Manichaean Eschatology: Gnostic-Christian Thinking About Last Things
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The 'Teachers' of Mani in the Acta Archelai and Simon Magus
THE ‘TEACHERS’ OF MANI IN THE ACTA ARCHELAI AND SIMON MAGUS 1 by ESZTER SPÄT Abstract: This paper aims to prove that the biography of Mani in the Acta Archelae of Hegemonius, which contains a great number of completely ctitious elements, was in fact drawn up on the le of Simon Magus, pater omnium haereticorum , using the works of heresiologists and the apocryphal acts, espe- cially the Pseudo-Clementine Recognitiones , as a model and source. There are a great number of elements in this Vita Manis that bear a strong resemblance to the well known motives of Simon’s life. Projecting Simon’s life over that of Mani serves as tool to reinforce the image of Mani that Hegemonius tried to convey: that of just another ‘run of the mill’ heretic, one in the long line of the disciples of Simon, and a fraud and devoid of any originality. The Acta Archelai of Hegemonius, 2 composed between 330 and 348 in Syria, 3 was the rst Christian work written against Manichaeans. The text of the Acta, as a whole, has survived only in the Latin translation, though a great part of its Greek text has been preserved in the Panarion (or ‘Medicine Chest’) of Epiphanius, who seems to have often copied his source almost word for word in the chapter on Manichaeism. 4 Besides being the rst it was also, in many respects, the most in uential. It was a source of mate- rial, both on Manichaean mythology and on the gure of Mani, for a long list of historians and theologians who engaged in polemics against the 1 I express my thanks to Professor J. -
2 Religions and Religious Movements
ISBN 978-92-3-103654-5 Introduction 2 RELIGIONS AND RELIGIOUS MOVEMENTS H.-J. Klimkeit, R. Meserve, E. E. Karimov and C. Shackle Contents Introduction ....................................... 62 RELIGIONS IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN ENVIRONMENT ............. 67 Turkic and Mongol beliefs, the Tibetan Bon religion and shamanism ......... 67 Religion among the Uighurs, Kyrgyz, Kitan ...................... 69 MANICHAEISM AND NESTORIAN CHRISTIANITY ............... 71 Manichaeism ...................................... 71 Nestorian Christianity .................................. 75 Zoroastrianism ..................................... 78 Hinduism ........................................ 82 THE ADVENT OF ISLAM: EXTENT AND IMPACT ................ 83 NON-ISLAMIC MYSTIC MOVEMENTS IN HINDU SOCIETY .......... 88 The Hatha-yoga movement ............................... 89 The bhakti movement .................................. 90 Birth of the Sikh religion ................................ 91 Introduction (H.-J. Klimkeit) Although cultural and religious life along the Central Asian Silk Route was determined both by various indigenous traditions, including Zoroastrianism, and by the world 62 ISBN 978-92-3-103654-5 Introduction religions that expanded into this area from India and China as well as from Syria and Per- sia, we can detect certain basic patterns that recur in different areas and situations.1 Here we mainly wish to illustrate that there were often similar geopolitical and social conditions in various oasis towns. The duality of such towns and the surrounding deserts, steppes and mountains is characteristic of the basic situation. Nomads dwelling in the steppes had their own social structures and their own understanding of life, which was determined by tra- ditions that spoke of forefathers and heroes of the past who had created a state with its own divine orders and laws. The Old Turkic inscriptions on the Orkhon river in Mongolia are a good case in point. -
Augustine on Manichaeism and Charisma
Religions 2012, 3, 808–816; doi:10.3390/rel3030808 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article Augustine on Manichaeism and Charisma Peter Iver Kaufman Jepson School, University of Richmond, Room 245, Jepson Hall, 28 Westhampton Way, Richmond, VA 23173, USA; E-Mail: [email protected] Received: 5 June 2012; in revised form: 28 July 2012 / Accepted: 1 August 2012 / Published: 3 September 2012 Abstract: Augustine was suspicious of charismatics‘ claims to superior righteousness, which supposedly authorized them to relay truths about creation and redemption. What follows finds the origins of that suspicion in his disenchantment with celebrities on whom Manichees relied, specialists whose impeccable behavior and intellectual virtuosity were taken as signs that they possessed insight into the meaning of Christianity‘s sacred texts. Augustine‘s struggles for self-identity and with his faith‘s intelligibility during the late 370s, 380s, and early 390s led him to prefer that his intermediaries between God and humanity be dead (martyred), rather than alive and charismatic. Keywords: arrogance; Augustine; charisma; esotericism; Faustus; Mani; Manichaeism; truth The Manichaean elite or elect adored publicity. Augustine wrote the first of his caustic treatises against them in 387, soon after he had been baptized in Milan and as he was planning passage back to Africa, where he was born, raised, and educated. Baptism marked his devotion to the emerging mainstream Christian orthodoxy and his disenchantment with the Manichees‘ increasingly marginalized Christian sect, in which, for nine or ten years, in North Africa and Italy, he listened to specialists—charismatic leaders and teachers. -
Manichaean Art and Calligraphy Art and Calligraphy Played A
Manichaean Art and Calligraphy Art and calligraphyplayed a central role in Manichaeismfrom its inception in S. Baby- lonia in the third century until its final disappearancefrom South China in the sixteenth century. Mani, the founder of the sect, had anticipated the problems which his disciples might encounter in presenting his very graphic teaching on cosmogony to an average audienceby providing them with visual aids in the form of a picture book (Greek/Coptic: Ev'xwv,Middle Persia/Parthian:Ardahang, Chinese: Ta-men-ho-it'u).1 Since Mani had in- tended that the unique revelation he had receivedfrom his Divine Twin should be literally understood, an actual pictorial representationof the myth would serve to guard against al- legoricalinterpretation. The importancegiven to artisticendeavours in the early history of the sect is evident from accounts of its missionary activities. The first Manichaeanmis- sionariesto the Roman Empire were accompaniedby scribes (Middle Persian: dibtrin)and those who went with Mar Ammo to Abar.cahr(the Upper Lands) had among them scribes and a miniature painter / book illuminator (nibegan-nigär).2We also learn from a letter to Mar Ammo from Sisinnios,the archego.rof the sect after the death of Mani, that duplicate copies of the Ardahangwere being made at Merv in Khorasan.3The early Manichaeansalso devel- oped a special Estrangela script from the Aramaic script which was in use in and around Palmyra which gave the Manichaeantexts a unique appearance.This script was used for texts in Syriac, Middle Persian, Parthian, Sogdian and Old Turkish. No copies of the Ardahanghas survived the systematicdestruction of Manichaeanbooks by the sect's many opponents. -
Manichaeism As a Test Case for the Theory of Reception Timothy Pettipiece
Document généré le 29 sept. 2021 15:02 Laval théologique et philosophique A Church to Surpass All Churches Manichaeism as a Test Case for the Theory of Reception Timothy Pettipiece La théorie de la réception Résumé de l'article Volume 61, numéro 2, juin 2005 En vue de tester la viabilité de la théorie de la réception pour l’étude du manichéisme, cette étude examine comment l’effort manichéen d’établir des URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/011816ar liens culturels et linguistiques dans les milieux où s’exerça la mission DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/011816ar manichéenne n’a pas suffi à assurer le maintien de la Religion de Lumière. Le fait que Mani considérait sa révélation comme supérieure aux autres a au Aller au sommaire du numéro contraire empêché sa réception par les cultures chez lesquelles elle voulait être accueillie. Éditeur(s) Faculté de philosophie, Université Laval Faculté de théologie et de sciences religieuses, Université Laval ISSN 0023-9054 (imprimé) 1703-8804 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Pettipiece, T. (2005). A Church to Surpass All Churches : manichaeism as a Test Case for the Theory of Reception. Laval théologique et philosophique, 61(2), 247–260. https://doi.org/10.7202/011816ar Tous droits réservés © Laval théologique et philosophique, Université Laval, Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des 2005 services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. -
The Context of 1 John Refutes the Imposition of Calvinsm on Any of Its Passages Why 1 John 5:1 Cannot Support Calvinism
WHY 1 JOHN 5:1 DOES NOT SUPPORT CALVINISM THE CONTEXT OF 1 JOHN REFUTES THE IMPOSITION OF CALVINSM ON ANY OF ITS PASSAGES WHY 1 JOHN 5:1 CANNOT SUPPORT CALVINISM 1 John 5:1 (KJV) 1 Whosoever believeth that Jesus is the Christ is born of God: and every one that loveth him that begat loveth him also that is begotten of him. www.beyondthefundamentals.com In this video, we’re going to talk about the errors that Calvinists are making when they cite 1 John 5:1 and other verses from 1 John thinking that they support Gnosticism. Remember that all of the slides used for this video can be downloaded at www.beyondthefundamentals.com in the “Class Notes” tab. While your at the website, this ministry can be supported financially via the papal link on the home page. These videos and resources take a lot of time and effort, and they require maintenance of many high-value devices and video equipment. Your involvement will be a huge help, and it will help us produce more content with greater frequency. Download the slides and follow along. We keep these videos at a steady pace to save you time, and slides are designed to make following along a little easier. AGENDA • How Calvinists read 1 John 5:1 • Gnostic Presupposition: Regeneration precedes faith • 1 John 2:29 and 1 John 4:7 • John’s purpose in writing • 1 John 1:4; 2:1, 8, 12, 13, 21, 26, 5:13 • The anti-purpose and prompt to John’s writing • Seducers (2:26) • Antichrists (2:18; 2:22; 4:3; 2 John 1:7) • Hearing one side of a [phone] conversation • Establishing a baseline • Interpreting Passages in accordance with stated purpose I toiled over the title of this video a little bit. -
5988 Aram 16 07 Durkin
ARAM, 16 (2004) 95-107 D. DURKIN-MEISTERERNST 95 THE PARTHIAN mwqrˆnyg bˆsˆÌ (Turfan Collection, Berlin, M4a I V 3-16).1 DESMOND DURKIN-MEISTERERNST (Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften) The Turfan fragment M4a I V 3-16 contains a hymn in Parthian. Though short it is preceded and followed by captions, which would suggest that it is complete. MÜLLER published it in 1904 and LIDZBARSKI 1918 conjectured on the basis of the metrics, the structure of the text and a particular play of words that it must have had an Aramaic original, which he reconstructed. The text poses a number of interesting problems and puzzles, which now, more than 80 years after Lidzbarski’s perspicacious article, we can view in the light of more material than was available then.2 But does this bring us nearer to solutions? We will here look at 1: the text, structure and meaning of the hymn, 2: the title, and 3: the speaker, the language and the possible origin of the text. 1. THE TEXT, STRUCTURE AND MEANING OF THE HYMN Transliteration of the text3: 3/ nysˆrˆd mwqrˆnyg bˆsˆ 4/ ˆbjyrwˆng {snwhrg hym 5/ cy ˆc bˆbyl zmyg 6/ wyspryxt hym °° wyspryxt 7/ hym ˆc zmyg bˆbyl ˆwd 8/ pd rˆstyft br ˆwystˆˆd 9/ hym °° °° srˆwg hym ˆbjyrwˆng 10/ cy ˆc bˆbyl zmyg frnft 11/ hym °° frnft hym ˆc zmyg 12/ bˆbyl kw xrwsˆn xrws pd 13/ zmbwdyg °° °° ˆw {smˆ yzdˆn 14/ pdwhˆm hrwyn bgˆn hyrzydw 15/ ˆw mn ˆstˆr pd ˆmwjdyf† °° 16/ hnjft mwqrˆnyg bˆsˆÌ 1 W.Sundermann kindly read a draft of this article and discussed many points with me. -
Was the Religious Manichaean Narrative a Mythical Narrative? Some Remarks from the Perspective of Andrzej Wierciński's Defini
Studia Religiologica 49 (2) 2016, s. 119–131 doi:10.4467/20844077SR.16.008.5229 www.ejournals.eu/Studia-Religiologica Was the Religious Manichaean Narrative a Mythical Narrative? Some Remarks from the Perspective of Andrzej Wierciński’s Definition of Myth Mariusz Dobkowski Abstract Many specialists in Manichaeism wrote after World War II about the religious Manichaean narra- tive as a myth or a mythology. In this paper I examine whether the Manichaean narrative actually meets the criteria of definition of myth. This question is also worth asking because some scholars emphasise the monosemic character of the mentioned narrative. The definition of myth which I use is that of Andrzej Wierciński (1930–2003), a Polish anthropologist of religion. Among my reasons for choosing this is because it includes as many as nine features of myth and also refers to scien- tific narrative, which by its nature has one level of meaning. I refer this definition, above all, to Manichaean evidence in the Coptic language, but when the need arises I also invoke other sources, both polemical and apologetic. Key words: Manichaeism, myth, Andrzej Wierciński The main reason why I decided to address this issue is the observation that since the mid-twentieth century almost all scholars specialising in Manichaeism have univer- sally talked about the doctrine of “the religion of Light” as a myth or a mythology. For example, in 1949 Henri-Charles Puech wrote these words about the doctrine of Manichaeism in his monograph on this religion: “en fait, malgré toutes ses ambi- tions, dans Manichéisme comme dans tout gnosticisme, cette science qui se croit pure Raison se résout en mythes”.1 Then, in 1998 Manfred Hauser titled his extensive es- say, which reconstructs religious Manichaean narrative on the basis of the discovery from Medinet Madi, “The Manichaean Myth According to The Coptic Sources”.2 And finally, in the most recent monograph on “the religion of Light”, by Nicholas 1 H.-C. -
Muslim•Paulician Encounters and Early Islamic Anti-Christian Polemical Writings
During Late Antiquity, the eastern fringes of the Byzantine Empire constituted fertile ground for the cross pollination of religious and intellectual ideas, among which dualist doctrines were well known. Such is the case of Gnosticism and Manichaeism, which con tinued to play a notable role in the region even after the advent of Islam (O’Grady 1995, 26-72; Reeves 2010, 7-20). These dualist beliefs found their way into certain Christian heretical sects that challenged the authority of the Orthodox Church. Among these Chris tian movements were the Paulicians, who flourished as both a religious and a military group in eastern Anatolia and Armenia between the sixth and twelfth centuries. The Orthodox Church regarded the Paulicians as heretics, linking them with religious schism and dualist doctrines such as Manichaeism and Marcionism. Little is known, rela tively speaking, about the Paulicians’ origin and doctrines due, as we shall see, to the pro blematic nature of the body of materials available on this movement. The interest of modern scholars in Paulicians can be traced back to the seventeenth century as an offshoot of scholarly preoccupation with dualist and Gnostic movements, particularly Manichaeism. Two major themes figure prominently in these studies, the first of which is interest in tracing the origin of Paulician doctrines and their transmission to Western Europe (Garsoian 1967, 16-25), and the second, the history of the Paulicians and their relations with Byzantium and the Orthodox Church (Vasiliev 1935, 232-241; Garsoian 1967, 151; Lemerle 1973, 1-144; Ludwig 1998, 23-24; Runciman 1999, 27 62). References to Islamic-Paulician encounters in modern scholarship amount to general and brief allusions that appear on the sidelines of studies on dualist movements or Armenian history. -
William Faulkner: the Calvinistic Sensibility
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1974 William Faulkner: the Calvinistic Sensibility. Mary Dell Fletcher Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Fletcher, Mary Dell, "William Faulkner: the Calvinistic Sensibility." (1974). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2662. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2662 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced ii;to the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
Manichaeism and Its Spread Into China
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 4-2002 Manichaeism and its Spread into China Jennifer Marie Dan University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Dan, Jennifer Marie, "Manichaeism and its Spread into China" (2002). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/529 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Appendix E - UNIVERSITY HONORS PROGRA_lYI SENIOR PROJECT - APPROVAL College: I\("t~~ bc.\4rl~ Depanment: C \ Q ~ ~ i. Co :. r have reviewed this completed senior honors thesis with this student and certify that it is a project commensurate with honors level undergraduate research in this field. - \ '""' ) .A, ' Signed: ___1._----_-- ---=1.:....'..,:/_• ....:'-::..,./ _.::::---:....-_________• Faculty Mentor General Assessment - please provide a short paragraph that highlights the most significant features of the project. Comments (Optional): This project pursues Jennifer's recondite interest in the ancient dualistic religion of Manichaeism, known to most of us only through St. Augustine. Jennifer shows a command of appropriate bibliography and strong synthetic ability in presenting a picture of Mani and of his teachings. Jennifer further describes precisely the spread of Manichaeism to China along the Silk Road. -
Refuting the Claim That Augustine Is Opposed to Corporeality
Aporia vol. 23 no. 1—2013 Refuting the Claim that Augustine is Opposed to Corporeality GABRIEL HESS aint Augustine, it has been claimed, decries fleshly embodiment in favor of a non-physical, spiritual existence. This has led to the pur- Sported hatred of the human body by modern Catholicism and even traditional Protestant Christianity, both of which find the basis for their teachings in Augustine. In this paper, I will show how Augustine’s views regarding embodiment developed over time. I will demonstrate that Augus- tine did not hate the body, and that his view was the most amenable of all the early Christian fathers to embodiment. Augustine the Manichaean One of Augustine’s earliest ideological alignments was with Man- ichaeism. He was enticed by the prospect of salvation that it offered. It also seemed to offer resolution to the inner conflict of his misplaced passions. In A Guide to the Thought of Saint Augustine, Eugène Portalié enumer- ates several potential motives for what he terms to be Augustine’s being “led astray” by Manichaean doctrines. One such motive was to find the origin of evil, which he felt this philosophy could do. Another was the scientific explanation of nature to which the Manichaeans laid claim. Yet another was Manichaeism’s teaching on materialism—that substance is evil by nature, something to be despised, and that spirit is immaterial. It is this Gabriel Hess graduated in philosophy at Brigham Young University. Following a masters program in pastoral and spiritual care at the Iliff School of Theology in Denver, he will pursue a career in the US Army as an LDS chaplain.