these processes take place. By monitoring these (Foucault [1976] 2003, 243). The aim of biopolitics is tocontrol these processes and pay attention reproduction came into theinterest of this new kind of power what Foucault calls “biopolitics” death, birth, example, for processes, These processes. bodily several contain that bodies beings, human body emerged. Inthe focus of this new politics one can find human beings as living reproduction make Politics 1. 3. reproduction makes politics. existent literature first Iam going to describe how politics make reproduction and then how the on Based periods. transitory in example, for legitimacy, political and structures political consequences and not just on the demographic trends but they can serve as tools for rebuilding further have policies reproductive that means This 2000a). Kligman and (Gal politics make politics make reproduction,reproductive issues in a society, like prooranti-natalist policies and abortion regulations. Notjust but as refers Gailto two different processes. Thefirst process means those policies which concern withKligman and Susanliterature of the politics of reproduction. The notion of politics of reproduction containsGal and argue, reproduction reproduction Chapter 3. Thepolitics of itself can In the next section I am going to place my research in the existent and relevant scholarly relevant and existent the in my research to place going Iam section the next In Michel Foucault argues that at theend of eighteenth century a new kind of politics on 7 CEU eTD Collection from culture to culture (Gal 2002, 85). 2002, (Gal culture to culture from mention the fact that the content and the definition ofthese concepts vary from time to time and boundary between private and public sphere can be seen as a political act (1997, 80), not to stable as it issupposed to be (Pateman 1988; Walby 1994). As Yuval-Davis notes, setting up the critiques show how these spheres are intertwined and how the boundary between them is not as public sphere was a way how liberal theory constructed and organized the social world. Feminist other (Gal and Kligman 2000b, 9-10). The distinction and the opposition between private and these fields and thus conceals the connection between issues which are closely connected to each Feminist critiques argue that this distinction is just anidealized construction of the separation of reproduction can be connected to thefeminist critiques of thepublic/private distinction. part of personal life (Gal and Kligman 2000a, 17). The appearance of the concept ofpolitics of macrostructure and public life, while reproduction is associated with childbearing that is seen as a their book in claim Kligman Gail and Gal As Susan spheres. distant and different two connects it because and politics so often depend” (Ginsburg and Rapp 1991, 313). policies, practices, reproductive which on levels multiple “the examines reproduction of politics of “politicsThe locality of reproduction and the global characteristic of politicsof are intertwined in the notion reproduction”“reproduction” have several meanings, but the combination of these terms has a new meaning. (GinsburgRapp argue intheir article “The Politics of Reproduction” (1991), both theword “politics” and and Rapp 1991,these policies served as ways through which political identity313). of the period was articulated. Accordingperiod. However, I also argue that reproductive policies served not just the aim of biopolitics, but to the goalsthose of body regulation through reproductive policies have changed during the state socialist authors, One might see the notion ofthe politics of reproduction as paradoxical or at least strange The politics of reproduction is a specific part of biopolitics. As Faye Ginsburg and Ryna The Politics of Gender After SocialismThe Politics ofGenderAfter 8 (2000a), politics is usually connected to the CEU eTD Collection characteristic of the system, thus reproduction made politics. totalitarian the expressing for astools served issues onreproductive control strict regime inCeausescu’s and Stalinism in the both that sign of isa this that argue can 1960s. One late the countries these policies existed during the Stalinism, while in Romania they were introduced in Hungary and in theSoviet Union, too. However, it is an important difference that in both show this kind of motherhood award, tax onchildlessness and ban onabortion existed in will I As 605). 1980, (Moskoff too introduced, was people childless on tax 1967 aspecial In 237). awards were granted those women who gave birth and reared at least six children (Kligman 1995, introduced (Kligman 1995, 237). Propaganda decisions were also made, for example, medals and and work protection were guaranteed for mothers, family and child-support benefits were leave maternity sanctions, negative Besides 237). 1995, 1966 (Kligman in was enacted regulation determined reproduction. As a response to the decline of birthrate a very strict abortion countries, but it was visible in the case of the state socialist Hungary, too. (Heitlinger 1991, 351). In my thesis I show that this shift was not a characteristic only of Western lifestyle ofanear-stationary population rather than towards increasing the size ofthe population” broader population policies are for the most part directed towards improving the quality and noticeable shift in emphasis from “child quantity” to “child quality”, with theresult that the a been has “there years those that countries Western about claimed 1991Heitlinger from article her In 347). 1991, (Heitlinger emerges fertility the of quality and quantity between balance communism. When pronatalism operates on the level of population policies the question of the enacted in order to raise the fertility which served as a sign ofthewell-operation of the my opinion ideological level of pronatalism operated in the Stalinist period when laws were psychologically and on the level of population and reproductive policies (Heitlinger 1991, 345). In ideologically, like culturally, levels, different several on operate can pronatalism Heitlinger, Alena Among the socialist countries, Romania was an extreme example of how politics Pronatalist policies are direct forms of how politics make reproduction. According to 9 CEU eTD Collection emphasis was paid to the quantity of the fertility, in the there canKádár be a shift between theseregime aspects because I argue thatthe while in the Stalinistquality period more aspect became quality of the population are important (Gal and Kligman 2000a, 19). In mythesis I claim that of, for example, those women who wanted to have an abortion when it was banned. will describe how the political interests of members of Politburo were in contrast with the interest sometimes contradictory interests towards reproductive issues. Thisfits tomyanalysis because I different actors, like the state orthe ordinary people, men and women. These groups have making’ (2000a, 17). They argue that reproduction should be seen in the net of interests of legitimacy. political gaining for tools served policies reproductive inwhich periods as transitory be seen can 10years itsfirst especially regime, Kádár 258). practices, and ways of conceptualizing human procreation and the female life-cycle” (Gal 1994, policies, the influence levels local and national, atglobal, interests political which in ways “the are reproduction of politics the that by claiming definition a broader gives Gal Susan 21). 2000a, level politics itself and reshape it, or, as they say, “reproduction makes politics” (Gal and Kligman and discourses together not just shape the politics of reproduction but they have effect on higher- democracies (Gal and Kligman 2000a, 15). Through the field of reproduction, political processes innew structures political the forreformulating asatool served debates of kinds these that claim They 15). (2000a, countries post-socialist European Eastern the in regime of change the in years the way politics and politicalpolitics authority have been reshaped and reconstituted in the transitory makes Reproduction 2. 3. Gal and Kligman claim that reproductive policies contribute to the process of ‘state- By using the approach of Gal and Kligman, I argue thatboth the Stalinist regime and the The authors point out that from the point ofview of the state both the quantity and the Gal and Kligman argue that reproductive issues an debates played crucial roles in roles crucial played debates an issues reproductive that argue Kligman and Gal 10 CEU eTD Collection “immoral communism” and tropes of “moral democracy” which was a favored comparison in Kligman 2000a, 28). They present the example of the contradiction between the tropes of population issues whichreproduce herself and in this sense how the ‘quality’ of fertility had been regulated.on a deeperto show levelhow reproductive is aims my of one analysis my In 22-23). 2000a, Kligman and (Gal they shouldn’t they but themselves policies dealt defined withand those who don’t reproducein themselves although they should,state or those who reproduce the socialist political stateHungary there will be good citizens who reproduce themselves and whose reproduction is needed who should legitimacy or citizens resultshouldn’tin thedivision of different groups within citizens: from the point of view of the (Galpopulation are constructed. Gal and Kligman point out that the authority of andthe state over through public discourses on reproduction and it is a way how subjects of the member of the argument. According to the authors, the relationship between state and the population is shaped political structure through reproductive policies works. Here I present those which connect to my unite political factions in one platform (Kürti 1991, 61-62). of the defense of families and traditional gender roles appears in the political discourse in order to László Kürti refers to this period in the Hungarian history, too, when he points out how the topic for them toexpress their broader views on political and social values through this discourse. themselves in thepolitical field through the debate (Gal 1994). Inthis sense thedebate was a tool abortion in order to formulate their political groups after the change of regime and tried to posit She identifiescase study of the abortion debatetwo in Hungary in 1992, soon after the collapse of state-socialism.main sides in the debate way how they wantedand to gain the political legitimacy of the population. she arguesmore important. These shiftsthat were in parallel with thepolitical interests of the regimes and the these sides use the topic of Another way through which reproductive policies reconstruct states is debates on Galand Kligman identify different ways inwhichtheprocess ofreformulationof Susan Gal presents a spectacular example for how reproduction can make politics in a 11 CEU eTD Collection ‘productive’ heterosexual relationships are highly favored from the point ofview of the state. The aim ofreproductive policies is people encourage todecidehavechildren. to Asa result certain kind of hierarchy among nations, genders, sexualities will be declared (Mayer 2000, 3). The behavior and certain groups’ sexual behavior is 3). judged. This means, accordingusually avoid addressing their issues from the point of view of gender and sexualityto (Mayer 2000, Mayer, that state and nation with dealing discussions a academic that claims who Mayer Tamar by mentioned is critique same The 2). 1997, (Yuval-Davis discourses in these isconstructed figure their how discourse onreproduction usually don’t pay attention to the role of women in this processes and points out inthe introductory chapter of her book sometimes the interest of the‘nation’ were mentioned in these debates. As Nira Yuval-Davis and “socialist”) to be argued was (what the state of interest the signsthat some are issues, there discussions of the Hungarian Politburo were not ruled by nationalistic approaches on population which it expressed its difference from the Stalinist regime. grants. These decisions were also the part of the Kádár regime’s politics of reproduction through rapid decisions were made on thetax onchildlessness in1957 and the repealing of motherhood similarly Hungary, In regime. Ceausescu the with break-up and discontinuity ideological and legal represented act This 246). 1995, (Kligman was repealed which regulation first very the among important for the Kádár regime to distinguish itself from the Stalinist period of state socialism. important also in theStalinist period, but with thelegacy of the revolution in 1956 it was more was difference Emphasizing periods. political from previous adistance making for strategies that both in the Stalinistthe transitory years andin order to distinguish democratic politicalin systems from communism. Iarguethe Kádár regime decisions on reproductive policies served as The interest of the nation serves as a basis in the process how certain kinds of sexual Reproductive policies strongly connect to the notion of nationalism. Although the As Kligman shows, after thechange of regime in Romania the abortion regulation was 12 Gender &Nation Gender , scholars of nationalist CEU eTD Collection middle-class women to have children in order to ensure the appropriate quality offertility. on this issue byexamining how Hungarian policymakers wanted to encourage well-educated and within a society is a sign ofthis kind of discourse (Heng and Devan 1992). In my research Ifocus the quality of the nation (Yuval-Davis 1997, 31). The effort to raise the fertility of certain groups According to Yuval-Davis, in eugenicist discourse thefocus is not on the quantity, but rather, on population. as a threat to the Hungarianhigher fertility than the Hungarianmajority majority. However, in state socialism this issue was notframed but as a questionidentified in Hungarian discourses in which Romanyof minority appears as a groupthe which has social backgroundand the nation of the majority will disappear (Yuval-Davis of 1997, 30). This notion can be the future to have higher fertility rate than majority women and in a few decades minority becomes majority ethnic minority is framed as a threat to the majority in the sense that minority women are claimed race’ which is a part of this discourse of ‘people as power’. ‘Demographic race’ appears when an for more workers and tax payers in the future. Yuval-Davis presents the notion of ‘demographic both periods of the state socialism. The need for more children was justified usually bythe need in discussions political Hungarian the in appears continuously discourse of kind This 29). 1997, the need for its continuous growth which might be justified by several reasons (Yuval-Davis disastrous growing of the number of the population (Yuval-Davis 1997, 33), the first emphasizes of problem the on focuses Malthusiandiscourse the While 1997,29). (Yuval-Davis discourse follows: (1) thediscourse of ‘people as power’, (2) the eugenicist discourse and (3) theMalthusian as are discourses These policies. population around discourses nationalist in identified mostly those whose sexual behavior was not productive. extreme tax onchildless people introduced in 1953 is agood example how officials stigmatize This discourse is connected to the second one, to the so-called ‘eugenicist discourse’. be can which discourses of kinds different three are there that argues Yuval-Davis Nira 13 CEU eTD Collection economical context of state socialist Hungary. regimes. In the next chapter I move on to the description of the certain social, political and and at the same time these policies served as tools for expressing political identity of these periods different incentives and sanctions were used in order toinfluence reproductive behavior using the concept of politics of reproduction I am going to show that in both state socialist In thischapter Ipresented the broader theoretical framework ofmyresearch project. By 14 CEU eTD Collection relations and men’s supremacy within the patriarchal family was a consequence of this economic this of was aconsequence family the patriarchal within supremacy men’s and relations bycapitalist as oppressed women depicts theory Engelsian and Marxist that claims Einhorn socialist theory, women’s subordinated position is a consequence of economic reasons. Barbara theorists composed a consistent theory onwomen (Molyneux 1981, 63). According to orthodox Marxist-Leninist later thus women, about coherent not were writings these that claims Molyneux rooted in theorigins. Socialist ideology and theories have a certain writingsconcept about the figure of women which is of Marx, Engels2002). Fodor 2000a, 5; Kligman and and Leninthe state often (Molyneux treated the group of women as 1981,a distinct and different63). category However, of citizens (Gal Maxine decisions made the legal frameof the state socialist gender regime in Hungary. thelaw.These to according at least women – and betweenmen therelationship equal mademore also marriage in a tiny separate2 law in 1948, too. Besides these general declarations in 1952 the new law on family and of women. Equal rights were given towomen and the legal equity with menwas declared maternal role of women remained important, too, but it became contradictory to the working role way through which the goal of women’s emancipation can be achieved. On the other hand, work outside the home was a very important economic aim ofgoals of policiesthe on women (Govenstate 1993, 35). On onehand, women’sand full employmentit and paid was declared as a the relation ofgender (2000a, 5). One of the most important characteristics was the contradictory there are some basic characteristics of state socialist countries which are common concerned to regime regime (Galgender and Kligman gender socialist state homogenous and wasaseparate there whether socialist it isaquestion First, regime. 2000a,state a 5).as I agree influencedwith population policies Hungary and thus shaped an aspect of the Hungarian state socialistSusangender Galcontext: and Gail broader KligmanThe 1. who4. claim that state socialist period Chapter 4. Social, inthe political and economiccontext –Hungary The Stalinist political officials declared women’s with legalequality men intheConstitutionaland Lawin 1949 Ideologies on gender relations in state socialist gender regimes have different roots and In my thesis I describe how an important political group within the Hungarian state 15 2 , while CEU eTD Collection motherhood started to contain characteristics which belonged more to the private sphere. reproductive policies during the state socialist period and I will show how the notion of arguments by presenting the reconstruction of ‘public sphere’ concerned to childbearing through constructedbut mostly women and childbearing became points of social interestas and motherhood was a duty towardsthe newly reconstructed public sphere (Gal and Kligman 2000a, 48). Raising the fertility of people the as a productivestate. work in the earlyIn years ofwomenmy as workers thatStalinist brought women to the public sphere, but the declarationanalysis of childbearing period was also a way of situatingof rejecting this division, they reconfiguredI the notionwomen of them. It wasam notjust the definition inof going Socialistto states wanted to challenge the classical division of contributeprivate and public spheres, but instead 1994,230). (Verdery father asthe precisely, or more asaparent, Party Communist the with to thesesphere of the bourgeois family was replaced by a socialist state paternalism in thepublic sphere Kligman2000a, 47; Goven 1993, 34). However, this old kind ofpaternalism within the private and (Gal regime gender socialist state the by was rejected woman the of subordination the emphasize the need for women as labor power, and reproducers of the future’s labor power. state socialist policies on women. The interest ofthe economy influenced politicians to 1981, 66). This kind of contradiction and ambivalent treatment ofwomen play crucial roles in the propagated ideas the importance of women’s roles in thedomestic sphere was echoed (Molyneux ensure the equality of men and women (Molyneux 1981, 66). Instead, in the popular and 65). But official socialistideology missed the reorganization of the domestic sphere in order to childcare, enacting legal equality, and bringing women into the sphere of politics (Molyneux 1981, labor market, organizing social services in order to take over the burden of homemaking and system (Einhorn 1993, 19). Thus, emancipation was imagined by bringing women into the paid As we can see, the notion ofthe bourgeois family with thedominance of the man and 16 CEU eTD Collection 3 1950 in introduced was plan five-year first The 275). 2001, (Berend 1949 factories employing more than 10 people in the private sector were nationalized by the end of and Firms 57). 1991, 2001, Kürti (Valuch life economical and political social, ofthe sphere every in 2001, 273) Berend – (‘Sovietization’ model Soviet the implement to continued and quarter in industrial sectors (Balassa 1959, 25). was an agricultural country.rebuilding of the country needed mainly industrial products, however, before the war Hungary In 1941 almostnationalization half of the society controlled workedrebuilding of the country and the economy. This state control peaked in the in agriculture, of public supportfirms would have suggested (Berend 2001, 259).and The communist party argued for a state one and factorieshigher influence of the Hungarian Communist Party which had a stronger political power than its on the country and itsstarted officials inorder to serve the interest of the Soviet Union. It resulted in the atthe Soviet-led Allied Control Commission afterthe the war and theSoviet Union put heavy pressure end of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia1945 (Berend 2001, 257). Hungary as a hostile country belonged under (BerendHungary had to pay a reparation of 300 million American dollar tothe Soviet Union, to 2001, Yugoslavia264). lost morein thewar (Berend 2001, 256). Besides the cost of rebuilding thecountry, The equal to the doublewas wardamage total Hungary’s that of claims Berend T. Iván 2001, 256). war(Berend the in losses Hungary’s national Hungaryyearly was among those Eastern European countries which suffered the biggest economic income before reconstructionthe ofits social, economical and politicalwar establishment. According to estimations, and only Poland and consumerism context during the state socialism in Hungary whichand had effects on the politics of reproduction. changes Economic 2. 4. Previously between 1947 and 1950 a three year plan was enacted. was plan year athree and 1950 between 1947 Previously Three years after the end of the war, the communist Hungarian Workers’ Party took over After the WWII, Hungary had toface with the project of rebuilding the country and the In the next few paragraphs Idescribe the most important changes in the economical 17 3 . Inthe name ofthe CEU eTD Collection ‘consolidation’ and the depolitization ofthe population was a main aim ofthe political system. In so-called The 309). 2001, 162; Berend 1996, Berend 12; 2004, Szalai 2001, 287; (Valuch unstable. Increasing the standard of living of the population played a key role in this process they had togain the legitimacy of the population otherwise their political power would be world war became less important (Berend 2001, 304). The newly emerged political elite knew that of forced industrialization, the preference for heavy industry and the preparation for the new volume The climate. economic and political in the changes significant in 1956brought revolution political situations and the rule of the Soviet-oriented communist party hadn’t changed. The the industrial sector (Berend 2001, 286). work in the newly established collective farms, so-called kolkhoz ( kolkhoz so-called farms, collective established newly the in work to want didn’t who 1948.Those by started collectivized were peasants and workers agricultural agricultural products had to be surrendered (Valuch 2001, 286). Private lands and properties of population. Wages were low, prices were relatively high, and more and more taxes and Women were the target group in this project, too. of the new labor force was needed and thus the interest of officials turned toward fertility issues. force groups of women to the labor market (Berend 2001, 285). On the other hand, a supplement became not just a political goal but an economic necessity; too, thus it was also a way inorder to family one in earners Two 29-30). 1993, (Goven 1940s late the in were they than lower became encouraged to enter paid work. Wages were intensifiedvery preparation to the third world war. low and in the first1977, years 121;of the Berend1950s (Staar sectors important most ofthe one became industry heavy precisely more and theyindustry 2001, 283). Thepreparation to anew world war and inyears order tobe prepared to producing military equipments, of the early 1950s were spent in a more and more After Stalin’s death in 1953 the political climate became abit more moderate but the basic Extensive industrialization and the emphasis on heavy industry put a heavy burden on the Forced industrialization called for new labor force. On one hand, women were highly 18 termel ŋ szövetkezet ) also flowed to CEU eTD Collection declining fertility (Drezgic 2010, 191). This was contradictory to the Marxist ideologies (Wolchik ideologies Marxist the to contradictory was This 191). 2010, (Drezgic fertility declining Hungary, but in otherEastern European countries in theSoviet block also were surprised bythe political system. But this had a further effecthave more children because of the negative demographic numbers. on population issues.in parallel withPoliticians, the demographic were goals These 68). 1994, 94; Corrin 2002, (Haney temporarily and voluntarily job of out walk andaims notof the justofficials in who wantedencouraged to have achild and stay home for totwo or three years.target This meant that mothers would women in order to the other hand, the state didn’t want to reintroduce unemployment. Instead, women were encouraging certain groups toleave the workplaces at least fora temporary period of time. On in was interested state the one hand, On economy. a socialist in was unimaginable which market processes on thelabor market would have resulted in unemployment and labor surplus 1994, 67) in order toproduce enough products to satisfy the consumerist demands. These and the aim ofthese enterprises became the maximization ofthe utility of labor power (Corrin 1994, 67). Inthe name of NEM enterprises had more responsibility in planning their productivity called New Economic Mechanism (NEM) and it was introduced in 1968 (Haney 2002, 94; Corrin failed (Valuch 2002, 369). The whole economy needed a rationalization. This new system was extensive industrialization couldn’t be maintained and the centrally planned economy system that the Hungarian economy needed serious structural reforms because the volume of the regime gained itslegitimacy. ensured standard of living were among the most important things through which the Kádár but constant growth in the standard of living in order to receive legitimacy. Consumption and the contract was “signed” both by the political elite and the population. Officials secured a moderate offered the possibility order toachieve this, thesovereigntyof of private life was restoredtosome extent andthe system financial growth to people (Valuch 2002, 367). In this sense a special As I have shown, consumerism played a key role inthe process of the legitimacy of the In themiddle ofthe1960s economicreforms started implemented. tobe Itbecame clear 19 CEU eTD Collection magazine, Lúdas Matyi. Lúdas magazine, were well-known in public opinion. It was published in a highly circulated satirical weekly changed. Instead of having children young spent their money on goods. full with household goods. The fact that what made grandparents and grandchildren proud kocsi? negative effect onfertility. A well-known slogan from that time was the ‘Baby orcar?’ ( as a consumerism saw intellectuals nationalist of group a and 1960s,politicians the of years early the In decreasing. was fertility Hungary, in increasing was living of standard the Although 2000, 60) which claimed that if the standard of living is higher, more children should be born. ) which expressed the dilemma of choice of young couples (Spéder 2005, 96; Kiss 1991, 54). The next picture illustrates that consumerism and its effect onreproductive decisions While the grandparents are encompassed with children and relatives, grandchildren are grandchildren relatives, and children with encompassed are grandparents the While Source: Lúdas Matyi (satirical weekly magazine) 5 March 1964, p.7. 1. Picture 1. Family photo album photo Picture 1.Family “Grandparents and grandchildren” and “Grandparents 20 Kicsi vagy Kicsi CEU eTD Collection to decline and this served as basis for introducing strict reproductive policies. As a result, in1954 aresult, As policies. reproductive strict introducing as basisfor served this and decline to the age of one (see full table in Appendix III.). At the beginning of the 1950s fertility rates started Sources: Demographic Yearbook, 2005, Central Statistical Office, Hungary fertility rate (TFR) was higher than the replacement level (Figure 1.). total the and increased births live of number the war the After 1993, 26). Goven 253; 2001, socialism introduced. state the during periods in order to show the demographic context in which reproductive policies were situation Demographic 3. 4. 1. Figure 1. Number of lived births and abortions and the total fertility rate in Hungary (1945-1989) inHungary rate fertility total the and abortions birthsand of lived 1.Number Figure Number of lived births and abortions However, the infant mortality rate was quite high: every tenth newborn baby died before Historical Statistics of Time Series 1867-1992, Central Statistical Office, Hungary Stadat-database, Statistical Central Office, Hungary Induced abortions 1995-2006, Central Statistical Office, Hungary Abortions, 2000, Central Statistical Office, Hungary In WWII approximately 5-6 per cent of the population died (Valuch 2001, 30; Berend In the next section Iam going to present the demographic situation ofthe examined 100000 150000 200000 250000 50000

1945 0

1947 number of lived birth

1949

1951

1953

1955

1957

1959

1961

1963 number of abortions 1965

1967 21

1969

1971

1973

1975

1977

1979 total fertility rate 1981

1983

1985

1987

1989

0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 oa etlt ae(TFR) rate fertility Total CEU eTD Collection 1976 the TFR started to decrease again until 1985 whenthe new, income-based child care benefit However, after a few years the number of abortionslevel temporarily and decreased the number of abortions by 50 thousand from 1973started to 1974. to increase moderately again. From 2006). (Tischler prices their subsidize and in 1971 but theuse of them were under medical control and the social security system didn’t were partly available that time. Oral pills, like Infecundin and Bisecurin were introduced in 1967 thousand abortions werebe stable. The number of abortions reached its peak in thelate 1960sconducted when approximately 200 every year.and the TFRMechanical increased slightly or medical above the replacementtools for level.contraception However, the effect didn’t seem to http://www.demografia.hu/index.php/az-nki-rol/ismertetes oftheinstitute: website (Source: Hungary. in demography with which deals important most the remained Demographic Research Institute of the Hungarian Central Statistical Office was founded in 1963. This institute 6 related decisions andmodernization (Szelényi andSzelényi 215). 1994, 5 Ratkó. Anna Health, 4 deeper interest in population issues abortions was higher and higher every year. It wasthe time when thePolitburo developed a far and the TFR decreased earlybelow years of the 1960s the number of lived births per thousand thepeople reached the minimum so level of replacement.and 1956 and the lack of tools for contraception, number of abortions increased rapidly. In the Besides these rates,sharply. the numberParallel of with this phenomenon and as a resultdecrease which also resulted in a higher number of the population of the liberalizationa result ofhealth policies targeted mothers and infants theof infant mortality rate continuedabortion to in 1954 the TFR almost reached 3 and more than 200 thousand children were born in 1953 and 1954 For example, because of the emerging importance of demographic issues the research group ofthe group research the issues demographic of importance emerging ofthe because example, For ofhealth consequences positive showedthe also expectancy oflife growth the rates, mortality infant Besides Those who were born in those years were called as Ratkó-children ( Ratkó-children as called were years borninthose Thosewhowere The abortion regulation in 1973 increased the fertility rate well above the replacement bit a rates fertility raised 1967 in (GYES) allowance childcare paid of introduction The After 1955 the number of lived births and the total fertility rate started to decrease 6 . 22 ) Ratkó-gyerekek 5 . ) after theMinister of 4 . As CEU eTD Collection mean that the case of inheritance land property should bedivided (Békési 1988). behavior, namely that these groups didn’t want to have more than one child because it would by these authors. They claimed that economic reasons could be found behind this demographic (italics added) MOL M-KS 288.f.5/684. child” ( on demographic issuesHungarian history. Ágnes Békésifrom analyzes debates among rural and urban writers and intellectualsthe 1930s (Békési, 1988). The demographic strategy called “only- […] A statement like this would be good, because we because begood, would like this Astatement […] and then it was analyzed. Contrary to what was found in the past, recently the situation is this. And that’s that! one, aneasy-to-readone:itiswell-known, population the issueswere casesatissues,was it a social question 7 speech or with a short statement that they also deal with the issue of population a with itpublicly declare to politicians for as impetus served writings nationalistic These debates. 1990). et al. (Heller party ruling the against right for free speech was restricted, it was a legal way toexpress one’s political identity which was for intellectuals to express their political opinions (Kiss 1991, 54). That time when the democratic system, even by hiding behind the population problems. In a sense these debates served as tools political existent the towards hostility their express to journalists and intellectuals for possibility (Heller et al. 1995, 129) onthe topic of population issues. It was a kind of an exceptional problems negative demographic numbers, public debates started toemerge in the ‘restricted public sphere’ demographic on debates Public 4. 4. an effect on fertility but these results, especially on the fertility were only temporary. the size of the population started to decline and since then this trend has not changed. (GYED) was introduced. GYED raised fertility rates but the effect was temporary again. In 1981 As János Kádár said in the meeting of Politburo in 1974: “The ministry of health gives a statement, a short egyke However, these debates around demographic problems were not a new phenomenon in I have to emphasize that politicians of the Politburo paid attention to these public these to attention paid Politburo the of politicians that emphasize to have I From the beginning of the 1960s, parallel with the publicity of the above mentioned It is clear from thestatistics that different positive incentives and negative regulations had ) which was a characteristic of certain rural and agrarian social groups was criticized was groups social agrarian rural and certain of wasacharacteristic which ) ŋ .e. (1976.02.10.) 50R/75 23 were fullwith news like death of the nation and things like that 7 . .” CEU eTD Collection with the issue of declining fertility. declining of issue the with other statesocialist countries.Inthenext section Ipresent theway other socialist countriesdealt authority of science and with the support of state (Goven 2000, 288; Heller etal. 1990). towards feminism and women’s emancipation) and they stepped into this debate field with the scientists started to express their scientific opinion about population decline (and their hostility situation was much worse than the average. they had. The reasoning behind this argument was that Romany people’s social economic discussions and they have been named as those groups which shouldn’t have as many children as (Goven 1993, 293). In theearly 1970s the fertility of Romany women also appeared in these but famous medicals warned the public about the importance of qualitative family planning participants of public debates also focused onthequality of fertility. Notjust nationalist writers that illustrates It 1993, 293). (Goven origin” of family the of standing social the by “measured emerged topic in these public debates on population issues is the quality of the population voluntarily don’t want tohave children (Goven 1993, 292). According to Joanna Goven, a newly wave of the debate in the 1970s theconnected to consumerism as one figureof the main causes of low fertility rate (Heller et al. 1995, 133). of the ‘anti-mothers’represented only aweak sounded opposite minority. In these debates population decline was expressedappears their fears about the “death of nation”. Later liberal authors joined this debate but they in the debates who Negative demographic trends and public discourses around the issue also appeared in issue alsoappeared the around publicdiscourses and trends demographic Negative Officials didn’t contribute to these debates until the 1980s when demographers and other Another frequently mentioned reason was the process of women’s emancipation. Inthe who writers populist and bynationalist 1960s werere-started inthe debates These 24 CEU eTD Collection of a country in which there was more emphasis on negative sanctions in the reproductive policies. of the extreme reproductive policies since the second half of the 1960s. Romania was an example because wasanexception in Romania regime Ceausescu’s before, it presented AsI reproduction. you can’ towards a limited number of children, around two or three which can ensure the state socialist countries the emphasis moved from the idea of ‘give birth toas many children as 374). I will show that the secondsituation and wasthird-order similar incommon characteristics. Hungary, For example, accordingbirths to McIntyre in Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria too.were This encouraged some had incentives positive The 84). means 1993, 1976 (Einhorn in extended was leave maternity that byeven the in familyother allowancesto three years (Bradatan and Firebaugh 2007, 183). Child benefit was increased in the GDR and (McIntyre 1975,1975, 374). In Poland a birth allowance was introduced as well as an unpaid maternity leave373- of up but thefamily allowance system was restructured andincreased up tothethird child (McIntyre restricted and thewas abortion Bulgaria In tax65). 2000, (Wolchik introduced were onincentives positive several childlessness was reintroducedsanctions. For example, in Czechoslovakia accessto abortion was limited but aside from this (Drezgic 2010,flats for families193; to restrictions or full ban onabortion and the Brunnbauerintroduction of other negative 2009) subsidized allowance, family extension, and its leave maternity unpaid as paid or such incentives demographic varied broadly among the countries. Methods varied from different positive this to given Responses 367). 1975, (McIntyre countries socialist the among rate fertility low very a had Hungary countries. socialist state the in decrease to started rates fertility 1960s early regulations of the Soviet Union (McIntyre 1975, 366). In the second half of the 1950s and inthe 4. 5. Pronatalist policies and the politics of reproduction in other state other in reproduction of politics the and countries policies socialist Pronatalist 5. 4. In the 1950s state socialist countries usually implemented the population policy 25 CEU eTD Collection reports and transcripts. These discussions are one of my sources from that time. decision was accepted by the members of the Politburo and these texts were also attached to the discussed in the meetings which were held usually once a week. Finally a final version of the of different departmentsBizottság of the party concerned with population issues and these reports were Committee ( groups of state socialist officials. Besides the Politburo other important groups were the Central member of the Politburo, thus onecan argue that it belonged to the most influential political This organization was subordinated only to the First Secretary of the party who was also a issues. other many several among policies population of issue the with dealt which officials of state-socialism from 4 to 15 (Nyír was controlled by the Politburo. The number of members of the Politburo varied during the ( Ministers of Council called government real The 242). 2001, (Valuch agovernment of responsibility the with worked Politburo The 2005,97). (Bihari them influential party organization which dealt with the daily important issues and made decisions on Politburo, both during the Stalinist period and the Kádár era was oneof the most important and level, too. Party units could orderand instruct state units on thesame and lower levels. The every on units political separate its own had party the units state beside that meant This doubled. was structure leadership political the countries socialist state In 1966). (Skilling Union Soviet Hungarian state socialist leadership network and present the operation of it. Politburo influential this organization was on populationthe policies. Isituate this group within thebroaderof organization The 6. 4. The political structure of state socialist countries was built following the example of the At the end of this chapter I describe the organization ofPolitburo in order to see how ). The Politburo usually received different suggestions and reports from the bureaucrats Központi Bizottság ), the Secretariat ( ŋ 1989). The Politburo was one of the most influential groups 26 Titkárság ) and the Organizer Committee ( Minisztertanács ) did also exist but it but exist did also ) Szervez ŋ CEU eTD Collection the Politburo followed this logic. this followed Politburo the of the political system (Schadt 2003, 132). First Ishow how policies and propaganda decisions of country and the sign ofthe societal health (McIntyre 1985, 273) and toexpress the legitimization 5 per cent loss of the population after WWII (Goven 1993, 26), toexpress the prosperity of the they could in order toensure the labor power for the future (Haney 2002, 32), to compensate the constructed as an obligation and a responsibility towards the country to bear as many children as a quantifiable contribution to the building of the new communist Hungary. Motherhood was (re)productivity was targeted more directly by policies than men’s. However,women’s children. productivity meantproducingmore and and men’s remember thefamous figure of the Stakhanovite worker). On the level of personal lives women’s can (one products the of more and more producing meant productivity workers’ market labor applied in thesame way in thelabor market and inthe private sphere of reproduction. In the ‘productivity’ was a key element of the evaluation ofpeople. The notion of productivity was model Stalinist this In 2003, 13). Schadt 2002; (Goven models Stalinist the adopting by reproductive policies and the reconstruction of the notion of motherhood were also implemented participation in the paid labor market, the reformulation oflaws concerning family life and other changes, the process of “women’s emancipation”, the project of increasing women’s political system that adopted the Stalinist model of the Soviet Union. This meant that similarly to with theleadership of Mátyás Rákosi took power and started to build a one-party totalitarian Party Workers’ Hungarian communist 1948 the In policies. with reproductive dealt which period (1948-1956) period the Stalinist Chapter 5. Motherhood asaquantifiable contribution andduty in I argue thatin this era leader politicians of the Politburo imagined motherhood as mainly In this chapter Iam going to present the political discussions and policies in theStalinist 27 CEU eTD Collection it was described as the enemy of the volume of the growing of the population. abortion was framed as anenemy of women’s productive working roles, childbearing duties and roles as workers and to be able to get pregnant and bear children in the future. This means that female reproductive ability. The protection of women’s health was important only to fulfill their the population that time and to the future of it because of the consequences of abortion to population. labor power,Health onthe issue of the regulation ofabortion, abortion is declaredand as a danger tolife, health, the future Pet 273; 1985, McIntyre reproductive1978, 140; (Jancar reasons medical for 1936except since was banned abortion Union Soviet abilityfollowed, thus politicians started to implement the Soviet type of regulation onabortion. Inthe of the women and to the number of the (Pet issue” the about uncertainty was a“judicial 1952 there in regulation new the until and charge of of the rapes committed on Hungarian women by Red Army soldiers, abortion was available free available, but only for medical reasons confirmed by doctors (Pet of fertile women. was on thequantity of fertility and less attention was paid tothe difference of social background raising fertility rates and the number of population. Iargue that the emphasis of these policies 5. 1. Policies: ban on abortion, decisions on mother and child protection, and protection, child and mother on decisions abortion, on childlessness on ban tax Policies: 1. 5. ŋ 2002,51). As we can see, according to the order abortion meant adirect danger to the number of As in many spheres of the political life, the Soviet Union served as an example to be A law from the year of 1878 prohibited abortion in Hungary, but from 1933 it was 5. 1. 1. Regulation of abortion On the next few pages I am going to present those policies which served as tools for ŋ 2002, 52). In the text of the 81/34/1952. order of the Ministry of Ministry the of order 81/34/1952. of the text the In 52). 2002, 28 ŋ 2002, 51). After 1945 because CEU eTD Collection committees decided whether a woman could orcould nothave an abortion. This meant that it medical Thus, 2000,8). (Kamarás get anabortion to permission askfor could a woman which reasons, but the regulation didn’t give an exact definition ordescription of those situations in became lower moderate. First, jail sentences for the mothers and the doctors who participated in illegal abortion reformist Imre Nagy became the Prime Minister), the restrictions on abortion became a bit more (Pet child. Social oreconomic conditions couldn’t be obstacles or barriers to giving birth to achild became pregnant and who did not have a state-defined medical reasons had to give birth to her of social conditions, age, the number ofliving children ormarital status, every woman who applicant’s future was monitored by bureaucratic tools. nurse of mother and child abortion.care The name and the address of those who were rejected were( sent to the local community for keeping an eye asatool served control on bureaucratic on emphasis This registered. be strictly every to had surgery every single case when the decision on thesethe permission. Abortion surgeries were conducted only in certain hospitalsmedical and committees decided to permit an medical reasons up to the 28 behavior. fertility negative consequences on future fertility. The control of abortion meant control over women’s methods of abortion surgeries were less developed thus for women it was likely tohave further 9 (Pet devices contraceptive 8 A regulation from 1949 defined those medical reasons which made women eligible for prescription for prescription for eligible women which made reasons medical those defined 1949 from Aregulation 81/34/1952. order ofthe Ministry of Health on the issueof the regulation of abortion ŋ 2002,52). After the death of Stalin in 1953 and its effect on the Hungarian government (the As I mentioned, abortion was permitted only for medical reasons. Inthis sense, regardless According to the new regulation, abortion was permitted only because of strictly regulated Tools for contraception like condoms or oral pills were not available that time 9 . Beginning with 1954, abortion became available because of family and social and family of because available became 1954, abortion with . Beginning ŋ 2002, 55). 2002, th week of the pregnancy and a two-level medical committee made véd ŋQŋ ) in order to register their pregnancy. In this sense every 29 8 and CEU eTD Collection 11 illegal abortion. 10 final version ofthe text that “every notion and word referring to the increasing of the number of regulation seems as a kind of welfare support of mothers, there was a clear direction towards the Ministers was made on the expansion of mother and child protection mortality ratefertility rates and the number of population. As I presented it in the background chapter,was infant quite high after WWII. In FebruaryStalinist regime and in this sense they made politics. 1953 a Stalinization.decision This means that changing reproductive regulations expressed distance from the of the abortion theregulation, both in the Soviet Union and in Hungary, supported the process of de-Council less strict and finallyof in1956 it became available for every woman. After Stalin’s death changes of when the political climate became a bit more moderate the regulation ofabortion also became every pregnant woman had to bear a child except for any restrictionsstrictly but before it almost every pregnant woman had to give birth to her child. controlled medicalbaby. In this sense, at theend of this period abortion became available for every reasons.woman without Later to visit acommittee but its role was restricted only to trying to convince the woman to keep her Ministers change in theregulation immediately (Pet the implement didn’t officials Hungarian however, 273), 1985, (McIntyre 1955 in legal became the revolution in parallel with changes in the Soviet Union, too. In the Soviet Union abortion somebody eligible for abortion. depended on the committees whose situation was seen as “bad” or what kind of situation made 1.004/1953 (II.8.)decision of the Council of Ministers on developmentthe of motherandchild protection. 1.047/1956 (VI. 3.) decision of the Council of Ministers on the regulation of abortion and on punishment of Besides negative sanctions, positive incentives were also introduced in order to raise protection child and onmother 5. 1.2.Decisions A strict and universal ban on abortion supports my argument that in the Stalinist period The main change in theregulation of abortion happened in 1956, afew months before 10 every woman who applied to have an abortion was given the permission. Women had ŋ 2002, 72). In thedecision ofthe Council of 30 11 . Although, at first this CEU eTD Collection and their expenses werechances of newborn babies. covered byexaminations decreased the probability of infant mortality,the thus resulted in better future life socialexaminations served as a tool for control women’s pregnancy.security On the other hand, these birth to a healthier child.system. On the one hand, giving free layette for those who attended on medical Thiscure possible health problems during the pregnancy and it made more likely forwomen to givemeant thatmedical control during their pregnancy. It raised the probability that doctorsthey could identify and werereceiving these goods. Thus, mothers were really encouraged to visit doctors and be under layette containing a few textile diapersconsideration that due to the shortageand of certain productsclothes on the market, this guaranteed and free for the baby attended on free medical examinations at least three times during her pregnancy. By taking into fertility. This regulation served as a tool for stimulating population growth. stay alive. Thus, this meant that it was a tool for raising thenumber of the population and the to has was born childwho every that toprovide and rates mortality infant decrease wasto tools during pregnancy and to the protection ofnewborn babies’ life after birth. The main aim ofthese births. child protection was raised from thepoint of view of the importance of increasing the number of necessary decisions on the issue ofraising fertility” first version of the proposal of the decision was titled as “Proposal for the Politburo about would facilitate the healthy way of caring the babies. way ofcaring thehealthy facilitate would 14 13 XIX-A-2-ee) (UMKL protection 12 the population must be eliminated from the text of the proposal and the decision” I would say that even the content of this layette package was assembled in order to provide things which MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53.cs. 108. 26 January 1953, Announcement for the Council of Ministers about the proposal of mother and child Women who had social security insurance could give birth to their children in hospitals According tothedecision everywomanwas eligible for freelayette( The main features of the decision areconnected to the protection of mothers’ health ŋ .e. 23 October 1952. 48R/73. 31 13 . This shows that the decision on mother and 14 was a big help for mothers in kelengye 12 . Even the ) if she CEU eTD Collection 15 inhow these was lessinterested state the supposed that itcanbe towns), in industrial or factories without any pay. Taken into consideration that there were only a few crèches (mainly in the to go home and get back to the work during 30 minutes, she could have a three month leave but for breast-feeding and one break a day up tothe child’s 9 their workplace. Up to the child’s 6 infant mortality rates. protection offemale fertility was to maximize thequantity of lived births and to minimize the fetus or theinfant. This decision also supports the argument that policymakers’ interest in the or later during the breast-feedingbe overworked. This regulation also served the prevention ofcomplications during the pregnancy which women were couldnot allowed to work in night shifts, to do work requiring heavy physical labor or to easily resultedprotection ofwomen meant theprotection oftheirin reproductive function. Pregnant orthe nurturer illness or theharmful death of the for their health,a hospital. in moreexpress the efforts of policy makers for raising the number of those women who could give birth precisely,those who had socialfor securityinfant mortalitytheir was lower. Despite that one can argue that officials made difference between insurance reproductive andchildren in hospitals where the hygienicthose circumstances were better and thus the probability of who hadn’t I notesupports thatorgans reducedmy argument prices thethat also officialshospitals wantedand was more out of the sight ofthe authorities. to Those who hadn’tor gotachieve social security could go to maternity that moreencouraged to give birth in hospitalsand instead of at homes which was seen as lessmore safe for children hospitals women bear their but they had to pay a reduced price for the service. It MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53.cs. 108. Working mothers received 12 weeks of paid leave. After the leave they had to return to The decision prohibited the employment ofwomen in certain jobs which could be ŋ th .e. 23 October 1952. 57R/73. monthevery mother had a half-an-hour break twice a day 32 th month.If the woman couldn’t manage 15 . In this sense the thissense . In CEU eTD Collection official media. official factory-run crèche in the early 1950s during their working hours and how it was presented in the Agency illustrates how working mothers had the possibility to breastfeed their children in the the working role of women while care work was collectivized in kindergartens. conflicts between working roles and the caring aspects of motherhood was solved by preferring care-givingthe task wasof mothers replaced bykindergartens. In those yearsthe newly emerged sense this In 163). 2006, (Bicskei fulfilled been has care of task the which in as places Education institutions and they shouldn’t worry about them. Kindergartens were declared by the Ministry of while they are working even during the night, they can place their children in state-run day-care 17 children could stayeven atnight protection that they had toexamine again thepossibility of setting up non-stop crèches in which The Politburo directed the authors of the proposal of the decision on mother and child working women and the opening hours of the crèches should be widened up to13 or 16 hours. school pupils, too. It stated that more and more places should be available forchildren of replacement level. had been repealed; in this sense state policies didn’t support families with fewer children than the was also an encouragement for families to have one more child. Family allowance after one child children, thus the more children a family had, the more money they received after one child. It 276.f.53/276.f.53.cs. 108. 16 health reasons newborn babies would belooked after. Feeding twice a day was declared as a necessity because of MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53. cs. 108. ProposalforthePolitburo aboutnecessary decisions on the issue oftheraise fertility MOL M-KS The next picture which was taken in afactory crèche by the official Hungarian News The decision addressed the shortage of crèches, kindergartens and day care for grammar for daycare and kindergartens crèches, of shortage the addressed decision The According to the decision, family allowance became progressive with thenumber of 16 in order to protect the babies’ immune-system. ŋ .e. 23 October 1952. 53R/73. 17 . It is clear that the politicians wanted to ensure mothers that ŋ .e. 23 October 1953. 4R/47. 33 CEU eTD Collection their children, the state itself bore the responsibility for them. This shows that the quantity of the institutions. Thus, the state promised unmarried women that if they couldn’t be responsible for mothers who couldn’t manage to take care of their children could give themup to the state-care maintenance forthemother after the child (Haney 2002). tothedecision According unmarried father of the children and had to convince the father to get married with the mother or to pay pregnancy in a separate part. First, if itwas possible, state-run institutions had tolook for the back to work and fulfill their other productive responsibilities. besides their paid work. After the officially allowed 30 minutes ofbreastfeeding they have togo Rákosi on the wall who is looking at these women who fulfill their role as productive mothers, would beworking next to the assembly line. In the background there is a picture of Mátyás 10 January10 1953. Budapest. Mrs. Istenes, Mrs.Schach and Mrs.Kovács, workers of the factory oftextile, are feeding their children in the middle of thework inthecrèche of the factory. Photo:MTI(Hungarian News The decision on mother and child protection mentioned unmarried women and their they like room, under-equipped and a small in line in a bench on sitting are Mothers Agency), Pál Jónás the (In background: the picture of Mátyás Rákosi on the wall) 2. Picture 2. Crèche in the factory the in Crèche 2. Picture 34 CEU eTD Collection 18 1956. of revolution one child, somebodyhe didn’t contribute with his or her fertility tothe growth of orthe population atleast with she hadthey have to pay this tax in order to tocontribute to the expenses of the state. This meant that if pay. Thechildren. tax Childlesson childlessness peoplethe financial support of the state whichdon’t spends a lot of money on the protection of mothers and have to spend moneycontains the justification ofthis tax. Accordingwas to theon text, childless people havetheir tocontribute to repealedchildren thusthis it typeis reasonable inof tax 1957,came iffrom obligationthe ofpaying this tax was ended after oneSovietafter month of the birth of the first child. The idea of Union, thetoo (Schadtwithout any children had to pay 4 per cent of their monthly salary2003, for tax on childlessness. The 138). The text people childless of the decision the end of the decision of the Council of Ministers in 1953, a special tax was introduced for a distinct category of those who hadn’t contributed with any children to the population yet. At could. soon as possible. The goal was that everybirth, woman should the give role birth ofto asmothers many childrenreproductive organswas and to ensure theiras health conditionsthey duringnarrowed their pregnancy. After giving to breast-feedingalive. The protection ofwomen and mothers also served as a tool for protecting their and they had to goinfant mortality ratesback and to improve the health conditions of newborn babiesto in order to stay work as characteristics of the mother. newborn babies was more important for the politicians than the social background or the social 8/1953(II.8.) enactment of the Council of Ministers on tax ofchildless people. Besides full ban onabortion, another negative sanction was introduced in order to create 5. 1.3. Taxonchildlessness To sum up, the main aim of the decision of the Council of Ministers was to decrease 18 . Men between 20 and 50 years old and women between 20 and 45 years old 35 CEU eTD Collection abortion cases and police actions served the same purpose: to control the reproduction process Pet Andrea time. that policy population the of goals the had a heavy publicity in newspapers in order to express that conducting abortion is totally against and awards for mothers of at least six. population policies on the quantity of fertility. Here I present two ofthem: public abortion trials, the public the child protection on its cover in February 1953. in February cover its on protection child 19 high a with mothers for awards and trials, abortion children public of number Propaganda: 2. 5. show how the propaganda was used in order to express the importance of the quantity of fertility. policymakers’ interest in the growing number ofHungarian population. In the next subchapter I for raising the fertility and for decreasing the infant mortality rates. These decisions expressed to pay. obligation. If somebody didn’t contribute to the growing number of the population heor she had whether a person had or hadn’t got living children also express that having a child was seen as an child was declared as a contribution to the country. The fact that the basis of this type of tax was mother of his child (Haney 2002). family by his paidstate policies emphasized more the financialwork responsibilities of man who should support his and his salaryproductivity orbeing fertile was anexpectation not just towards women, but men, too. However, or at least who should pay child maintenance for the Eventhe famous Hungarian satiricalmagazine called Lúdas advertised Matyi the decision on mother and Illegal abortions were strictly punished by the regulation of the year 1952. Abortion trials 5. 2. 1. Abortion trials in public Although previously mentioned policies and regulations were advertised in every forum in In this subchapter Ipresented those policies and their background which served as tools The introduction of tax on childlessness supports that in the Stalinist Hungary rearing a It is important to emphasize that this regulation was expanded to men, too. In this sense 19 , other propaganda campaigns and decisions also spread the word about thestate’s 36 ŋ claims that “[t]he well publicized well “[t]he that claims CEU eTD Collection elections in 1949. But even from this suggestion, it is evident that having a lot of children made a made children of alot having that is evident it suggestion, this from even But in1949. elections served mostly political goals because it was used in the agitation procedure of women before the few of them would have been “middle-class”. Itis also clear from the document that this award the suggestion, most of the selected mothers would have been workers or peasants, and only a national democratism should award 100 mothers who have more than 8 children andwho rear them in the spirit of the time. (Farkas 2003, 66), thus one can say that this amount of money was more than an average monthly salary that 23 what ‘thespirit ofnational democratism’ means. 22 the political organization and education of women and it helped in the political agitation, too(Burucs 1991) reestablishing of thecountry Theassociation afterthe WWII. had another important political function,namely inorder to serveasajointwhichParty) represents group women’s issuesandhelps intherebuilding and 21 Democratic Alliance [ children first emerged in 1949. According to thesuggestion of the HungarianWomen’s Soviet Union, too (Jancar 1978, 140). The idea ofrewarding mothers with a high number of illegal abortion is a serious crime and the trials served as deterrents, mainly for rural women. This suggests that these trials were used as a form of propaganda of the state to express that rural areas abortions. regulated both the women and the doctors and represented the opinion of the state on illegal courts would punish those who asked the abortion and those who conducted it. In this sense it 20 it” (Pet with connected information medical the and In order to compare: the average monthly salary of workers in the construction industry was 1002 Ft in 1951 MOL M-KS 276.f.54/276.f.54.cs. 40. This organization was established in 1945by the Hungarian Communist Party (later the Hungarian Workers’ MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53. cs. 108. Besides regulations and restrictions, rewarding of motherhood was adopted from the 5. 2. 2. Awards for mothers The Politburo emphasized the importance of the publicity of these trials, especially in 20 where illegal abortions conducted mainly by midwives were supposed to befrequent. 22 Magyar N . Besides the award, mothers would receive 1000 Ft 1000 receive would mothers award, the . Besides ŋ k Demokratikus Szövetsége ŋ ŋ .e. 27 April 1949. 42R/50. However, there is no further explanation of .e. 23 October 1952. 5R/47. 37 ŋ 2002, 70). These trials expressed that expressed trials These 70). 2002, ] 21 tothe Politburo, the government 23 , too. According to CEU eTD Collection others in the process of the rewarding. Inthis sense, these awards rewarded the extreme number were counted, too, but those nominees who had adopted children had to be separated from the be older than 1 year after which the probability ofmortality was lower. Later adopted children to had they thus alive, would stay thesechildren that sure tobe wanted officials and background supports my argument that the number of children was more important than their social children should have been counted amongst the children ofthe mother. This criterion also [Elnöki Tanács]. It was a criterion that every child had to be older than 1year old and only living mothers ofatleast six, medalswere giventomothers ofatleast Presidentialby the ten Council thetext of regulation didn’tcontain anyreference criteria. tothese Awards were grantedto Érdemrend Republic. 26 and of grantingmothers withalot ofchildren 25 research. further ofa beasubject can It theprice. receive would on who wasborn decision how thefinal 24 the Politburo. ideologies on social classes, although they were the ideas of the Women’s Alliance and not that of notion of women as cultural reproducers (Yuval-Davis 1997, 23) and the importance of the important aspect, too, and the properness ofspirit of the childrearing. Here we can see the appeared. Namely that not just the number of children was a criterion but the social class was an produced screws or children didn’t make any difference. 2000a, 48). In both situations the productivity of the standardperson quantity ofthe work and those was mothers who had a lotawarded of children (Gal and Kligman and the fact that s/he Kligman draw theparallel between the awarding of Stakhanovite workers who overproduced the on motherhood as a quantifiable contribution to the building of the country. Susan Gal and Gail woman eligible for being nominated or selected to an award like this The Presidential Council was Nr. a 9. legislativeenactment in the year of 1951group in the subject of of17 awardingmembers It would Motherhood be interesting andand Meritfruitful hadtoAward examine andthethe process Merit of rights howMedal women were nominated of to this awardthe and President of the In 1951, when a decision 1951, when In However, I have to point out that in this short suggestion two notions of quality ] and Motherhood Merit Medal [ 25 was born on the Motherhood Merit Award [ Anyasági Érdemérem 38 ] (Burucs 1997; Kéri 2002, 49), the 49), 2002, Kéri 1997; ] (Burucs 24 . There is also an emphasis an isalso . There Anyasági 26 CEU eTD Collection regime towards mothers and their children played a significant role in the political legitimizing of legitimizing political the in role significant a played children their and mothers towards regime mothers and their children in the society. The emphasis onthe responsibility of the Stalinist of certain groups of women. question ofthe ‘quality’ but they didn’t introduce further policies in order to influence the fertility number of children. I found only one or two examples which show that officials addressed the propaganda in order to emphasize that state merited those who gave birth to extremely high had to give birthabortion, decision on mother and child protection and tax on childlessness expressed that women to as quantifiablemany contribution to the building of the country after the WW II. Strict regulations on children as they childrencould. she has, the more merit is granted to her. Politicianspropaganda, one’s role as a woman can be fulfilled when she becomes a mother and the more usedhas a message that being a woman in the 1950s inHungary meant that according to the political not justmotherhood makes politics. At the samepolicies time, combining Mothers’ Day and Women’s Day also express buttheir political goals and values. However, here not the issue ofreproduction, but for their own purposes assumed touse this day to emphasize the religious aspects of motherhood and use the celebration according to a report of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the party, churches were Women’s Day in every year. Mother’s Day wasnot celebrated officially since 1945 because 29 28 state-run farms 531 Ft in 1951 (Farkas 2003, 66). Awinter coat cost 910 Ftin 1952 (Farkas 2003, 77). 27 to the mothers. children. Besides the awards, certain amount of money between 1000 Ftand 2000 Ftwas granted of one’s own children, the highly reproductive women and preferred those who reared their own MOL M-KS 276.f.54/276.f.54. cs. 358. However, financial grantfor mothers ofatleast 6remained enacted butwithout any official awardor medal. In order to compare: The avarage monthly salary of workers in the construction industry was 1002 Ft, in the These policies and decisions reflected the wayspoliticians dealt with theissue ofthe In this chapter I supported my argument that motherhood was constructed as mainly a Motherhood Merit Award and Motherhood Merit Medal were awarded on International 27 These awards were repealed in 1957 29 . Inthis sense both sides used mothers and motherhood in order to ŋ .e. 28 March 1955 44R/129 39 28 . CEU eTD Collection future labor force and the symbols of prosperity of Hungary were declared as important group. groups in the future life of the country. Women as biological reproducers (Yuval-Davis 1997) of politics deal with the issue of mothers and children. They emphasized the importance of these happiness of mothers and cheerfulness of children officials and policymakers expressed that their the for work communism and Hungary Stalinist that claiming By 1950s. the in Hungary Agency illustrates this effort of the regime. politicians they protected the future of the country. The next picture of the Hungarian News the country. The regime by protecting mothers and children could argue that as responsible country and mothers were those who could bear these children and, in this sense, the future of the existent political system. Children meant the symbol of the future and the prosperity of the In the picture the slogan expresses how reproduction and motherhood made politics in The slogan: “Our goal is the free country, where children are cheerful and mothers are happy.” Túrkeve, 1 May 1956. Children celebrate 1May. Source: MTI – Hungarian News Agency 3. Picture 3. Children celebrate 1 May (Photo: László Tóth) László (Photo: 40 CEU eTD Collection awards andprizesof mothers in1957. of honor repealing bythe continued it andlater in1956 revolution the before shortly law abortion of the that fromthe point ofviewmyresearch topic this consolidation period startedearlierwith the liberalization they use the enactment ofalmost general amnesty ofthe participants of the revolution in 1956.Here Iargue ( consolidation Kádárist of period the 30 processes in the economy that time and the growing emphasis on the quality and usefulness of done by mothers to a productive work (Zimmermann 2010). In parallel with the rationalization in 1967up tothe child’s age of twoand a half laterand three shifted care and nurturing work years of the children’s lives, changed. The Kádár regime by introducing paid childcare allowance reproductive decisions. participation and even their ethnicity and the regime wanted to influence them differently in their made explicit differences between mothers based on their social class, their labor market women to give birth to their children and others to don’t. This meant that the Kádár regime reformulation ofthe regulation ofthe abortion they wanted to influence certain groups of which social groups reproduce themselves and which don’t and by using policy incentives and a strengthened. This ‘quality’ aspect meant three different but intertwined things. a limited number of children. However, the importance of the ‘quality’ of these children Stalinist period. The focus shifted from ‘give birth to as many children as you can’ towards having new officials of the Politburo had different viewson the ideal number of children than in the quantity of the children remainedreproductive policies. By presenting evidenceimportant from the research materials, Iargue that the for the politicalrelations. elites of the Kádár political and regimesocial reconstruct to started regime Kádár the of elite political the 41) but2007, the motherhood asa qualitative contribution Chapter 6. Consolidated state-socialism (1956-1989): shifttowards Although historians like Tibor Valuch and Tibor Huszár argue AlthoughhistorianslikeTiborand thatfromthepoint Huszár Valuch of view ofpoliticalhistory Second, the meaning of the notion of motherhood as an activity, especially in the first First, this meant that leading politicians started to be interested in the monitoring of After therevolution of1956, inthe period of so-called ‘consolidation’ (Asztalos Morell 30 Inthis process motherhood was also reshaped by political leaders through kádári konszolidáció) 41 started in 1963 (Valuch 2001, 17; Huszár 2006, 137), CEU eTD Collection strict reproductive policies and the heavy propagation of the importance of motherhood as 1954 andin 1956 he was again among the leaders of the party-state (Huszár 2006, 13-14). in theprison from out He got us’. amongst enemy the for of‘looking tactic well-known of communists’ victim in another hebecame and reasons political offictional because was arrested he In1951 and1950. between 1948 changes two years for ofHomeAffairs been hehad theMinistry because regime Hungarian Stalinist wellthe knew ‘quantity’: 31 the on emphasis children of consolidated number but ideal the constant The 6.1. the process of legitimacy of the Kádár regime thus it was a way how reproduction made politics. in roles significant played grant and allowance childcare paid that argument my support I end the which deal with the issue ofdifference making among women concerned population policies. At in afamily was constructed around two and three. Then I move on to describe those policies decisions and enactments on population policies. First, I show how the ideal number of children seen as a part of this legitimizing process. those who decided to have a child. In this sense, paying mothers in order to stay at home can be amount of money in every month as an allowance served to maintain thestandard of living of prestige to thisdeclaration ofmotherhood and care work as paidactivity work served for giving honor and valuable andminimizing the decline of standardframing of living because of the birth of babies. On the surface, the itin roles significant played children with families as of supports financial and leave maternity an occupation. Paid 2004). Szalai (e.g. system political the legitimizing for elite political the of tools were At the same time,of living started in thelate 1950s and theencouragement of the consumption of the populationpaying a certainthe regime used money as an incentive in order to raise fertility rates. The raising of the standard among politicians in order to justify their decisions on longer childcare leave. important. The psychological ties between the mother and the child was raised and emphasized the products, the quality ofthe care work process done at home by mothers became more János Kádár who was the First Secretary of the Hungarian Socialist Worker Party soon after the revolution On the next pages I present these shifts by examining transcripts of the Politburo and Third, by paying mothers for staying at homewith children fora certain amount oftime, The regimeThe headedbyJános Kádár 31 declared the memory ofthe previous Stalinist era’s 42 CEU eTD Collection competition appears between the two regimes in thequestion of which treated women and debates around population policies, too. It is important to emphasize that here a certain kind of reference point for Komócsin. Other members of the Politburo referred to that time during the on the ideal number of the children: agitation department in between 1948 and 1950(Nyír 1948 and in between department agitation 26). 1988, (Grád progressive child were amountnot of family allowance and it became progressive up to the third child (families witheligible one for childcare allowance). After the third child it was linear, but no reproduction and a slight growth, but not more. First, in 1959 an enactment fertility rate. This meant that the ideal number of the children became two or three in order to the these rates, the number of abortion was higher and higher every year (see Appendix III). 34 women. worker single and three 33 http://portal.ksh.hu/pls/ksh/docs/hun/modsz/modsz10.html) (Source: Hungarian Statistical Office, Population Statistics, Methodology itself. reproduce won’t the population that means this level), reproductive isthe (which women’s life, how 32 many children a woman will have until the end of her life. If this number is less than 2.1 the minimum so far andthe total fertility rate decreased belowthe reproductive level reached people thousand per livebirths of number the 1950s: the of half first in the than 1960s the population. However, the demographic situation was even worse in the late 1950s, early they defined what they did and did not want to do in order to raise thefertility and the number of people. This legacy served as a constant reference point for the members of the Politburo when policies which should beavoid because they intervened too deeply into the private lives of the MOLM-KS 288.f.5/604. 15/1959 (III. 27.) enactment of the government on the increasing of family allowance of workers of at least Totalfertility rate shows that assuming that the number of livebirths of that year willstay the same during First of all, we can see here how the strict“It belongs to motherhood that regulationwomen must give birth to children. Nobody wants to of the Rákosi regime serves as a Zoltán Komócsin, who was a member of the Politburo and he was a vice-head of the because of the so many childbearing. It is about only2 children.” manychildbearing.Itisabout or 3 because oftheso theoldrestore regulationwhen women intheir early30s weretotallyundone Thus the main aim ofthe Politburo was to reach the net reproductive level of the total ŋ .e. (1973.02.13.) 160R-161R/187. 43 ŋ 1989), made his opinion more explicitly more opinion his made 1989), 34 33 changed the 32 . Besides CEU eTD Collection appeared in the Kádár era, too, in the debate around the regulation ofabortion in 1973. this means that the value ofchildcare allowance was quite low (Grád 1988, 34). progressive up to the third child. However, the average salary was around 2500 Ft that time, thus and afterthe third or more they received 1000 Ftpermonth. Childcare allowance became third child. After the first childamount of childcare allowance (GYES) was mothersdifferentiated between the first, the second and the received 600 Ft, after the second they received 900 Ft 3/1967 (I.29.) government order onchildcare allowance. 37 36 level. reproductive proves that politicianschildren if other eligibility criterion didn’t allow her toreceiveimagined permission for the abortion. It also the idealwould like tohave more or not. In this sense this numberregulation forced a woman to bear her third of children criteria of abortion.around It is also a sign that those who had three children could decide whether they 3 in order to ensurethe limit of three children or two children and one further obstetrical case as onethe of the eligibility achieving thereplacement level. second child in one-child families which would have meant enough number of children for families with onechild tohave another one. It was also an incentive for deciding to have a 35 times. maintaining the number of the population and it was far fromthe harmful goals of the “old” namely for the achievement of the reproductive level. Two orthree children are enough for least harm tothem. Two or three children were declared as ‘enough’ for the political goals, mothers better, ormore precisely, which regime could subordinate women totheir goals with the 11/1973. (XII. 1040/1973. (X.18)Order ofthe Council of Ministerson exercises in population issues. 23) order of the Ministry of Labor Affairs about the supplement and modification of the MOLM-KS 288.f.5/406. Finally, the reintroduction of the tax on childlessness as a possible tool for raising fertility A few months after this regulation another enactment has been published It is also important to emphasize that the new regulation of the abortion in 1973 In 1965 family allowance after two children was almost tripled ŋ .e. (1966.10.04) 112R/231. 44 35 in order to encourage 37 in which the which in 36 set up CEU eTD Collection reintroduction of tax on childlessness was seen as a danger to the legitimacy of Kádár regime. the question of the number of live births remained an important issue for the politicians but the 39 living” highlighted it in thediscussion: “it would have negative consequences on the standard of would belower than the harm of the assumed negative public opinion onthat. As János Kádár the financial use of the regulation, namely that it would have meant income to the budget, it previous regime offensive than the previous name was and which didn’t ring the bell of the memories of the Finally in1973 themembers of the Politburo made the decision on theregulation of abortion. in 1952. regulation strict ofthe memory the of because life private of aspect this regulating from effects of childcare allowance introduced in 1967 onbirth rates and second, politicians feared enactment. Politicians postponed the decision because of two reasons. First, they waited for the to incite middle- and upper-class women to bear children. Besides the regulation ofabortion, paid childcare grant (GYED) introduced in 1985 also wanted belong to any of the eligible categories were defined as those who should give birth toa child. allowed to not to reproduce themselves. Atthe same time, those groups of women whodid not eligibility criteria into the abortion regulation is a declaration ofwhich groups of women are define who should and who shouldn’t give birth to a child emerged. Iargue that introduction of 38 shouldn’t who and should who women: between herself? difference reproduce Making 2. 6. of the tax would have been ‘family support contribution’ ( According to the report ofthe Political Economy Department for thePolitburo, the new name MOLM-KS 288.f.5/625. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/625. The idea of the regulation ofthe abortion appeared in thePolitburo well before its In the Kádár regime theimportance of making difference between women in order to 39 The fact that even the idea of tax on childlessness reappeared in the Politburo meant that . 38 . However, finally the idea failed because officials in thePolitburo assumed that ŋ ŋ .e. (1973.12. 04) 135R/142. .e. (1973.12. 04) 45 családtámogatási járulék) családtámogatási , which is less , which CEU eTD Collection advantage of paid maternity leave. an intellectual and wealthy background should have children, rather than those who want to take crèches where they could leave their children. Here he expresses his preference that mothers with childcare allowance is too long a break for them in their professional lives and there isn’t enough eligible forvisited. He claims that while workerchildcare women work exactly for a period of time which makes them contrasts ordinaryallowance, assembly worker women and intellectual female architects in afactory he architects don’t want to bear a child because the 2-3 years 40 Politburo said that “I have a feeling that it is not those who bear a child who should”. allowance and thegrowing number ofwomen who took this leave, one of the members of the fertility appeared in the meetings of the Politburo in a more direct way. Referred to the childcare women with stable social conditions. regulationthat there are some certain groups madeof women who are allowed not to have. In this sense, abortion a differenceHere we can see the shift from the notion that every woman should have achild to the notion betweenabortion. It was a hidden way of defining who should and who shouldn’t reproduce themselves. womenthose who were poor, unmarried womenand without any own place to live could have permission for it preferredthe requirements of becoming a mother for certain groups of women. But in the name of the law, the mother reproductionof two, or younger women who lived on a certain wealth level. This abortion law defined society and who was forced to bear the child if she became pregnant: childless married women or of wealthyhave flat, and who were poor.further obstetrical case, or who were olderIt than 35 years, or didn’tis have or her husband didn’teasy to see who wasabortion, namely those,declared who were unmarried, or mother of three or mother of two and had one as a potential According tomother the enactment not every woman, but only certain groups were allowed to havein an the MOLM-KS 288.f.5/684. Soon after the introduction ofthe regulation ofabortion, the question ofthe quality of ŋ .e. (197602.10) 49R/75 46 40 He CEU eTD Collection 42 shouldn’t be supported with higher amount of family allowance per child. By referring to other things” progressive only up to the third child. He justifies his idea with “the gypsy population and many cultural issues in the party and in the Politburo, raised the idea that family allowance should be fertility of these groups. not just between them and “ordinary” women, but between the value or the attribute of the every child is valuable but at thefrom ordinary group of people. Heresame he wants to express the political ideology of timethe party that he stigmatizes certainpopulation together. In this sense hedraws a parallel between themgroups as both groups are different and makes difference1976). Itis also important to highlight that he places Romany and young deviant hooligan report or must have received a longer and secret report which was written in 1976 (Kemény this known have must leader political influential most as the Kádár 1974). (Kemény journal intellectual a public in 1974 in waspublished report small a and Kemény István by population characteristics. In 1971 the first representative research was conducted on the Hungarian Romany it is a sign that politicians followed with attention the Romany population and its demographic ideology they shouldn’t deal with Romany people and their fertility. But still, he mentions this and successfulness ofthe population policies of the 1960s and he mentions that mothers, too. János Kádár referred to Romany people’s fertility when hetalked about the 41 MOLM-KS 288.f.5/604. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/684. In another meeting of the Politburo in the 1970s György Aczél, who was responsible for First, it is clear how Kádár tries to convince himself and others that on the basis of socialist newHungariancitizenandwehopethat s/hewon’tliving; beahooligan. child and child. too. comes1973], It fromourideology that wedonot makeanydifferences between It is not a problemdeal if hooliganswith itthinking bear aboutas it because a a it conflictschild.negative with all of our ideology thisbut donot [higher etc., isin numberknow thatgipsyfertility The ofbirths], [o]f coursewe if we startchild to analyze it phenomenon.and if who is born is a It was high before that [population policies in The question of the characteristics of the fertility emerged connected to the ethnicity of 42 . Bysaying this he expresses that higher number of children inRomany families ŋ ŋ .e. (1973.02.13.) 169R/187. .e. (1976.02.10) 51R/75 47 41 CEU eTD Collection narrowing this gap with the income based benefit. would have had thebiggest gap between their salary and the fixed amount of allowance by amount of childcare allowance. This means that this support encouraged those women who childcare benefit preferred those who would loose more money with the previous and fixed most who worked more. previous contribution to the productive work made difference between mothers and supported less time onthe labor market than the duration of childcare benefit received less. This means that childcare benefit (2 years) received the maximum amount of their income, while those who spent childcare benefit. Those who worked at least the same period than the length of the paid income. In this sense this benefit even made difference within those who were eligible for the before thepregnancy. Others with less employed timereceived theirprevious 65 percentof employment previously. Those received 75 percent who had been employed for at least two years was 75 or 65 percent of the previous salary. Differences were made upon the length of benefit childcare of amount The 167). 1999, (Haney allowance childcare used didn’t who group middle-class women’s fertility (remember the example ofthe architect) because mainly it was the 43 1985 in (GYED) benefit childcare of introduction effect on the fertility ofwomen from different ethnic groups. On the level of social policy the percentage of Romany women is higher. In this sense, reproductive policies can have an indirect fertility of middle or upper-classfertility. women, he makes a differenceit between Romany and non-Romany womenexcludes and the evaluation of their lowerRomany families he makes it clear that higher fertility rate of them is simply notclass desirable. Thus, women amongst whom the 3/1985.(I.17.) order aboutthemodification of 17/1975. (VI. 14.)order aboutsocialinsurence and pensions. If we take into consideration the amount of the previous income, it is obvious that this Ethnicity and social class relations are intertwined. Thus, when a regulation tries to raise the 48 43 was influenced by the aim of increasing CEU eTD Collection Ministers made eligible Ministers made university andcollege students forchildcare allownace. M-KS 288.f.5/919. (MOL anaim. became fertility oftheir growth andthe comment this in ofintellectuels the group represented students University work. didn’t they because (GYES) allowance childcare for noteligible were students pronatalist44 aims. For example, on a meeting allowancein and waves in the 1984number of childbirths could result easily in thevacancyone of crèches. of the memberseconomic reason was that building andmentioned running crèches cost more than paying childcare that youngto hold the spending power of theseuniversity families and protect their consumerist power, too. Another wanted they sense this In children. with families of condition living a decent maintain to wanted an allowance to mothers, officials wanted to minimizestandard theimpact of mother’s wage loss and the motherhood as paid work inpreserving order to stimulate women’s decision on having children. By granting and prestige Kádár regime connected to motherhood. I argue that officials of the Politburo constructedgiving work: paid as living of Motherhood 3. 6. child indirect effect on making difference between women and supported certain groups in having a group (Zimmermann 2010, 2). In this sense, even the fixed amounted childcare allowanceemployment, had an were not this meant thateligible those mothers who were excluded from formal paid work, even though thefull for GYES andcan say that every child of workingRomany mothers was worth the same. Susan Zimmermann argues that women were highlyentitlement and nurturing of every children were granted with the same amount of money.represented One inthe same amount ofmoney. thisIn this sense no difference were made among working women in the less than the salary was (aroundlinked 40 per cent, to laborZimmermann market 2010,who 8)participation. andworked every motherbefore received theirHowever, pregnancy the amount were eligibleof the allowance for the allowancewas usually thus much this support was also Members of the Politburo recognized that sometimes it had a contradictory effect compared to their to compared effect contradictory a had it sometimes that recognized of the Politburo Members 44 . In this subchapter I present the third aspect of how the notion of quality emerged in the Some differentiation can beseen in thecase of childcare allowance (GYES), too. Those ŋ .e. (1984.08.28.) Finally, in 1985 the 6/1985. (I. 17.) enactement of the Council of 49 CEU eTD Collection allowance seemed a ‘solution’ for the deficiency of places in crèches. according to the report only 9 percent of children under 3 had places in crèches, childcare that consideration into take ifwe but compulsory not was GYES sense inthis that emphasize to childbirth leave and mothers would receive a certainamount of financial support. It is important possible for working mothers to stay at home because of their own will after the five months of the Politburo in 1966. Inthis document GYES was defined as anallowance which makes Mechanism. special economic situation, namely soon before the introduction of the New Economic a in emerged incentive positive new This 278). 1985, (McIntyre Hungary in wage average the of collective farm workers it was a less, 500 Ft was aless, it workers farm collective months before the child-birth. The monthly amount of paid childcare allowance was 600 Ft, for started at the age of three). Every working woman was eligible who had worked at least for 12 1988, 15). (Grád allowance the for eligible somebody made which ofoccupations groups those defined time it first very the from and 1912 in regime theStalinist well before inHungary introduced was allowance family However, the amount of46 family allowance45 was different in the case of collective farm workers and ordinary workers. and later tothree years was sacrificed on the altar of economic interest. “political step against women’s employment” (Adamik 2001, 194) and women’s emancipation direct 1967 wasa in (GYES) allowance childcare of introduction the that argues Adamik Mária introduction ofpaidchildcare allowance.hid theeconomicinterest Thus,it ofpolicymakers. first three years of the child. This argument served as a justification ofdecisions on the relationship between mother and child and the importance mothers as full-time caregivers in the Itisimportant toemphasize that thiskind of difference also making appeared in the Stalinist regimewhen 3/1967. enactment of the government on the childcare allowance. enactment ofthe on3/1967. government thechildcare The idea of the GYES up to the child’s two and a half year appeared in asuggestion for In 1967 paid childcare allowance (GYES) was introduced up to the child two and a half Besides economic reasons officials emphasized the importance of the qualitative 45 (in order to fit to the existent infrastructural system of kindergartens 46 . That time this payment meant around 40 per cent 50 CEU eTD Collection same assumptions with the aim of inciting the fertility of certain social groups. legitimacy project. The introduction of the income-based childcare grant in 1985 rested on the for people that they could spend on goods what they needed was the logic behind the political conception that people should receive money instead of other forms of support. Giving money the freepackage oflayettecash turnedinto benefit 52 51 50 some advantage, sense that mothers careandnurture the infants.” MOLM-KS 288.f.5/684. doing research and trying to explain49 that the care giving by the mother to the child is irreplaceable. It has also spend” of Ministers argued in1966 that “people really deserved what comes to hand, what they can be expressed. Gyula Kállai, oneof the members of the Politburo and the president of the Council childrearing. At the same time, financial incentives have limited the way how this evaluation could childrearing, the state evaluated and expressed the importance of the motherhood and for arguing the importance of quality relationship between mother and child as basis served 95) 2002, (Haney development child on research scientific of emergence the and quality of mothers emerged. The re-establishment of the discipline of psychology in the1960s relationship were new among the members of Politburo. This supports that the shift towards the the well-developed mother-child relationship. These approaches to the quality of mother-child 48 substitute themother” but from adifferent point of view when he says: “there is no crèche around the world which can 47 kindergartens” permanentlychild, too. János Kádár justified it in thefollowing way: “a mother doesn’t leave a baby [during a day] easily but it is more likely that she leaves her child in the 1007/1970. (IV.12.) government orderonthe introduction of cash benefit insteadof freelayette package. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/406. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/406. For example, on a meeting of the Politburo in 1976 Jénos Kádár mentions that “different disciplines are MOLM-KS 288.f.5/604. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/406. 50 By paying money for mothers in order toappreciate and acknowledge their time spent on Officials had a normative vision on how long a woman should stay at home with the . Others, like Zoltán Komócsin agreed with him in this question 47 . György Aczél, one ofthe members of the Politburo is claims something similar 48 ŋ ŋ ŋ . It shows that longer childcare allowance was constructed as a need of ŋ .e (1966.10.04) 18R/231 .e (1966.10.04) 24R/231. .e. (1966.10.04.) 31R/231 .e. (1973.02.13.) 169R/187 51 52 . It supports the idea that officials had the 51 . For example, in 1970 49 . ŋ .e 52R/75 CEU eTD Collection 54 53 home. However, mostofthese ideas were remained unreflected bythepolicymakers; itis clear raised the possibility of part-time work, flexible working hours, temporary work or work-at- the tension between worker’s role and mother role should besolved. These suggestions usually were ensured. Mothers didn’t have toworry because their future work and in this sense their financial safety their children. It was a way how possibilitiesofficials of their work and their income. They could pay as much attention as they wanted triedto to make future the about worried been have safetyshouldn’t They motherhood. their to quality a new gave circumstances for having a child.split up and mothers were ensured that they can go back to continue their job after the leave. It which they ‘worked’ at home by taking care of their small child. The ties to theworkplace did not This shows that state to pension and specialconsidered legal regulations protected women from being paid off during the leave. childcarethat those years which were spent on the leaveallowance was counted into labor relation period connected as a temporal period in women’sprocess. lives in paying for mothers in order to stay at home with their children was a part of the legitimizing result ofthe system what they have built in order to legitimize their political system. In this sense it wasa but Politburo, the of thepoliticians by evaluated was negatively behavior consumerist television, etcetera, are more important [then having a child], but itwon’t be fair” abortion that “I can push theresponsibility tothe people if I want. The car, the plot, the problem remained in the 1970s when Kádár says in thediscussion about the regulation of there is a public opinion that young married couples need television and not child” Kádár claimed in a meeting of the Politburo in the early 1960s that “[u]nfortunately, nowadays MOLM-KS 288.f.5/615. MOLM-KS 288.f.5/267. The suggestions to the Politburo on reproductive issues usually contained ideas on how Not just the fact that it was paid suggested childcare allowance as a work, but also the fact However, this consumerist behavior was declared as a holdback on childbearing. As János ŋ ŋ .e. (1973.07.17.) 65R/69. .e. (1962.06.12.) 37R/211. 52 54 . Egoistic 53 . This CEU eTD Collection supported the legitimacy of the regime. allowance and grant played significant roles in thesupport of standard of living and thus it childcare paid like incentives positive Finally, themselves. reproduce shouldn’t who and should and the income-relatedgroup’s fertility is higher orlower than the‘ideal’.childcare By introducing partial restrictions on abortion grant (GYED)became lower than in the Stalinist regime. Second, officials paid moreattention to whichofficials social definedaspects emerged. First, officials’ vision on theideal number of children hasthose changed and it groups of women who more attention for. of the working role. It proves that motherhood was imagined as a duty which women should pay mother, inthe Kádár regime family life was andmotherhood preferred bypolicymakers instead Stalinist regime the conflict of work-family life was solved by preferring the working role of the that in the head of the officials and experts the notion ofmotherhood has changed. While in the In this chapter I supported the idea that in the Kádár regime the importance of ‘quality’ of importance the regime Kádár in the that idea the supported I chapter this In 53 CEU eTD Collection preferred positive incentives like family allowance, childcare allowance or childcare grant in order grant childcare or allowance childcare allowance, like family incentives positive preferred issues. Instead of introducing a total ban onabortion or other strict regulations policymakers period and the revolution held back officials from strict and negative sanctions in population reconstructed and reproductive policies played a significant part of it. The memory of the Stalinist sphere. This meant that in the Kádár regime the boundaries of the public and private sphere were influence fertility behavior without such strict and direct interventions into people's 'private' changing of regulations expressed the difference of previous strict communist regime. can be seen as transitory years and it is an example for how reproduction makes politics and how reproductive regulations, like theban onabortion have changed. The period of de-Stalinization women should have given birth to more and more children. obligation towards the country. Like assembly workers who produced more and more products, of productivity. Motherhood or more precisely, bearing as many children as possible meant an labor force. sign ofthe prosperity of the country and an economic necessity in order to provide the future's had more than six children were enacted. A growing number of the population was declared as a infant mortality and propagandistic decisions like theintroduction ofawards for mothers who medical and health protections of mothers and children were introduced in order to decrease reproduced themselves. In order to provide higher fertility rates abortion was banned, different the quantity of fertility was moreimportant than the social composition of those women who between theStalinist era and the Kádár regime in their population policies. Inthe Stalinist regime different regulations on reproductive policies I argued that there was an important difference Chapter 7. Conclusions After the revolution in1956 the Kádár regime had toface the dilemma of how to Soon after Stalin's death in a bit moremoderate political climate of de-Stalinization In the Stalinist period the notion of motherhood was constructed along the requirement In this thesis by using transcripts and reports of the Hungarian Politburo and texts of 54 CEU eTD Collection incentives and negative sanctions on reproductive issues. For example, Romania and its very strict of other countries as well as reference points when they tried to make decisions on positive However, members of the Politburo used examples of foreign countries in thesocialist block and Politburo. In the era of state-socialism officials declared nationalism as aharmful ideology. of transcripts inthe discourses nationalistic on focused not have I thesis in this First, future. the Kádár regime. allowance and grant as reproductive policies were tools for ensuring the political legitimacy of the childcare paid sense this In legitimacy. political system's the of sources main the of was one living for the population was a very important aim of the officials. Well-being of the population income in the families. Inthe context ofconsumerism supporting an appropriate standard of child and stay homewith them. By paying mothers policymakers tried to minimize the loss of child’s life was declared as very generousfertility came into the supportfocus which was a new characteristic compared to the Stalinist regime. for (working)women who should and those who shouldn't reproduce themselves.mothers Inthis sense the quality of who decidedwhich was based on the previous salary of the motherto expressed that officialshave selected groups of (1985) grant childcare paid of introduction the like incentives positive and (1973) abortion on restrictions the like sanctions negative Both policies. reproductive in aspect new wasa mothers policymakers' interest in the social background and social origin ofnewborn babies and thus their constructed the ideal number of children ina family around two or three. However, expressing a difference in political identity. conceptions in the Stalinist regime. This means that reproductive policies served as tools for that their visions on how politics should influence reproductive behavior was different from the to encourage women in childbearing. By using positive incentives the Kádár regime expressed During my research project several interesting topics emerged which can be analyzed in Paying for mothers’ care work at home up to the two and a half and later three years of a In the Kádár regime officials were interested in the number of lived births but they 55 CEU eTD Collection different aspects of reproductive policies and state socialist gender regimes. still a rich field of examinations and several gendered analysis can bemade in order to inquire state socialist gender regime dealt with this conflicting issue and which side they preferred. emancipative policies and fertility issues. Itwould be interesting to see how leader politicians of a Officials also made some references to the contradiction between the message ofstate’s emancipation as one of the main reasons behind the fertility, and later the population decline. In the public debates on demographic issues nationalist and populist writers saw women's emancipation was addressed connected to reproductive policies in thematerials of the Politburo. international politics in particular, too. of Romanian policies. Itseems that reproduction made not just politics in general but their views on the modernity of Hungarian reproductive policies compared to the pre-modernity expressed policymakers Hungarian way how a also itwas that itseems Hence, regime. Stalinist Members of the Politburo argued that Hungary had already gotten over these regulations in the sanctions of reproductive policy appeared as bad example which should be avoided in Hungary. These topics of possibly future research show that the state socialist period ofHungary is Another interesting research topic can be the examination of how the project of women's 56 CEU eTD Collection List ofcited regulations II. Appendix Secretary 1February 1950 – MOL M-KS 276.f.54/276.f.54.cs.84. Secretary 27 April 1949 – MOL M-KS 276.f.54/276.f.54.cs.40. Organizer Committee 25 April 1949 – MOL M-KS 276.f.55/276.f.55.cs.68 meetings: Other 28 August 1984 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/919. 29 September 1981 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/837. 17 February 1981 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/820. 18 October 1977 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/729. 10 February 1976 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/684. 4 December 1973 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/625. 17 July 1973 – MOL M-KS 288.f. 5./615. 13 February 1973 –MOL M-KS 288.f.5./604. 6 April 1967 – MOLM-KS 288.f.5./421. 4 October 1966 –MOL M-KS 288.f.5/406. 12 June 1962 – MOL M-KS 288.f.5/267. M-KS MOL – 1962 June 12 8 October 1953 – MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53.cs. 140. 23 October 1952 – MOL M-KS 276.f.53/276.f.53.cs. 108. List of sources –reports of the meetings of Politburo I. Appendix x x x x továbbfejlesztésér 1.004/1953. (II.5.) számú minisztertanácsi határozat az anya- és gyermekvédelem p105. Institute], Research Demographic 1952-1953 in Hungary. (collection of documents)], Budapest: KSH NKI [Central Statistical Office népesedéspolitikai program Magyarországon (dokumentumgy 1992. ed. Istvan, In:Monigl, XIX-A-2-ee) (UMKL protection child and of mother proposal the about of Ministers Council the for Announcement 1953, January 26 Institute] Research Demographic Office Statistical NKI [Central KSH Budapest: 19-21. ofdocuments)], (collection In children], of alot with mothers granting year of adományozására, valamint1951 a sokgyermekes anyák jutalmazása tárgyában [Nr. 9. enactment in the inÉrdemérem” Érdemrendés „Anyasági rendelet az törvényerejú évi számú 9. 1951. the subject of awarding Motherhood Merit Award and Merit Medal and of Magyarországon (dokumentumgy 1992. ed. István, InMonigl, ofabortion] regulation the of theissue in Health of the Ministry orderof [81/34/1952. tárgyában. szabályozása Az egészségügyi minister 81/34/1952. Eü. M.számú utasítása a terhesség megszakításának Ministers]. of Council the of the Head of [Office Hivatala Elnökének Minisztertanács Budapest: p.68. 1951], ŋ l [1.004/1953 decision of the Council of Ministers on the development of development on the of Ministers Council ofthe decision [1.004/1953 l ť jtemény) ŋ ŋ ŋ .e. 6 April 1967 .e. 12 June 1962 June 12 .e. .e. 7 July 1973 ŋ Appendices ŋ .e. 4 October 1966 ŋ [The population policy program of 1952-1953 in Hungary. in 1952-1953 of program policy [Thepopulation ŋ .e. 28 August 1984 ŋ ŋ ŋ .e. 18 October 1977 .e. 10 February 1976 .e. 4 December 1973 .e. 14 February 1973 .e. 17 February 1981 ŋ .e. 29 September 1981 Miniszteri Rendeletek I. 1951 57 ŋ ŋ .e. 8October 1953 .e. 23 October 1952 ť jtemény) ŋ .e. 27 April 1949 Az 1952-53. évi népesedéspolitikai program népesedéspolitikai évi 1952-53. Az ŋ .e 1 February 1950 [The population policy program of program policy population [The ŋ .e. 25 April 1949 [Enactments of Ministers I. Az 1952-53. évi CEU eTD Collection Appendix III. 56 55 Notavailable. Approximately data. 1946 1945 1947 x x x x x x x x Year Budapest: KJK Budapest: gy hivatalos rendeletek In pensions.] and insurence social about order 14.) (VI. of17/1975. the modification nyugellátások és egyéb ellátások kiegészítésér és egyébellátások nyugellátások a valamint módosításáról, rendelet MTszámú 14.) (VI. 17/1975. kiadott tárgyában végrehajtása II. törvény évi 1975. szóló társadalombiztosításról a rendelet MTszámú 17.) (I. 3/1985. enactments 1973.] 1974. Budapest: KJK allowance.] In allowance.] childcare on order government (I.29.) 3/1967. ofthe modification and the supplement kiegészítésér rendelet számú MüM 26.) (II. 3/1967. kiadott végrehajtásáról rendelet számú korm. 11/1973. (XII. 23.) MüM számú rendelet a gyermekgondozási segélyr 1974. 434-438. Budapest: KJK gy hivatalos ésrendeletek Törvények [1040/1973.1040/1973. (X. 18.) számú minisztertanácsi határozat anépesedéspolitikai feladatokról (X. 18.) order of the Council of Ministers on exercises in population issues] In gy In package.] of freelayette instead benefit ofcash introduction bevezetésér helyett készpénzsegély 1007/1970 (IV. 12.) korm. számú határozat az ingyenes csecsem collection of laws and enactments 1967.] 1968. p289. Budapest: KJK. government on the childcare allowance] In allowance] onthechildcare government women] In women] worker single threeand least of at workers of allowance of family theincreasing on government 3/1967. (I. 29.) korm. számú rendelet a gyermekgondozási segélyr agyermekgondozási rendelet számú korm. 29.) (I. 3/1967. enactments 1959.] 1960. p209. Budapest: KJK. és az egyedülálló dolgozók eltartó több gyermeket ennél vagy dolgozóhárom a kormányrendelet számú (III.27.) 15/1959. n 1957. p158. Budapest: KJK. gy hivatalos ésrendeletek Törvények In abortion.] illegal of punishment onthe and ofabortion on theregulation of Ministers Council kérdések szabályozásáról és a magzatelhajtás büntetésér magzatelhajtás a és szabályozásáról kérdések 1.047/1956. (VI.3.) számú minisztertanácsi határozat a terhesség megszakításával kapcsolatos gy In people] childless of tax on of Ministers Council ofthe enactment 8/1953. (II.8.) számú minisztertanácsi rendelet a gyermektelenek adójáról [8/1953 (II.8.) KJK. Budapest: 173-176. 1954. 1953.] enactments and laws of mother and child protection.] In protection.] child and mother ť ť jteménye 1970. jteménye 1953. 9,082,000 Number of population 9,015,259 9,048,893 ŋ Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos gy hivatalos rendeletek és Törvények l és módosításáról. [11/1973. (XII. 23.) order of the Ministry of Labor Affairs about 55 Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos gy hivatalos rendeletek és Törvények [Official collection of laws and enactments 1970.] 1971. Budapest: KJK. [Official collection of laws and enactments 1953.] 1954. Budapest: KJK. 1. 169,091 Table ť jteménye 1985. jteménye 169,120 187,316 Number oflive births total 1. The main population indexes (1945-1989) indexes population 1. Themain ŋ k családi pótlékának emelésér ť ť jteménye 1973. jteménye jteménye 1956. jteménye Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos gy hivatalos ésrendeletek Törvények population [Official collection of laws and enactments 1985.] 1986. p225. thousand 18.7 20.6 18.7 ŋ per l [1007/1970. (IV. 12.) government decision onthe governmentdecision (IV.12.) l [1007/1970. 58 Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos gy hivatalos ésrendeletek Törvények ŋ [Official collection of laws and enactments 1973.] enactments and oflaws collection [Official [Official collection of laws and enactments 1956.] enactments and oflaws collection [Official l, illet l, ť jteménye 1959. jteménye ť Number ofabortions n.a. jteménye 1973. jteménye total n.a. n.a. ŋ 56 leg emelésér ŋ ŋ l [1.047/1956 (VI.3.) decision of the of decision (VI.3.) [1.047/1956 l l [15/1959 (III. 27.) enactment of the live births hundred [Official collection of laws and oflaws collection [Official [Official collection of laws and oflaws collection [Official n.a. n.a. n.a. per ť ŋ jteménye 1953. jteménye ŋ kelengye természetbeni juttatása l [ 3/1985. (I. 17.) orderabout (I.17.) [ 3/1985. l ŋ Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos és rendeletek Törvények l [3/1967. enactment of the of enactment [3/1967. l Törvények és rendeletek hivatalos rendeletek és Törvények ŋ l szóló 3/1967. (I.29.) ť fertility Total jteménye 1967. jteménye 2.54 rate n.a. n.a. [Official collection live births thousand mortality Törvények és Törvények Infant 106.6 116.5 169.1 per [Official CEU eTD Collection 57 Sources: Demographic Yearbook, 2005, Central Statistical Office, Hungary Approximately data. 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 1950 1949 1948 Year Historical Statistics of Time Series 1867-1992, Central Statistical Office, Hungary Stadat-database, Statistical Central Office, Hungary Induced abortions 1995-2006, Central Statistical Office, Hungary Abortions, 2000, Central Statistical Office, Hungary 10,588,614 123,304 10,588,614 124,296 10,604,360 125,840 10,621,121 128,204 10,640,006 130,200 10,657,420 125,359 10,678,770 127,258 10,700,155 133,559 10,710,914 142,890 10,712,781 148,673 10,709,463 160,364 10,698,841 168,160 10,670,802 177,574 10,625,259 185,405 10,572,094 194,240 10,508,956 186,288 10,448,484 156,224 10,415,626 153,265 10,381,352 150,640 10,353,721 151,819 10,322,099 154,318 10,275,347 154,419 10,236,282 148,886 10,196,926 138,489 10,160,380 133,009 10,135,490 132,141 10,104,179 132,335 10,071,715 130,053 10,049,935 140,365 10,005,980 Number of population 9,961,044 9,913,029 9,850,158 9,828,578 9,883,210 9,766,600 9,645,068 9,545,207 9,462,887 9,383,024 9,292,514 9,204,799 9,118,672 146,461 153,347 160,665 169,714 192,810 210,430 223,347 206,926 185,820 190,645 195,567 190,398 191,907 Number oflive births total population thousand 14.7 15.2 16.0 17.0 19.5 21.4 23.0 21.6 19.6 20.2 20.9 20.6 21.0 12.9 14.0 11.9 11.9 12.0 12.2 12.3 11.8 11.9 12.5 13.4 13.9 15.0 15.8 16.7 17.5 18.4 17.8 15.0 14.7 14.5 14.7 15.0 15.1 14.6 13.6 13.1 13.1 13.1 per 59 162,160 152,404 145,578 123,383 163,656 169,992 102,022 169,650 179,035 187,425 192,283 206,817 201,096 187,527 186,773 180,269 184,367 173,835 1,707 82,463 35,398 90,508 87,106 84,547 83,586 81,970 82,191 78,599 78,682 78,421 80,882 80,767 83,545 89,096 94,720 96,212 Number ofabortions 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,000 total n.a. n.a. 57 live births hundred 110.7 100.8 125.8 121.1 108.6 116.8 124.4 126.7 134.0 130.2 126.0 134.9 135.5 139.5 131.4 26.1 20.6 23.5 19.8 42.8 37.3 91.9 73.8 18.4 73.4 70.1 67.2 65.2 63.0 65.6 61.8 58.9 54.9 54.4 50.4 49.7 50.2 51.1 49.5 54.8 n.a. n.a. per fertility Total 2.02 2.08 2.97 2.75 2.48 2.54 2.59 2.82 1.79 1.94 2.18 2.29 2.62 2.54 2.58 1.95 1.93 1.92 1.97 2.03 2.06 2.01 1.88 1.81 1.80 1.82 1.78 1.79 1.87 1.83 1.83 1.73 1.73 1.78 1.88 1.92 2.02 2.08 2.17 2.26 2.38 2.30 rate live births thousand mortality Infant 47.6 52.4 60.7 70.8 69.9 83.9 58.8 60.0 47.9 44.1 58.1 63.1 85.7 91.0 94.0 33.8 33.2 35.1 35.9 35.7 35.8 37.0 38.4 38.8 40.0 42.9 15.7 15.8 17.3 19.0 20.4 20.4 19.0 20.0 20.8 23.2 24.0 24.4 26.2 29.8 32.8 34.3 per CEU eTD Collection Einhorn, Barbara. 1993. 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