THE GROANS OF THE BRIToNs IOWARD THE BRITISH CivirArEs PERIOD, CIRCA 406-455 C.E.
I IsI;allnorfcillowt1icvuitingsc idivcoclsoJinyou’ncotnitiv,vhich (ifrhcrccvcrw’crccur’of thcni)hctvcIcciiconsumcdbythcrircsoftheencmv, orhvc cconijicuucdmycxilcdcoun— ttvmcnintodistant kmds..i Sincethe timeofGilcias,the first great chroniclerofthe British,the problemofreliable sources,or anysources,has beenlamented. Overthe centuries, myth,pseudo-history,and educated guessworkhaverushedinto fillthevoid.2Thelast thirty yearshaveseena revivalof interest in the fifth and sixth centuries, and a great deal of work has beencloneon the historicalandarchaeologicalrecords. Ironically,the increasedfocuson the periodhascast adoubt onalmosteveryimportant assumption that has beenmacicabout earlyBritain. IanWood has noted that between the usurpation ofConstantine III in407and the death ofthe RomanconsulAetiusin 455there are a handful of dateable events associated with the British Isles.3Yet eventhese are the subject ofintense debate. Primarynarrative sources, especiallythe chronicles,have come under fire.Many havebeenabandonedaltogether,especiallyby archaeologistsand histori ansfavoringanarchaeologicalapproachto the period. With morequestionsthan answers,historiansarepresentedwith tnatiychallenges,not the least ofwhichis ‘hat to callthis period andoverwhat periodoftime that identification mightbe valid. “TheEndofRomanBritain,”“PostRomanBritain,”“DarkAgeBritain,”and “Arthur’sBritain”have beenused in the past. Fromarchaeologywe have“sub-RomanBrit ain.” Allofthe aboveareto somedegreeunsatisfactory.Sincethe abandonmentofthe island 65 GROA5 OF lilt BRITONS by the legionsofMagnusMaximus(388),Stilicho(ca.402), and lastly Constantine (407), a society began to form there that was clearly not Roman.The singularity of the British historicalcircumstanceled to asocietythat was uniquewhen comparedto the LateRoman provinceson the continent. The question of periodization is equally problematic.Traditionally,historians have focusedon the years400600, approximatelythe time fromthe departure of the legionsto the Augustinianmission.4While this approach has advantagesin that it coversthe period fromRomanBritainto Christian-era England,it paints with too broad abrush. Iwill argue that the periodfrom406 to the mid-450spresents a uniqueperiodin Britishhistory,onein which the independentcivitatcsofthe islandestablishedagovernmentindependentfromthe RomanEmpire.Their revolt in 409 was unparalleledin the West.5 Independencedid not mean,however,that affairsin Britainwereseparatefromthose on the continent. In 429,the Churchbecameinvolvedin the Pelagianheresyon the island.This coincidedwith the mili tary affairsofthe RomangeneralAetiusinArmorica,the Gallicprovinecacrossthe channel fromBritain.Inthe late 440s the Britonspleadedto this sameAetiusforRomanhelpin their fight againstbarbarian incursions,and by the time ofhis death, the last chancefor Roman involvementdisappeared. The independent British governmentof 409, succumbing to a variety of internal and external pressures, transformed into an island of petty kingdoms ruledbyGilcias’sfamoustyrants,markingthe endofthe civitatespmod. Thispaper willlook at someofthe political,economic,religious,and militaryaspectsofthis historicalprocess. “No Longer Obeying the Romans’ Laws” Thehistoryofthe independentBrittonickingdomsbeginsin the late fourth century. In 3$3the Romanusurper XlagnusMaximusleft Britain,accordingto Gildas,“depriveclofall hersoldieryandarmedbands,ofhercruelgovernorsandofthe flowerofheryouth,who went with Maximus,but never again returned.” \Vhile Gilcias’saccount of the extent of the Romandeparture has been calledinto question, there is no doubt that Maximus’susurpa tion hadweakenedthe defensesofthe island.STheincreasedPictishactivityin this period, describedbyGildas9andsupportedby other e’idencc, is a symptomofthe weakenedstate ofthe Romanmilitarysituation.Curiously,Niaximus’sdeath in 388did not end hisinvolve mentin Britishhistory.Bythe ninth century,Maximus’snameappearsat the head ofseveral Brittonicroyalgenealogies.Accordingto DavidDumville,“Heappearsboth as the last Ro man emperor in Britainand as the tirst ruler of an independent Britain, from w’homall legitimatepower Flowed—apleasingirony,in viewofhis actualhistory asa usurper.” Afurtherweakeningofthe Romandefensesin Britainoccurredat the endofthe century. The first ofthe Pictishwars reported by Gilciascontinued nitiltosaniiosuntil 389-90.In 39$ the VandalgeneralStilicho,answering a callfor help fromthe Britons,fought a campaign 66 Kcvin\fumnicy against the Picts. Tn401,however,he was forced to return to Italy in response to the threat posed byAlaric.’2His departure with the legionsmarks a turning point—at least someofthe islanc1,such as the area around Chester, would never againexperience Roman military pres ence. The revolt that began in 406 hastened the end of Roman Britain and ushered in the cn’iwrcsperiod. The previous thirty-five years haciplacecia great deal ofstress on the Roman military and political structure on the island. Thompson has noted that “we know more about the years 406-410 than we know about anyother quinquennium of Romano-British history, apart fromthe periods that Tacitus describes forus.”‘ In 406 the soldiers in Britain revolted, raising acertain Marcus to the purple. VVedon’t know why the legions were com pelled to rebel or why they chose Marcus. The increase in Irish raiding activity in the south in 405 (attributed to Niallof the Nine Hostages) mayhavecontributed to the unease ofthe depleted garrison.11Lackof pay—there had been no imperial issue sent to the island since 402—is another likely cause of discontent.15The bleak prospect of being stationed in the periphery during a time ofcrisis in the center ofthe empire likely compelled the soldiers to look fora leader who would take them back to the continent. The events on the continent at the end of 406 provided a clear motive for the British revolt. On December 31,a force of Alans, Vandals, and Suevis crossed the frozen Rhine, overw’helmingthe imperialand federateforcesand makingtheir wayunimpeded into Gaul.’6 In the early months of407,the British soldiers killed Marcus and appointed Gratian as their leader. He is described by Orosius as mimiccps,some sort of civic official,perhaps a town councilor and member of the aristocracy.’7\Vhile his reign lasted only four months and ended with his assassination, the presence ofa civicofficialas military commanderis the first evidence we have indicating that a representative of the civitcltesassumed a role previously filledbyan imperial official.The reasonforhis murder is unknown, but it is probable that his reluctance to take troops across the channel led to his demise.”1 In early 407,the Germanic peopleswere wreaking havoc in Gaul, and pressure contin ued to mount on the island. Zosimus mentions that “[The barbarians] became formidable evento the armies in Britain,which, being afraid they might march against them, they drove to the point of choosing tyrants, the aforesaid Marcus and Gratianus and thereafter Constantinus [Constantine].”9 Constantine is reported to havewon the throne by virtue of his fortunate name (liewould later add the imperial name Flavius),but it seems more likely that the army was eager to replace the town eouncilor with a soldier.2’1Bymid 407 more detailed accounts concerning the barbarians, and probablyagood manyrumors, would have reached the island. Asearly as May407,Constantine crossed the channel with a field army estimated at 6,000,leavingonly inferiorfrontier troops in Britain.2’The last Roman usurper in Britain had gone, and lie had taken the army with him. While the details ofConstantine’s continental ach’enturesare outside the scope of this paper, his fortunes were in decline by 409, rendering him powerless to provide for the de 67 GROANS OF THE BRITONS fense of the western provinces.22When Gerontius, the Britishlieutenant whomhe had leftin control ofSpain, revoltedin 408,the Britonswere left to fend forthemselves.Zosimus writes of this in one of the most famous passages in early British history: Gerontiuswasincensedand,winningoverthetroopsthere(inSpain)causedthebarbarians inGaulto riseagainstConstantine.SinceConstantinedid notholdoutagainstthese(the greaterpartofhis strengthbeinginSpain),thebarbariansfrombeyondthe Rhineoverran everythingat willandreducedtheinhabitantsoftheBritishIslandandsomeofthepeoples inGaultothenecessityofrebellingfromtheRomanEmpireandoflivingbythemselves,no longerobeyingthe Romans’laws.TheBritons,therefore,takingup armsand fightingon theirownbehalf,freedthecitiesfromthebarbarianswhowere pressing upon them;andthe wholeofArmoricaandotherprovincesofGaul,imitatingtheBritons,freedthemselvesin thesameway,expellingthe RomanofficialsandestablishingasovereignconstitLitionOn their ow’n authority.Andthe rebellionofBritainand of the peoplesin Gaultookplace duringthetuneof Constantine’susurpation.23 Historians have long debated this passage, especially the cause and nature of the rebellion. The question ofcauseis perhaps abit easier.The GallicChroniclcof452reports that “the British provinces were devastated by an incursion of the Saxons.”21 Thus despite the problems with Chronicle,w’ehaveanindependent verificationofabarbarian incursion.25The island,denuded oftroops, administrators, and money,would have little choicehut to look to its own defense. Fighting barbarians is one thing; overthrowing even the vestiges of the empire is quite an other. Here the history of Britain begins to depart from that of the continent. No other late imperial province reacted in such avigorousway to the barbarian incursions. Other histories and hagiographies of the period recall the sufferings of the indigenous populations at the hands ofthe invader, the curious inertness ofthe locals,and their inability to organize resis tance. Olympiodorus recalls that the Romans in Spain fled to their walled cities and put up with the horrors ofcannibalism. He says nothing ofactive defense.26Sowhy did the Britons act in such a manner? Understanding the causes of this revolt in Britain tells about the character of the island in 410and the shape that it took in the severaldecades that followed. E.A.Thompson put forward the idea of a peasant revolt against landowners and civicoffi cials,not merely against the Rornans,similar to the bclccludclcof Gaul.27He sees it as a social rebellion,not just a politicalone.It is a persuasiveargument, especiallyconsidering Zosirnus’ referenceto the bacaudic revolt in Armorica,which was not crushed until 417,as“imitating” the revolt in Britain.28However, there is nothing in the written or archaeological record to indicate a massivepeasant uprising.In fact, urban archaeologicalfindsindicate the contrary. Excavations at Silchester,Wroxeter, and Canterbury giveevidenceofprosperity and conti nuity that make the case for a violent overthrow problematic.29Also,the class nature of the baccwci(ICthemselves has been called into question, and this further clouds the idea of a Late Antique classwar. 68 KCVUI?1wumcy Others turn to religionand its effecton the civitatcs as the causeofthis singular revolt. J.N.L.Myressuggeststhat the Pelagianideasofsocialjustice, self-reliance,and devotionto personal freedomWonwide acceptanceamongthe Britishelites,and that their unique dis playofinitiativewas an unleashingoflongpent up desiresforawayoflifefreefromRoman tyranny and corruption.3’In this scenario,the revoltof the civitatcsis ahigh-status revolt,a “prudent” step by Pelagianlandowners who had ejected the corrupt administration of Constantine forhavingfailedto protect them fromthe barbarian This group ofwell-to - dolandowners,in Myres’sargument,providessupport forthis movement Foranothertwenty years,when they concernthe Church enoughto inspire the visit ofSaint Germanus.33De spite the factthat later scholarshiphas shown that the Pelagianmovementdid not havethe socialand politicalaimssuggestedby Myres,the strong evidenceofwealthy Pelagiansclur ingthis periodspeaksto uniquesocialconditionson the island.31Thesurvivalofaheretical segmentofthe population speaksto aciviladministration that is acting (or not acting) in a manner distinct fromits late Romancounterpart on the continent. Kenneth Dark,on the other hand, suggeststhat the revoltwas a low status Christian revolt.Heseesaconnectionbetweenthe newmilitancycenteredaroundMartinofTours,the disappearanceofpaganartifacts,andthe changeinvillastatus to paint apicture ofarevoltof a newly invigoratedChristian population against a pagan elite.35This argument rests on shakyground.TheevidenceforMartinianmilitancyrelieson avisitto the islandbyVictricius of Rouen,the content ofwhich is unknown, and the fact that Constantine’sson Constans mayhave been a monk.It is impossibleto assesswhat influencethis new movementin the GallicChurchmayhave hadinBritain.Thearchaeologicalevidenceconcerningthe changein villa status suggests a decline in the economyof Britain in the late fourth and early fifth centuries,andneednotbetiedto areligiousmovement.36Religionmayhaveplayed apart in the revoltofthe civitatcs;it ishard to imaginea significantpoliticaleventin the fifthcentury not being influencedby the Church and its followers.However,the recent history of the Romaninabilitytopro’iclepeaceandsecurityon the islandisthe morecriticalelementhere, in that it createda politicalsituation in which organizedself defensewas seenasnecessary forsurvival. We return thento theci\’itatcs.Thefactthat the revoltcroppedthe administrationclown to the civitotcslevelindicatesthat theybecamethe mostimportantformofpoliticalorganiza tion in Britainafterthe revolt.37The civitatcs were the buildingblocksofimperialorganiza tim,, their taxesin moneyand in kind supporting the imperialsuperstructure.35Therest of theimpenaladministrationhadbeenclearedofftheisland.Theheadofthe army,Constantine Ill,was gone,andearliermanyRomanadministratorsleftwith Stilicho.TheVicarius,who in Britainwas both the chiefmilitaryandcivilofficial,was not present.Ifhe hadbeen,hewould haveorganizedthe defense.39Zosimusdoesnot evenbother to mentionhim.It is clearthat the expelledRomanofficialswere ofthe provincialhierarchy.for the civitatcs to organizea defenseagainst the barbarians, it was first necessaryto expel the Romanofficialsand the 69 GROANS OF THE BRITONS system of rules and practices designed to keep military power in the hands ofthe Empire.4° In 410the emperorHonorius sent a letter to the Britons “bidding them to take precautions ontheirownbehalf”1’While the letter hasbeenthe subjectofsomedebate,it is nowconsid- ered to be genuine.42Its audience is what is of interest: Zosimus tells that Honorius wrote to theciticsof Britain.43They appear to have written a letter or letters informing him of their measures for self-defense, and his response implies Imperial consent to those measures. The letter indicates that at least some of the officials on the island anticipated a return of the Empire, and felt it necessary to maintain communications with Ravcnna.44Tn410,the civi tatcssuccessfully organized a defense, saw to the administration of daily matters, and con ducted foreignaffairs.It is regrettable for the historian that there is virtually no written recordforthe next two decades. The Warrior Bishop fortunately, the GallicchroniclerProsperofAquitaineprovidesareliablydated event that givesaglimpseoflifein the third and fourthdecadesofthe century,with the visitto the islandby Germanus,BishopofAuxerrc,andlupus, BishopofTroyes,in 429.Afterreporting ofthe corruption ofthe Britishchurchesby the Pelagianbishop Agricola,Prosperremarks that “at the persuasion of the deacon Palladius, Pope Celestine sent Germanus, bishop of Auxcrre,as his representative, and havingrejected the heretics,directed the Britishto the catholicfaith.”45Despitethe characteristicallycrypticnature of Prosper’schronicleentry,he is an unusually good source, writing in 433, only four years after the event. Curiously, Palladiusandthe Popesent aGctllicbishopto dealwith the problemsofthe churchinBritain, indicatingthat there was no one on the island,layorecclesiastical,that had the authorityto take careofaheresy.Bythis timeboth Romanlaw and Catholicdoctrine clearlyopposedto Pelagianismand empowered citizens and clerics to punish the heretics.46Yet there is no evidencethat anyonein Britaindid soprior to Germanus’svisit.Theecclesiasticaladminis tration did not seem to have the power to do so. This could indicate severalthings, most likelythe strengthofthoselandownersloyalto Pelagianismandthe growing lackofcommu nicationbetweenthe BritishandRomanchurches.Civicpowerwasalsocuriouslyuninvolved. Civic officialswere apparently unaware of Germanus’svisit and do not take part in the debatesbetween Germanusand the Pelagianofficials.AsThompsonpoints out, where else inthe Western worldwerecivicofficialsnotinvolvedinmatterssovitalto the Church?47The Britishciviland ecclesiasticaladministrationsappear to havebeen on a decicledilydifferent course from that ofthe continent. Germanus’svisitcoincidedwith imperialsuccessinnorthern Gaul.TheRomangeneral Aetiusestablishedhimselfasthe greatestmilitarypowerin the west between the years425 and 432.In 429he campaignedalongthe Rhine,in 430 in Raetia,in 431inNoricurn.In 432 70 KcvinMtimmcv he was awardedaconsulship. The military successesofAetius and the missionsofGermanus to Britain and Paflacliusto Ireland occur in the same years. ‘Whilethere is no evidence of coordination between the Church and Empire at this perioeLit seems Likelygiven their common interests in the region. The connection between events in Armorica and Britain during the rebellion oF409 is clear, as was another one in 446. Aswith the events of 410, events in Britain in 429 connected closely to events onthe continent, even ifthe island was beginning to go its own way.48 The story ofGermantis’sexploits on the island is contained in the VitasanctiGcvmaniof Constantius of Lyon.18Historians who do not dismiss Vita as being only of interest as a hagiography have Foundseveral intriguing details concerning life in Britain in the 420s.5° This mission is unique, the first recorded instance ofa pope sending a representative “over there,” outside the Empire.51In twenty short years Britain spun far enough away from the Roman orbit to be considered a foreignnation in ticedof papalcorrection. V’/henGermanus and Lupus arrived in l3ritainthey were met by multitudes who haelheard oftheir comingvia rumor.52That civicofficialswere among the surprised multitudes at the site of Germanus’s landings indicates theywere not aware ofhis mission.The two prelates began to preach, not only “inthe churches, but at the crossroads, in the Fields,and in out-of the-way parts of the countryside.”5 Constantius reports nothing of the cities,nor ofthe civitatcsorthe old Roman proviflces. He speaks only vaguely of “regions” in which Germanus was preaching.54 Constantius is veryspecificwhen he reports ofpolitical affairs and cities on the continent. That he does not speak of the cities in Britain does not mean they were absent in the 420s, bctt may be an inehication that their influence was waning.55 In any case, by the 480s Constantius.hacl no knowledge of their importance, and there was no one alive that could have told him otherwise. The ‘hallelujahvictory’highlights the absence ofanother important LateAntique figure on the island, that of the warrior bishop. Constantius says “aforce of Saxons and Picts had joined forces to make war upon the Britons.”58Germanus took control of the army and by employingtactics characteristic oflate Roman militarystrategy led his troops in an ambush ofthe invaders.Afterstationing the Britons on the rim ofavalleythrough which the invaelers were marching, he had them shout ‘hallelujah’three times. The echo of this mighty roar is said to havesent the Picts and Saxons in flight, and the Britons w’ereawarded a bloodless victory. The veracity of this story has been eliscussedelsewhere.57It may also tell as much about Constantius’s Gaul as it does about Germanus’s Britain. However, the fact that a foreignbishop took it upon himself to organize the British defenses suggests that no such figureexisted on the island.58This is a major departure fromthe continent. The Late Antique bishops in Gaul were usually from the Roman administrative class and were vital in the preservation of orelcrin the fifth century. They were a crucial component in the transition fromthe Roman Empireto the barbarian kingdoms.Their administrative and military capa bilities were vital in the preservation ofcity lifein the west. Yetin Britain,noone similar to a 71 GROANSOF THEBRITONS Caesarius ofAriesappears in the historical record.59 Nor doesarchaeologyprovideconclu siveevidenceofthe LateAntiquecathedral basedcitiesinBritainsimilarto thosethat formed on the continent. The absence ofLateAntique warrior-bishops mayindeed be an important reasonfortheir absence. Constantius introduces a number of individuals on the island who may help piece together afew morefacts about Britishlife.The Pelagiansthat Germanus meets aredescribed aswealthy and powerful, indeed “flaunting their wealth, in dazzling robes, surrounded by a crowd of flatterers.” These may well be those wealthy landowners who took part in the rebellion of409. Regardless,the depictionofwealth on the islandmayspeakto a temporary economic upturn that would have occurred in the absence of oppressive Roman taxation, beforeSaxonactivity becamesignificantenough to haveadisruptive effecton Britishsociety. Despite their entourage and wardrobe, Germanus thoroughly defeated and eventuallyexiled the Pelagians,revealingtheir lack ofpolitical power and prestige on the island. The two civicofficialsprovidea smallwindow into the administration ofthe island. On his first visit Germanus met a man of“tribunican power.”62It is important that Constantius did not givehim an exact title. Hispower was likethat ofa tribune; Constantine was groping for a description that his audience, still familiarwith Roman administration, would under stand. This officialwas not Roman and was not acting in a Roman manner. He is not inter esteci in the heresy, only in the power of Germanus to heal his daughter.63The second administrator was a certain Elafius,described as a chiefman of the region.Again,he was accorded no Roman title or connected to any Roman administrative unit. He was similarly interested inGermanus’shealingpowers, and there is no indication of hisinvolvementin the Pelagiancontroversy.64That there is no evidenceofa civic officialon the island who takes part in Germanus’s efforts is strange. It would be difficult to find a parallel on the continent, considering the civicand ecclesiasticalobsessionwith heresyduringthe late antiqueperiod. The governmentof the British civitatesoperated without someof the individuals, institu tions, and ideologicalconcerns that shaped lifeon the continent. The Groans of the Britons So themiserableremnantscntoffalctteragciin,toActius. ‘ToAetiusthreetimesconsul,thegroans of theBritons’. Andfurtheron:‘thebarbarianspush usto thesea, thcsea pushes usbackto the barbarians;betwCCnthesetwo kindsof death,wearceitherslaughteredorclrowncd.’5 This plaintive cry, first reported byGildas and later by Bede,paints a farbleaker picture ofBritainin the late440s than the vigorous,self-reliantsocietyof409depicted by Zosimus. What caused the citizens ofBritainto send such a letter to the Empire?The last section of this paper will look at some of the factors, both internal and external, that brought our civitatesperiod to aclose. 72 late activity odlesin dIvided deal middle local the points. In and While contracted for likely unstable erably economy structure, tion various these process tols, The and is turn. tion when island even raiders historicalWrtigern)invitinglargenumbersofSaxonstoaidIntheirconifictsagainstfletish Saxons7” decline. Important urban desire 440a to evidence on of Gallic the It Archaeological the The Despite interests more causes.6’ stresses the tobe won. would there a treasure The of the (and of and Gait6’ In defeats purely cMwtcs lack political with Athcirus the continuity Later, Britons a for which The Chronicle the The continent during cryptic practice pro noted under is probably the Supplies here a century. be of of decline Theodosian evidence on and legions significant chronological local The Independent and imperial and in seem a a fact mosaics British provided on mistake the situation Sawnum this fonnidablc considerable is the notc those of failure of misfortunes, evidence administrative one, the that that is heralded to society, 441 and buildlngwith probably other period. of 460s, the for continent. society take party “Britain possibly silver with the the disappears section reports: to of irrelevance bronze marked subject for the on warlords). the imagine civic civic Saxons on problems helps Saxon changing ecclesiastical their in and the Imperial the continued also removed stress. broke British a the abandoned are centered offfris.1in purely of coinage. end government island. There “The of the filth thc disappeared; expertise. own stone the presence missions were the reduced considerable at of apart of The opportunities The beginning, general of from N&n interests society British this the an defense. most Britons is defensive the importance The the now appears around By exiles evidence era, military into structure cities, Britain a picture Mummcy time? by Chronicles the of to large of coming The was would acting Riothamus and provinces, to Germanus the the spealdng the Saxon hoarding to were 440s the to return or differences function. debate, having the itis to Annorlca petty scale of situation of Romans have The at asfx&ata, of for have villa6’ of warlords provide combined disappearance this a becoming have rnle7’° to least the society the from manufacturing local to pottery tyrannies with died these a and which but supply led been and the former been dramatic Saxons The The passed the likely obviously the peace between an out there strongmen Saxon one The In (exemplified Empire, under developments difficult decay by previously rapid army more money islan4 there the Industry to would In voice. Roman made took Chronicle and and this the is the into letter plunder of enough stress. agreement of of is pronounced acceleration, those changed Indicates economic the and security, early leaving economy 440s with have time to We famous no several the the became provlnchdcapl also toAetius maintain imperial evidence notedP trading by of have Roman The power fifth Britons been effect them had an that to the 511 drastically the by thousand since as create evidence a the was on seen century, activIty, suffered we pseudo- greater. adds consid society well Gildas. a British by opera on In What of of situa infra a given great of with most now 409, also few the the the the the the the an an as 73 of of by of or of of of up the his the the The and kind help have feder could of of seems a age consul Britons Roman no He that we involve him whole island.78 barbarian struggles defending society whose 429 as The defense, Learn the The behavior To The But the the in Saxon events of persecutions thousands in themselves Bntain. The Romans administrators of their on evidence continue and development British own administered themselves. ill believe, the gone. the without the I Pelagianism, of the birth. Extended sea.”74 of of the yield stalce harsh for and and of of west was continent, tenable. society their was interest a pressures, These island. to 447—44$. of to his end morals that time, Despite the for formation in little the land of situation ‘wars the Slobodicn, had sea land one the the in fact people this of delay longer is the On rhcColkgc nothing the heralded civitates was Germanus, The Lynn still wealthy at time external its personal the knew mountains That from no empire73 with of is provide the west and tyrants.”8° no seize the Italy. it and years The marked through to of knew’ and the depict mythandstatc of was Armorica.7 down. without the island to Romans Britain of kingdoms of and He and 455 fifty in in not able defense. memory, age century, in With classes patience, the the BRITONS in ignorant world landscape, - is.sucs around them woods concerned life its internal clays broke “plundered of on “an reality!6 Celtic Gaul of does ¶:- TIlE were Zosimus sixth revolt, the for powier was the was in OF death new incoguitct. compelled both Britain. the hundred in by in a the party He historical He intervene Antique many political written end. takinghistoy phrase, A of memory hid one is and rcrra civitatcs return seized to political from had were from the another Rothigueforhis eventually Thanks. barbarians existed GROANS Late in clncl His Aetius’s small. the description east had next British new reported they the others from with Saxon The letter.77 that a decades land Snyder’s probably Maximus. was the the as a Saxons established long the inevitable British Romans w’ho “compelled nlustCian impossible. expelled, in that histonogtaphy,pcwticularly the crumbling an on Empire. first and while the the was and was the dramatic how silent. centuries. in been much world dealing famous the was the been vanished which indicate Magnus lay for hospitalitas from medieval sure lIaVC in orbit, government fifth warlords or reports appear signals professional island stake which in island their had of Christopher be from a kingdoms memory. does Gildas’s isa territory, Gildas’s society the lett, officials, famine first the it early Life, named acknowlcdgcProfcssorJarbcl him use Armorica chance not 409 a Celtic prosecutors” Gildas to of writing given in to imperial of interested tied but and paperwciuld system payments war.75 sovereign can coming is since intervene last distant like Mummey from British a the cruel wrote of this part Roman imperial He was he we was, were who usurper warlords The in began. education, tyrants, The Gildas, long 111g. Kevin l4’oIIld help a island fourth accomplishments Anglo-Saxon Britons longer their few regulated kings former former system ates’ had suffered the to ofguerilla already Britons Empire. Aetius seen. the would ment While no when and late eastern Constantius’s Latin exiles the a and Gildas 74 I NOTES Gi]das,OnTheRuinofI3ritcnn,ccl.and trans ].A.Giles hookon linej 11.2(1999).Availablefromthe On lineResource BookfmMcdicvalstudics,http://www.forclham.edu/halsall!basis/gildasfull.html;Internet. I DavidDumvillepresents an elegant argument against using myth as history, especial]ythe Arthurian myths. He writes, ‘thefactofthe matter isthat there isno historicalevidenceabout Arthur: we must reject him fromour histories and, aboveall,fromthe titles ofour books.”DavidDumville,“SuhRoman Britain:History and Legend,”Histoiy62 (1977):17392. 2 IanWood, “TheFallofThe Western Empireand the Endof Roman Britain,” Britannia 18(1987):251. Somehavestretched this period evenfurther. Kenneth Darksaw a strong Romancontinuity until the late eighth century. Kenneth Dark,CivitastoKingdom(Londonand New York:1_cicesterUniversity Press,1994).Ina later work, he amended his end date forthe period to the defeat ofCadwallon ofGwynedclin 633.He cites this as the end ofanyaspirations ofreturning to a unified Britishrulec1Britain.This is, in tiiyopinion, far too late. TheBritishkingdomsfromtheir inceptionslacked the materialculture and the politicalwill foranything like unificationto he possible.Dark,Britai,iandtheEncIoJtheRomanEmpire(Charleston,SC: Tempus,2000), 229. 1 E.A.Thompson, “Britain,A.D.406 410,”I3rittania8(1977):303 18.Aclassic introduction with the eharacteris tic Thompsonflair. Gi]clas,TheRuin,111.27.“Britainhas kings, but they are tyrants For a closer at the early British tyrants of Gildas,seeDumville,“Gilclasand Maelgw’n:ProblemsofDating,”in Gilclas:NcwApproachcs,ccl.Dumvilleand l.apiclgc(Woodbriclge:Suffolk,1984),85 106. Gilclas,ThcRuin,11.14. P.J.Casey,“MagnusMaximus in Britain:a reappraisal,”in TheEndof RomanBritain,cd. P.J.Casey (Oxford: Tempus Reparatum, 1979),6679. Gilclas,TheRuin,11.15. MollieMiller,“Stilicho’sPictish War,” Britannia6 (1975):14145.An excellent use of the poet Clauclianto fill in the blanks left by Gilclas. Dumvillc,“Sub RomanBritain,”180. Miller,“Stilicho,”145. 2 Thompson, “406 410,”303. Peter Salw’ay,RomanBritain(Oxford and New York:Oxford University Press,1997),317.Salwayoffersa usefuldiscussionofthe connectionbetween the policiesofHonoriusand Stiliehoand their effecton the rebellion of 406. 14 Salway,RomanI3ritain,316.Salwayprovides avarietyofexplanations forthe lackofRomanpaylisentafter 402, but Iagreewith himthat the best explanation is that Honoriuswas strapped forcash,aticlsimplycould no longerpay’the troops in Britain.ThefamousHonorianrescript mayhavebeen aformalrecognitionofalong standing imperialpolicy. IS SheparclFrerc,Thitannia(Londonand New York:Routleclgeand KeganPaul,1987),353 75:Thompson, “406- 410,”303;].F. Drinkwatcr, “TheUsurpcrs Constantine IIIancljovinus,”Britannia29 (1998):271.Michael Kulikowskihas rcccnt]yrevivedthe argument that the crossingtook place on 31December405.While his argument rests on “fixing”Prosper’schronicle,a dangerousproposition, movingthe barbarian incursion to 405 solvesthe probleni of motive forthe first legionaryrevolt in Britainin 406. “Barbariansin Gaul,Usurpers in Britain,”Brittania31(2000): 325 32. Municeps has alsobeen translated as“inhabitant of aplace”and Gratian could thereforehavebeen asoldier, Kulikowski,“Barbarians,”332. Thompson, “406 410,”305.Thompsonpoints out that scholars havebeen eagerto guess at the motivesfor the murders ot Marcus and Gratian,despite the completelack ofevidence.The RomanLegions’desire to leavefor the continent in the wake ofthe news ofthe invasionsremains our best guess. 5Zosimus, NcsvHistoiy,trans.James]. Buchananand HarolclT.Davis,inlhcSa.vonShoreVI.3(2001). ‘ Drinkwater, “TheUsurpers,”272. 20 Drinkwatcr, “TheUsurpers,” 275. 75 GRo.As OF Tilt I3RITONS a Drinkwater, “The Usurpers,” 26987, This section includes an extremely useful synthesisofrecentscholar ship. Zosimus,NewHistory,\‘I.5.Zosimusisconsidered to be using the work ofOlympiodorusofThebes ftirthis period. Foran excellentintroduction to Olympiodorussee].f. Matthews, “OlympiodorusOfThebes AndThe History Of The West (A.D. 407-425),”]ownalofRoniansttithes60(1970): 7997. For Zosimus see E. A. Thompson, “Zosimuson the End of Roman Britain,”Antiquity30(1956): 163 67. TheGaIIicClnonicleof452[bookon line] inWelshHistoiy:HistoricalTests;availablefrom http:// www’.webexcel.ndirect.co.uk/gwarnant/hanes/texts/textsgaflic.htm; Internet. The reliahilty of the Chronicleshas been exhaustively debated. For the affirmative, see ME. Jones and P.J. Casey, “TheGallic Chronicle restored: a chronology forthe Anglo Saxon invasions and the end of Roman Britain,” Britannial9 (1988): 367 98. for the negative, see R.W. Burgess, “The Dark Ages return to hfth century Britain: the ‘restored’ Gallic Chronicle exploded,” Btitcutnia21(1990): 18596. Burgess dismisses the Chronicleas “often a mess”and doubts that it reflectsss’hatwas goingon in Britain in 441.Ibelievethe Chronicleto be valuabledespite its flawedchronology.for agoodoverview,seeStevenMuhlbergcr,“TheGallicChronicleof452 and its Authority for British events,”Thita,tnia14(1983):2333. 25 Thompson, ‘406 410,”31334, from Olympioclorus,frag. 40 Thompson, “4064l0,” esp. pp. 31416.for background on peasant revolts see]. F. Drinkwater, “The Bacauclaeof fifth Century Gaul.”In FifthCcnttuyGaul:acuisisofidentity?,ed.j.f. Drinkwater and Hugh Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni’ersity Press, 1992). 27 Thompson, “406 410,”31416.An argument he stayed with throughout his distinguished career. The history ofArmoricain this period and its relevanceto Britainneedsmoreexploration. Christopher Snyder,AnAgeofTvrants(UniversityPark,PA:PennsylvaniaState University Press,1996),13763. Athoroughlookat contemporaryRomano Britisharchaeology. 2] F. Drinkwater, “The Bacauclaeof fifth Century Gaul,”213.The author argues that fleeingthe land was a choiceopen to lesseraristocrats and gentry.1agreewith him that easmts would havebeentoo psychologicafly and economicallytied to the land to fleeto the bacaudae. ‘J.N.L. Myres,“PelagiusAndThe EndOf Ronun Rule tn Britain,”JournalofRomanStudies50(1960): 32.The article beginswith agood,conciseexplanationofPelagianism. Nlyres,“Pelagius.”33. ° Myres,“Pelagius,”34.Myres’sassertion that”the svholecircumstances ol Germanus’visits both in 429 and in the 440s shows that the movementhad attained such political authority in Britainasto hethought a serious menace to the orthodox regimein Gaul is an exaggerationofconditions in both territories. either Constantius nor Prosper speaks ofthe situation in the Ga]lic or British churches as beingmenaced or even seriously threatened. W. Lieheschut, “Didthe Pelagian Movement HaveSocial Aims?,”Historia12(1963):2274I. Dark, Ch’itastoKingdom,55 57. ° Salway, RomanBritain,347 48. Sb Drinkwater, “The Usurpers,” 286. Drinkwater, “The Usurpers,” 295 96. Myres, “Pelagius,” 32 33. N See Zosimus’s account, above, page 6. Zosimus, NewHi.ston’,Vl.lO. Drinkwater, “The Usurpers,” 286. 42 Italics mine. ° Salway,RomanBritain,330.While the rescript is often used as evidence oft “little Britain party” still loyal to the emperor, Salway has adroitly pointed out that it “mayhave been no more than a readiness to barter submis sion to imperial authority in return for assistance.” Prosper, Chroniclein Snyder, AgcofTyrants,38. E.A.Thompson,St.GermantisofAuverreanclthefndofRomanBritain(Suffolk:Boyclell,1984),28 29. Thompson points out a law of Honorius dated 30April 418that empowered anyone to arrest and bring to trial those 76 Kcvin T1unimcv suspectedofthe heresy.It issomewhatcurious that this law cHclnot makeit into the TheoclosianCode and may indicate the short lifeofPelagianism. 4Thompson,StGcrniaiiiis,27.“Throughout theentire seciuenceofevents during bothof Germanus’ visits, the British rulers are simplynot there. Of all the oddities of history ofBritain at this time, none is more surprising than this.” Ian Wood, “TheFallofThe Western Empireand the Endof RomanBritain,”Britaiinia18(1987):252. Constantius of Lyon,VitasanctiGc,mani,ccl.and trans. ThomasNobleand Thomas Heacl,in‘art gcriiStudies (2001). IanWood, “TheEnd of RomanBritain: Continental Evidenceand Parallels,”in Gildas:Nc’4q)proachcs,6ll.The author takes a wars’looI<,it the Lifc,closelyexaminingthe balanceoffactand allegory.Hisopinions are powerful and should be kept in mindby anyone using Constantius as a resourcelot Britishhistory. Inlocissins;seeThompson,Si.Gcnncnius,7. Constantius, Vita,Chapter 14.Constantius usesthe morepoetic “whosecominghad been foretold by the enemies of souls.” Constantius, Vita,Chapter 14. ° Thompson, ,St.Gcrmcinus,S 9. ° For an excellent look at the late anticiuccity,seeW. I_iebeschut, “TheEndofthe Ancient City,” in TheCityin LatcAntiquitv,ccl.John Rich(London:Routlecige,1992),] 49. ForGilcias’slamousstatement on the cities see PhillipDixon,“Thecities arenot aspopulated as they oncewere,”in Rich,TheCity. Constantius, Vixa,Chapter 17. MichaelE. Jones,“TheHistory ofthe Aileluja Victory,” Albion18.3(Fall 1986):363 373.The article provides anexcellent lookat late Roman military strategy. Jones makesa strong ease for Germanus’s military background. 37]arbelRoclrigue:cuestions this assumption, suggestingthat Germanus maysimplyhavehad more status anti was acting in Iiisroleasapapal legate.However, relationsbetween the GallicChurch and Romewere strainedat this time,anti Germanus’relationship to the Popeis unclear. SeeR.\V. Mathiesen,“Hilarius,Germanus,and Lupus:The Aristocratic Backgroundofthe Chelidonius Affair,”Phoenft33(1979):160 9. \\‘iltiam Kbngshirn.CacsariuscfAries:Life,Testantent.Letters.(Liverpool:LiverpoolL’mversityPress,1994). Constantitis, Vita,Chapter 14. Constantius, Vita,Chapter 14.Thompson.Sr.Geriuanussuggestedthat the Britishbishops themselveshad joined the heresy,and that iswhy we do not meet them in Ifthis is so, it is hard to imaginea Britishchurch survivingafter theirexpulsion fromthe island in the 430s.That there is no evidencein the writings of Patrick or Gilclasof Pelagianismmakesit unlikelythat Pelagianismwas that pervasive. Constantius, Vita,Chapter 15. Thompson,St.Gennaniis.26. ° Constantius, Vita,Chapter 26.Thompson, St.Gennctnus,7,26 28. Gilcias.TheRuin,11.20.Becle,TueEccksiasticaiHiston’aftlieEnglishpcople,ed.and trans. McClureand Collins(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969).25. ° Wood, “The Fall,”261.Snyder.AgeofTyrants,83. Snycler,AgeofTvrants,15354. Park. Ch’itas,17478.Frere. Britunnia,365 66. Frere,Eriiannia,365. frere, Britan,tia.363 366.C.H.\’.Sutherland “Coinagein Britainin the Fifth and Sixth Centuries,” in DcirkAge Britain,cci.D.B.Harden (London:Nlethuen, 1956).310. Chronicle,TheoclosiusIIXVIII’XVIIII CInoiticleof511,Iheoclositis 11XVI TI Seeabove,7. \\‘alter Goffart,Octrbarictnsand Rontans(Princeton: PrincetonUniv.Press,1980).Thistext includesa detailed discussion of the accommodation of the barbarian kingdoms.SeeThompson, St.Gerntaitus,110111forthe absence ofsuch a system in Britain.Fora discussion ofwhat systemofaccommodationwas beingused,and what Gilclas knew about it, seeThompson, “Gildasand the History of Britain,”Briicinnia10(1980):217-18. ° Gilcias,TheRuin,11.24. 77 GRoANS OF THE BRlTos Gildas,Ilic Ruin,11.25. Thompson,“Gildas”for a discussion ofthe problems ofwhere Gildas was writing and what part of Britainhe was writing about. SeealsoDavidDunnile, “The Chronologyof DcExcidioBrkanniae,Book1,”in Giklns,New AppmcicIic MichaelE.]ones, “TheDateofthe Letter to the Britons to Aetius,”BulletinofthcBoardofCclticStitdics37(1990): 28190. Jones suggests an earlier date. Bede,followingGilcias,placed the event in 446. Becle,EH,25. ° See Saiway.RomanBritain, 333 353, for a similarperspective. Thompson,St.Gci-maiius,115. Snyder,AgeofTyrants,especially preface. 78