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Organized Hypocrisy and International Organization Michael Lipson Department of Political Science
Dilemmas of Global Governance: Organized Hypocrisy and International Organization Michael Lipson Department of Political Science Concordia University 1455 de Maisonneuve Blvd. W. Montreal, QC H3G 1M8 Tel. (514) 8484-2424, ext. 2129 Fax (514) 848-4072 e-mail: [email protected] DRAFT: Please do not quote or cite without permission Comments welcome. Paper prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Toronto, Ontario, June 1-3, 2006. Dilemmas of Global Governance: Organized Hypocrisy and International Organizations Critics of international organizations on the political left and right frequently accuse international institutions of hypocrisy. Yet the academic literature on international organizations lacks an explicit theory of the sources of inconsistencies on the part of international institutions. This paper argues that hypocrisy on the part of international organizations is an inevitable consequence of contradictory pressures in their organizational environments. Drawing on neo-institutionalist organizational sociology and work on “organized hypocrisy” applied to other settings, the paper presents a typology and framework for analyzing the bases and consequences – both positive and negative – of different forms of hypocrisy in global governance and formal international organizations. The argument is illustrated with reference to organizational hypocrisy on the part of the United Nations and the nuclear nonproliferation regime. Dilemmas of Global Governance Introduction In the -
Nuclear Matters. a Practical Guide 5B
NUCLEAR MATTERS A Practical Guide Form Approved Report Documentation Page OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 2. REPORT TYPE 2008 00-00-2008 to 00-00-2008 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Nuclear Matters. A Practical Guide 5b. GRANT NUMBER 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION Office of the Deputy Assistant to the Secretary of Defense (Nuclear REPORT NUMBER Matters),The Pentagon Room 3B884,Washington,DC,20301-3050 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S REPORT NUMBER(S) 12. DISTRIBUTION/AVAILABILITY STATEMENT Approved for public release; distribution unlimited 13. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES 14. ABSTRACT 15. SUBJECT TERMS 16. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF: 17. -
Projected Casualties Among US Military Personnel and Civilian
PSR ® Physicians for Social Responsibility Projected Casualties Among U.S. Military Personnel and Civilian Populations from the Use of Nuclear Weapons Against Hard and Deeply Buried Targets May 2005 Peter Wilk MD, Sarah Stanlick, Martin Butcher, Michael McCally MD, Ira Helfand MD, Robert Gould MD, John Pastore MD. Projected Casualties Among U.S. Military Personnel and Civilian Populations from the Use of Nuclear Weapons Against Hard and Deeply Buried Targets May 2005 Authors:Peter Wilk MD, Sarah Stanlick, Martin Butcher, Michael McCally MD, Ira Helfand MD, Robert Gould MD, John Pastore MD. Contents Abstract 1 Introduction 1 Bunker Busting Nuclear Weapons: The RNEP 2 Employing Nuclear Weapons 3 The Effectiveness of Earth Penetrating Weapons (EPWs) 4 Blast Damage and the Immediate Medical Consequences of EPWs 5 Effects of Radiation 6 Two RNEP Strike Scenarios 9 Isfahan, Iran 10 Yongbyon, North Korea 11 Conclusion 12 References Figure 1: RNEP Strike on Isfahan, Fallout After Two Days 10 Figure 2: RNEP Strike on Yongbyon, Fallout After Two Days 11 Copyright: Physicians for Social Responsibility® This report was made possible by the generous support of the Colombe Founda- tion, the Friendship Fund, the Levinson Foundation, Rockefeller Financial Ser- vices, the Stewart Mott Trust, the Park Foundation, Ploughshares Fund, the Lydia Stokes Foundation, the Town Creek Foundation, Working Assets, and Dan and Anita Fine. Projected Casualties Among U.S. Military Personnel and Civilian Populations from the Use of Nuclear Weapons Against Hard and Deeply Buried Targets Abstract Over the last decade, some U.S. political and military leaders have expressed increasing concerns about the potential use of nuclear, biological or chemical (NBC) weapons against the United States and its allies. -
The Discursive Emergence of Us Nuclear Weapons Policy
BUILDING MORE BOMBS: THE DISCURSIVE EMERGENCE OF US NUCLEAR WEAPONS POLICY by JOHN M. VALDEZ A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Political Science and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2018 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: John M. Valdez Title: Building More Bombs: The Discursive Emergence of US Nuclear Weapons Policy This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Political Science by: Jane K. Cramer Chair Gerald Berk Core Member Lars Skalnes Core Member Greg McLauchlan Institutional Representative and Sara D. Hodges Interim Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2018. ii © 2018 John M. Valdez iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT John M. Valdez Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science June 2018 Title: Building More Bombs: The Discursive Emergence of US Nuclear Weapons Policy This dissertation investigates the social construction and discursive emergence of US nuclear weapons policy against the backdrop of the nuclear taboo and its associated anti-nuclear discourse. The analysis is drawn from poststructuralism with a focus on the discourses that construct the social world and its attendant “common sense,” and makes possible certain policies and courses of action while foreclosing others. This methodology helps overcome the overdetermined nature of foreign policy, or its tendency to be driven simultaneously by the international strategic environment, the domestic political environment, and powerful domestic organizations, and while being shaped and delimited by the discourses associated with the nuclear taboo. -
The Transformation of Strategic-Strike Operations
The Transformation of Strategic-Strike Operations Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr. Robert C. Martinage 1730 Rhode Island Avenue, NW, Suite 912 Washington, DC 20036 The Transformation of Strategic-Strike Operations by Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr. Robert C. Martinage Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments March 2001 ABOUT THE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND BUDGETARY ASSESSMENTS The Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments is an independent public policy research institute established to promote innovative thinking about defense planning and investment strategies for the 21st century. CSBA’s analytic-based research makes clear the inextricable link between defense strategies and budgets in fostering a more effective and efficient defense and the need to transform the US military in light of the emerging military revolution. This report is one in a series of CSBA publications on the potential implications of an emerging military revolution. Other reports in this series include: A Strategy for a Long Peace; The Military Use of Space: An Assessment; Transforming America’s Alliances; The Conflict Environment of 2016: A Scenario-Based Approach; and Warfare in 2020: A Primer. The authors would like to thank the staff of CSBA for their comments and assistance on this report. In particular, the authors wish to acknowledge Kurt Guthe, Steve Kosiak, Alane Kochems, Stacey Shepard, and Erwin Godoy, each of whom made many contributions to this project. The analysis and findings presented here are solely the responsibility of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. CSBA is directed by Dr. Andrew F. Krepinevich and funded by foundation, corporate and individual grants and contributions, and government contracts. -
The 'Massive Ordnance Penetrator' (MOP) Bunker Buster in Response To
The ‘Massive Ordnance Penetrator’ (MOP) Bunker Buster In response to concerns about Iran and North Korea’s underground weapons facilities, the US government has accelerated development of the giant Massive Ordnance Penetrator (MOP), a conventional bunker buster. The Pentagon announced in early October 2009 that the MOP will be “deployable” within a few months,1 and the United States may even be contemplating developing a small inventory of the new weapon.2 The Development of the Bunker Buster The ancestor of the “bunker buster” was used during World War II to collapse walls.3 As governments began protecting their military facilities by placing them in fortified bunkers underground, “bunker busters” were developed to penetrate into soil, rock, or concrete in order to destroy hard and deeply buried facilities (HDBTs).4 The DOD, estimating that there are “10,000 known or suspected HDBTs worldwide [identified] by the Defense Intelligence Agency,” some of which are “buried in rock at depths greater than 300 meters” and some of which “hardened to withstand overpressure of about 1 kilobar” has sought both nuclear and conventional weapons to hold these targets “at risk.”5 While many conventional bunker busters have been developed, the B6 family of weapons includes nuclear weapons with an earth-penetrating capacity.6 For example the nuclear B61-11bomb, deployed in 1997, was developed to destroy targets below the Soviet Union’s hard or frozen soil.7 Though the B6-11 bombs were considered to be more effective than conventional bombs, some critics -
Emightler <Chan the Cffjj170rd
eMightler <Chan the CffJJ170rd cw:'riters Addrefs the C;!{Uc!ea7 Karen Jones Meadows John Bradley Maisha Baton Saturday, July 15, 7 prn Lobo Theater 3013 Central Ave NE, Albuquerque \Villiam Witherul) Mary Oishi Silent Auction & !UR.. ound 1LR 0 b'm n open ml'k e. ' Tic.k~tli av<!Hable for $19 at: Bookworks, 4022 Rio Grande Blvd NW, 344 .. 8139 Page One Books, 11018 Montgomery Blvd NE, 294 .. 2026 The Book Stop, 3410 Central Ave SE, 268 .. 8898 Or online from the - Los Alamos Study Group www.lasg.org • 505.265.1200 Access World News http;IIO-infoweb.newsbank.com.albuq.cabq.gov/iw-search/we/InfoW ... Access World News Paper: New York Times, The (NY) Title: Senate Votes to Shut Down Laser Meant for Fusion Study Date: July 2, 2005 The Senate voted early yesterday morning to stop construction of the nation's costliest science project, a laser roughly the size of a football stadium that is meant to harness fusion, the process that powers the Sun. The project, the National Ignition Facility, or NIF (pronounced niff), is at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California and has cost $2.8 billion. About 80 percent complete, NIF is scheduled to be finished in 2009 at a cost of $3.5 billion and operate for three decades at an annual cost of $150 million, for a total of $8 billion. The Senate's action, part of the $31 billion energy and water appropriations bill, prompted warnings from the project's leaders that its demise could damage the nation's leadership in a field important to confronting energy shortages. -
The Case Against New Nuclear Weapons
AP PHOTO AP The Case Against New Nuclear Weapons By Adam Mount May 2017 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG The Case Against New Nuclear Weapons By Adam Mount May 2017 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 3 U.S. policy on new nuclear capabilities 12 Recent calls for new nuclear weapons 18 What is a new capability? 21 The case against new nuclear options 35 Recommendations 43 Conclusion 45 About the author and acknowledgments 46 Endnotes Introduction and summary Since the size of the U.S. nuclear arsenal peaked in the 1980s, American presi- dents—Democrat and Republican alike—have limited the development of new nuclear weapons. Whether the restriction was written into law, was included in U.S. nuclear policy, or was the result of specific decisions not to pursue new pro- curement projects, the United States has not built a new nuclear warhead since the late 1980s. This policy decision has generated significant cost savings, restrained strategic competition, and helped to support other stabilizing policies. With Republicans now in control of Congress and the White House, this policy is at risk. As Russia and China expand their territorial claims as well as their own nuclear arsenals, a growing chorus of U.S. politicians and strategists argue that it is not sufficient to simply replace nuclear systems as they wear out. Instead, they insist that the United States must procure new systems with qualitatively new capabilities. In some cases, appeals for new nuclear weapons are motivated by a sophisticated but mistaken argument about their necessity for deterring potential adversaries from employing nuclear weapons in limited conflicts. -
Senate Hearings Before the Committee on Appropriations
S. HRG. 111–954 Senate Hearings Before the Committee on Appropriations Energy and Water Development Appropriations Fiscal Year 2011 111th CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION S. 3635 DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE—CIVIL DEPARTMENT OF ENERGY DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR NONDEPARTMENTAL WITNESSES Energy and Water Development Appropriations, 2011 (S. 3635) S. HRG. 111–954 ENERGY AND WATER DEVELOPMENT APPROPRIATIONS FOR FISCAL YEAR 2011 HEARINGS BEFORE A SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ON S. 3635 AN ACT MAKING APPROPRIATIONS FOR ENERGY AND WATER DEVELOP- MENT FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, 2011, AND FOR OTHER PURPOSES Department of Defense—Civil Department of Energy Department of the Interior Nondepartmental Witnesses Printed for the use of the Committee on Appropriations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 54–965 PDF WASHINGTON : 2011 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS DANIEL K. INOUYE, Hawaii, Chairman ROBERT C. BYRD, West Virginia THAD COCHRAN, Mississippi PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHRISTOPHER S. BOND, Missouri TOM HARKIN, Iowa MITCH MCCONNELL, Kentucky BARBARA A. MIKULSKI, Maryland RICHARD C. SHELBY, Alabama HERB KOHL, Wisconsin JUDD GREGG, New Hampshire PATTY MURRAY, Washington ROBERT F. BENNETT, Utah BYRON L. DORGAN, North Dakota KAY BAILEY HUTCHISON, Texas DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee TIM JOHNSON, South Dakota SUSAN COLLINS, Maine MARY L. -
Nuclear Weapons: the Reliable Replacement Warhead Program
Order Code RL32929 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Nuclear Weapons: The Reliable Replacement Warhead Program Updated March 9, 2006 Jonathan Medalia Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Nuclear Weapons: The Reliable Replacement Warhead Program Summary Most current U.S. nuclear warheads were built in the 1980s, and are being retained longer than was planned. Yet warheads deteriorate and must be maintained. To correct problems, a Life Extension Program (LEP) replaces components. Modifying some components would require a nuclear test, but a test moratorium is in effect. Therefore, LEP rebuilds these components as closely as possible to original specifications. Using this approach, the Secretaries of Defense and Energy have certified stockpile safety and reliability for the past nine years without nuclear testing. In the FY2005 Consolidated Appropriations Act, Congress provided $9 million to initiate the Reliable Replacement Warhead (RRW) program. RRW will study trading off key Cold War features such as high yield and low weight to gain features more valuable now, such as lower cost, greater ease of manufacture, and increased long-term confidence. It plans to make these improvements by redesigning warheads without adding military capability. Representative David Hobson, RRW’s main sponsor, views RRW as part of a comprehensive plan that would also modernize the nuclear weapons complex, avoid new weapons and nuclear testing, and permit a reduction in non-deployed weapons. The FY2006 budget request was $9.4 million; Congress appropriated $25.0 million. The FY2007 request is $27.7 million. RRW supporters assert LEP will become harder to sustain for the long term as small changes accumulate, making it harder to certify warhead reliability and safety and perhaps requiring nuclear testing. -
B83 Nuclear Bomb from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
B83 nuclear bomb From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia The B83 thermonuclear weapon is a variable-yield gravity bomb developed by the United States in the late 1970s, entering service in 1983. With a maximum yield of 1.2 megatonnes of TNT (5.0 PJ) (75 times the yield of the atomic bomb B83 "Little Boy" dropped on Hiroshima on 6 August 1945, which had a yield of 16 kilotonnes of TNT (67 TJ)), it is the most powerful nuclear free-fall weapon in the United States arsenal.[1] It was designed at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, and the first underground test detonation of the production B83 took place on 15 December 1984.[2] Contents 1 History 2 Design Type Unguided bomb 3 Aircraft capable of carrying the B83 Service history 4 Novel uses In service 1983–present Used by United States 5 In popular culture Production history 6 See also Designer Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory 7 References Number built 650 8 External links Specifications Weight 1,100 kilograms (2,400 lb) History Length 3.7 meters (12 ft) Diameter 46 centimeters (18 in) The B83 was based partly on the earlier B77 program, which was terminated because of cost overruns. The B77 was designed with an active altitude control and lifting parachute system for supersonic low-altitude delivery from the B-1A Blast yield 1.2 megatonnes of TNT bomber. B77 nuclear component test firings were attributed to the Operation Anvil (Nuclear test) series in 1975 and (5.0 PJ) (maximum) 1976, specifically the "Cheese" test shots in Anvil: Anvil Kasseri – 28 October 1975, 1,200 kilotonnes of TNT (5,000 TJ) (B77/B83 full yield) Anvil Muenster – 3 January 1976, 800 kilotonnes of TNT (3,300 TJ) Anvil Fontina – 12 February 1976, 900 kilotonnes of TNT (3,800 TJ) Anvil Colby – 14 May 1976, 800 kilotonnes of TNT (3,300 TJ)[2] The B83 nuclear components have been attributed as the same as the earlier B77. -
Congressional Record—Senate S8717
July 22, 2005 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S8717 21⁄2-day workweek here. But we could my mind, to make sure that Shane I am glad we are here to do business spend more than a month, more than 30 Patton and the other approximately today. The managers are here. Senator days on five judges, every one of which 2,000 men and women who have been KENNEDY is here to offer an amend- had a job. A third of our time in the killed in Iraq and the scores who have ment. But especially in a time of war, Senate has been spent on five people, been killed in Afghanistan will have at let’s at least do the average amount of all of whom had jobs. least the attention of the Senate for a debate on this bill. The majority leader’s decision raises few days. The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- an important question. Why would we The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- pore. The Senator from Kentucky. prematurely cut off debate on critical pore. The Senator from Kentucky. Mr. MCCONNELL. Madam President, national security legislation? Why Mr. MCCONNELL. Madam President, I don’t want to prolong it any further would we want to prevent the Senate I listened carefully to my good friend because we are taking up time for the from doing everything we can to help from Nevada, the Democratic leader. I offering of amendments which we en- our men and women in uniform? The don’t want to unduly prolong the dis- courage. We are anxious to have Senator from Michigan and the Sen- cussion because Chairman WARNER and amendments.