The Enactment of Appropriations Measures During Lame Duck Sessions
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Outlook for Fall & Lame Duck
ML Strategies Update ML Strategies, LLC 701 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Washington, DC 20004 USA FOLLOW US ON TWITTER: @MLStrategies 202 296 3622 www.mlstrategies.com AUGUST 30, 2016 OUTLOOK FOR FALL & LAME DUCK As summer ends and we look ahead to cooler weather, a historic presidential election, and a legislative and regulatory calendar that has numerous measures ready for activity, ML Strategies is pleased to share our outlook on what to expect in the final quarter of 2016. The House and Senate are both set to return September 6 from an exceptionally long August recess that started this year in mid-July to accommodate the party presidential nominating conventions in Cleveland and Philadelphia. The House is scheduled to be in session for four weeks and the Senate for five weeks when they will both break again for the month of October to campaign. Elections are held on Tuesday, November 8 and the outcome – the election of Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump to the presidency, and decisions by voters that will impact which party will hold the majorities in the House and Senate – will play a significant role in determining the legislative calendar and agenda for the remainder of the year. The current lame duck calendar has the House in session for 16 days and the Senate in session for 20 days between the election and year-end. We can count on some bills moving during the September work period, such as a short-term Continuing Resolution (CR) to fund the federal government for some period of time, likely into mid- December. -
Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress: Perspectives and Contemporary Analysis
Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress: Perspectives and Contemporary Analysis Updated October 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R40504 Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress Summary The 12th Amendment to the Constitution requires that presidential and vice presidential candidates gain “a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed” in order to win election. With a total of 538 electors representing the 50 states and the District of Columbia, 270 electoral votes is the “magic number,” the arithmetic majority necessary to win the presidency. What would happen if no candidate won a majority of electoral votes? In these circumstances, the 12th Amendment also provides that the House of Representatives would elect the President, and the Senate would elect the Vice President, in a procedure known as “contingent election.” Contingent election has been implemented twice in the nation’s history under the 12th Amendment: first, to elect the President in 1825, and second, the Vice President in 1837. In a contingent election, the House would choose among the three candidates who received the most electoral votes. Each state, regardless of population, casts a single vote for President in a contingent election. Representatives of states with two or more Representatives would therefore need to conduct an internal poll within their state delegation to decide which candidate would receive the state’s single vote. A majority of state votes, 26 or more, is required to elect, and the House must vote “immediately” and “by ballot.” Additional precedents exist from 1825, but they would not be binding on the House in a contemporary election. -
Andrew Johnson and the Patronage
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 12-1968 Andrew Johnson and the Patronage James Lewis Baumgardner Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Part of the American Politics Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Baumgardner, James Lewis, "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 1968. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/1874 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by James Lewis Baumgardner entitled "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in History. LeRoy Graf, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: John Muldowney, D. H. Carlisle, Harold S. Fink, Richard C. Marins Accepted for the Council: Carolyn R. Hodges Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) November 22, 1968 To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by James Lewi s Baumgardner entitled "Andrew Johnson and the Patronage . " I recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a maj or in History. -
Lame Duck Sessions of Congress, 1935-2018 (74Th-115Th Congresses)
Lame Duck Sessions of Congress, 1935-2018 (74th-115th Congresses) Updated October 13, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R45154 Lame Duck Sessions of Congress, 1935-2018 (74th-115th Congresses) Summary A “lame duck” session of Congress occurs whenever one Congress meets after its successor is elected but before the end of its own constitutional term. Under present conditions, any meeting of Congress between election day in November and the following January 3 is a lame duck session. Prior to 1933, when the Twentieth Amendment changed the dates of the congressional term, the last regular session of Congress was always a lame duck session. Today, however, the expression is primarily used for any portion of a regular session that falls after an election. Congress has held 22 lame duck sessions since the implementation of the Twentieth Amendment. From the first modern lame duck session in 1941 to 1998, the sessions occurred sporadically. Beginning in 2000, both houses of Congress have held a lame duck session following every election. In this report, the data presentation is separate for the sporadic period (76th-105th Congresses) and the consistent period (106th-present) in order to identify past and emerging trends. Lame duck sessions can occur in several ways. Either chamber or both chambers may (1) provide for an existing session to resume after a recess spanning the election; (2) continue meeting in intermittent, or pro forma, sessions during the period spanning the election; or (3) reconvene after an election pursuant to contingent authority granted to the leadership in a recess or adjournment resolution. -
Lame Duck Sessions LWVMI Study: 2020-2021 2019 Convention Task
Lame Duck Sessions LWVMI Study: 2020-2021 2019 Convention Task: This study was approved by the delegates at the LWVMI 2019 Convention in Livonia: Study the structure and process of the Michigan Legislature limited to exploring the ramifications on democracy, if any, posed by lame duck sessions and developing guidelines, if warranted, regarding the type of bills and how such bills should be handled in a lame duck session. Approved Study Scope: • A review of the constitutional authority provided to a lame duck legislative body in Michigan • The pros and cons of Michigan’s lame duck process • A review of lame duck authority and process in other states • Possible (future) constraints to Michigan’s lame duck sessions Definition • A lame duck session is the legislative session that begins after the November election in even-numbered years, and lasts until the Legislature adjourns in December. Be Open Time to eliminate pre-conceived ideas Minded! about Lame Duck sessions, such as: • Lame Duck sessions are evil • Lame Duck session are always used by one party • Nothing good ever comes from Lame Duck sessions • Lame duck sessions are un-constitutional or illegal • Lame Duck legislation is pushed through by unethical politicians who wait for a chance to skirt the system. Process, not substance • Since 2012, LWVMI has opposed many Lame Duck bills based on LWVMI or LWVUS positions • Would this study have been proposed if the bills passed in Lame Duck were more in line with LWV positions? • This study is a process-oriented study, rather than a review of the substance of bills passed during a Lame Duck session. -
Lame Duck Study
League of Women Voters of Michigan Lame Duck Study A Look at the Procedures and Issues in Legislative Lame Duck Sessions Lame Duck Study Group 11-14-2020 Glenn Anderson – NW Wayne County Carla Barrows-Wiggins- Oakland Area Priscilla Burnham – Marquette County Jerry Demaire – Macomb County Joan Hunault – Leelanau County Marian Kromkowski- Leelanau County Beth Moore- Lansing Area Jim Treharne – Oakland Area Paula Bowman- LWVMI VP, Program Christina Schlitt – LWVMI President League of Women Voters of Michigan Lame Duck Study Table of Contents LAME DUCK STUDY ...................................................................................................... 3 IMPETUS FOR THE LAME DUCK STUDY ................................................................. 3 THE SCOPE THE LAME DUCK STUDY INCLUDES .................................................. 3 AN OVERVIEW OF THE LEGISLATIVE PROCESS MAY BE FOUND AT ................. 3 OVERVIEW OF A LAME DUCK SESSION ..................................................................... 5 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 5 Observations ................................................................................................................ 5 Summary of Findings ................................................................................................... 5 Data ............................................................................................................................. 6 Summary..................................................................................................................... -
Lame Duck Sessions of Congress, 1935-2012 (74Th-112Th Congresses)
Lame Duck Sessions of Congress, 1935-2012 (74th-112th Congresses) Richard S. Beth Specialist on Congress and the Legislative Process Jessica Tollestrup Analyst on Congress and the Legislative Process September 19, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33677 Lame Duck Sessions of Congress Summary A “lame duck” session of Congress occurs whenever one Congress meets after its successor is elected, but before the term of the current Congress ends. Under present conditions, any meeting of Congress after election day in November, but before the following January 3, is a lame duck session. Prior to 1933, when the 20th Amendment changed the dates of the congressional term, the last regular session of Congress was always a lame duck session. Today, however, the expression is used not only for a separate session of Congress that convenes after a sine die adjournment, but also for any portion of a regular session that falls after an election. A lame duck session can occur in several ways. (1) Congress has usually provided for its existing session to resume after a recess spanning the election. (In 1954, only the Senate returned in this way, while the House adjourned sine die.) (2) In 1940, 1942, and also most recently in 2008, 2010, and 2012, at least one house continued meeting in intermittent, or pro forma, sessions during the period spanning the election (in these most recent years, the Senate used this means to forestall recess appointments). (3) Congress can reconvene after an election pursuant to contingent authority granted to the leadership in a recess or adjournment resolution (the House followed this course in 1998 and 2008). -
Grounding the Lame Duck: the President, the Final Three Months, and Emergency Powers
Grounding the Lame Duck: The President, the Final Three Months, and Emergency Powers ARI B. RUBIN* TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ..................................................... 908 I. IS THERE A PROBLEM? WHAT PAST LAME-DUCK ACTIONS REVEAL . 909 A. HISTORY OF CONTENTIOUS LAME-DUCK ACTIONS . 911 B. COUNTEREXAMPLES AND EQUITIES ........................... 915 C. HYPOTHETICALS. ......................................... 921 II. JUDICIAL INTERVENTION ........................................ 922 A. CONSTITUTIONAL CONSTRAINTS AND SEPARATION OF POWERS . 923 1. Take Care Clause .............................. 927 2. Oath Clause................................... 928 3. Term Clauses ................................. 929 4. Impeachment Clauses ........................... 930 B. THE AMENDMENTS AND NORMS.............................. 933 1. The Twentieth Amendment ....................... 933 2. The Twenty-Second Amendment . 936 3. The Twenty-Fifth Amendment .................... 940 C. CASE LAW DEALING WITH LAME-DUCK ACTIONS . 945 III. THE NEXT CRISIS ............................................. 952 A. LAME-DUCK DOCTRINE. .................................... 952 B. ENSHRINING THE DOCTRINE IN LAW .......................... 955 * Georgetown Law, J.D. 2020; Wesleyan University, B.A. 2002. © 2021, Ari B. Rubin. The author is clerk to Chief Judge Matthew J. Fader of the Maryland Court of Special Appeals. Prior to law, the author was a ®lm and TV writer and producer, and he has written opinion pieces for publications including Politico, the HuffPost, -
Limiting the Federal Pardon Power Kristen H
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Indiana University Bloomington Maurer School of Law Indiana Law Journal Volume 83 | Issue 4 Article 17 Fall 2008 Limiting the Federal Pardon Power Kristen H. Fowler Indiana University School of Law-Bloomington Follow this and additional works at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Courts Commons, and the Judges Commons Recommended Citation Fowler, Kristen H. (2008) "Limiting the Federal Pardon Power," Indiana Law Journal: Vol. 83: Iss. 4, Article 17. Available at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol83/iss4/17 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Limiting the Federal Pardon Power KRISTEN H. FOWLER* "[A] single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory...." INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................1651 I. FOUNDATIONS AND HISTORY OF THE FEDERAL ExECuTIVE PARDON POWER 1653 A. Establishingthe FederalExecutive Pardon Power ..........................1654 B. The FederalExecutive PardonPower Throughout United States H istory ..............................................................................................1656 C. Recent ProposedAmendments -
Why Do 9 Justices Serve on the Supreme Court? - HISTORY
9/28/2020 Why Do 9 Justices Serve on the Supreme Court? - HISTORY UPDATED:: SEP 24,, 2020 ·· ORIIGIINAL:: SEP 23,, 2020 Why Do 9 Justices Serve on the Supreme Court? DAVE ROOS Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images Only since 1869 have there consistently been nine justices appointed to the Supreme Court. Before that, Congress routinely changed the number of justices to achieve its own partisan political goals, resulting in as few as five Supreme Court justices required by law under John Adams to as many as 10 under Abraham Lincoln. The U.S. Constitution is silent about how many justices should sit on the Supreme Court. In fact, the office of Chief Justice only exists because it’s mentioned in the Constitution under Senate rules for impeachment proceedings (“When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside...”). https://www.history.com/news/supreme-court-justices-number-constitution 1/4 9/28/2020 Why Do 9 Justices Serve on the Supreme Court? - HISTORY It’s Congress, not the Constitution, that decides the size of the Supreme Court, which it did for the first time under the Judiciary Act of 1789. When George Washington signed the Act into law, he set the number of Supreme Court justices at six. WATCH: Washington on HISTORY Vault Split Decisions Were Less of a Concern Why six? Because Supreme Court justices in those days were also appointed to sit on federal circuit courts, of which there were 13 in 1789, one for each state. Each circuit court would be presided over by three judges: one district court judge from the state and two Supreme Court justices. -
Congressional Record-House House Of
1932 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE 3815 Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. Mr. President-- The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator from Oregon approved. yield to the Senator from Oklahoma? MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE Mr. McNARY. I yield to the Senator. A message from the Senate by Mr. Craven, its principal Mr. THOMAS of Oklahoma. I have no objection to the clerk, announced that the Senate had agreed to the amend time of convening on Monday, but I shall have to object to ments of the House to a bill of the following title: fixing a time for a final vote; and, if I can have the time, I S. 1306. An act to provide for the incorporation of the will state in a moment my objection. District of Columbia Commission, George Washington Bicen When the bill is finally perfected, ready for a vote, if in tennial. my opinion the authorization is not sufficiently broad, I de CHANGE OF REFERENCE sire to offer a new section on the authorization clause; and Mr. WILLIAMS of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous at that time I should like to have a few minutes to explain consent that the bill CS. 2396) to amend section 11 of the my reason· for offering the amendment. It will not take act approved February 22, 1889 (25 Stat. 676), relating to more than 5 or 10 or 15 minutes, but I do not want to be the admission into the Union of the States of North Dakota, cut off from that opportunity. -
Executive Power and Republicanism: the Battle to Define Ulysses S
Executive Power and Republicanism: The Battle to Define Ulysses S. Grant’s Presidency 1868-1880 Annabelle Frances Grenville-Mathers Submitted for the fulfilment of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History March 2015 1 2 Thesis Summary This thesis situates the presidency of Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) and the attempts to provide him with a third term in the republican political culture of Reconstruction. Exploring the period through the lens of the press, pamphlets, and archival material, it shows how republican ideas – especially hostility to partisan politics and fear of concentrated power – in the era had the capacity to both augment and detract from the president’s ability to secure the post-war settlement. Early interpretations of Grant’s presidency, written by scholars often hostile to Reconstruction, accused him of overzealous support for African-American civil rights. In contrast, revisionists blamed Reconstruction’s failure in part on Grant’s weak administration. However, when viewed through the prism of the republican political culture of the era, it is possible to see how Grant’s presidency could be simultaneously strong and weak. Republicanism enabled the portrayal of Grant as both a model republican and a tyrant- in-waiting. This thesis argues that the very qualities which made him a strong president – his antipartisanship, self-sacrifice, and honour – gave Grant the independence and support which many feared would be the undoing of the republic. Republicanism had the power to define the parameters of the possible during Reconstruction. With the federal government in tumult and the boundaries of presidential power undefined, Americans’ fears over the safety of their liberties helped shape what could be achieved during Reconstruction.