I RN.D.I

Copyright© Leonard Sellers, 1998.

ISSN. 1368-499X

It might not always be possible to trace the copyright holders of all the material I will quote, and I would be pleased to hear fromany such persons to whom this applies.

The picture on the frontcover is Commander Walter SterndaleBennett of the Drake Battalion. Please read the article on him in this issue of the R.N.D. pages 572 to 599. I would like to thank Commander R.D. SterndaleBennett for hispermission allowing me to reproduce this photograph.

The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17a Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL. (Telephone 01 702 521550) Ctl'RJ�TMTI� 6'R,eeTIN6� TO flkbRe11

Wi�tirn front.

TO TI-IE REGIMENT A CHRISTMAS MESSAGE.

By Lieutenant A.P. Herbert Hawke Battalion.

The winters on the Western Front resulted in terrible conditions on both officers and men. In this poem A.P. Herbert shows that even under th.e most trying of circumstances steps were taken to acknowledge that it was Christmas.

So Christmas comes and finds you yet in Flanders, And all is mud and messiness and sleet, And men have temperatures and horses glanders, And Brigadiers have trouble with their feet, And life is bad forCompany-Commanders, And even Thomas' s is not so sweet.

511. Now cooks for kindle-wood would give great riches, And in the dixies the pale stew congeals, And ration-parties are not freefrom hitches, But all night circle like performing seals, Till morningbreaks and everybody pitches Into a hole some other person's meals.

Now regiments huddle over last week's ashes, And pray forcoal and sedulously "rest" Where rain and wind contemn the empty sashes, And blue lips framethe faintheroic jest, Till some near howitzer goes offand smashes The only window that the town possessed.

The lean mule strains, the limbers lip crevasses, And roads are black with cookers in the ditch; And men sleep warmlier who sleep in masses, And peers confess the not inglorious itch, Or get, like teeth, extracted frommorasses - Nor could their Ma's distinguish which is which.

Yet somehow Christmas in your souls is stirring, And Colonels now less viciously unbraid Their Transport Officers, however erring, And sudden signals issue fromBrigade To say next Tuesday Christmas is occurring, And what arrangements have Battalions made?

And then, maybe, while every one discusses On what richfoods their dear commands shall dine, And (most efficiently)the Padre fusses About the birds, the speeches, and the wine, The CorpsCommander sends a crowd of buses To whiskyou offto Christmas in the line.

512. You make no moan, nor hint at how you're faring, And here in turnwe try to hide our woe, With taxis mutinous, and Tubes so wearing, And who can tell where all the matches go ? And all our doors and windows want re­ pamng, But can we get a man to mend them? No.

The dustman visits not; we can't get caster; In vain are parlour-maids and plumbers sought; And human intellect can scarely master The time when beer may lawfullybe bought, Or calculate how cash can go much faster, And if one's butcher's acting as he ought.

Our old indulgences are now not cricket; Whate' er one does some Minister will cuss; In Tube and Tram young ladies punch one's ticket, With whom one can't be cross or querulous; All things are different, but still we stick it, And humbly hope we help a little thus.

So, Fellow-sufferers, we give you greeting - All luck, all laughter, and an end of wars! And just to strengthen you forFritz's beating, I'm sending out a parcel fromthe Stores; They mean to stop my annual over-eating, But it will comfort me to think of yours.

Lieutenant. A.P. Herbert.

Note :- Published in 'The Bomber Gipsy and other poems.' By Methuen & Co Ltd in 1918.

513. DEAD-MULE TREE.

A Song of Wisdom.

It's a long step round by the Crucifixfor a man with a mighty load, But there's hell to pay where the dead mule lies if you go by the Bailleu! road, Where the great shells sport like an angry child with a litter a broken bricks, So we don't go downby the Dead-Mule Tree, but round by the Crucifix.

But the wild young men come bubbling out and look foran early grave; They light their pipes on the parapet edge and think they're being brave; They take no heed of the golden rules that the long, long years have taught, And the -wILL go down by the Dead-Mule Tree when they know that nobodyought.

And some of us old ones feelsome days that life is a tiring thing, And we show our heads in the same place twice, we stand in a trench and sing; We lark about like a kid just out and shatter a hundred rules, But we never go down by the Dead-Mule Tree, we aren't such perfect fools.

And the Wargoes on and the men go down, and, be he young or old, An English man with an English gun is worth his weight in gold, And I hate to think of the fine young lads who laughed at you and me Whowouldn't go round by the Crucifixbut died at the Dead-Mule Tree.

Note :- Published in the 'Bomber Gipsy and other poems.' By Methuen & Co Ltd in 1918. I would like to thank A.P. Watt Ltd on behalf of Crystal Hale and Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce these poems.

514. Arthur Egerton Wattse

Benbow & Collingwood Battali�ns .. Able Seaman, Leading Seaman and Sub Lieutenant.

Crystal Palace, Blandford and Gallipoli.

Up to 1912 I was at the Mercer School in Holborn, London, and afterpassing the Matriculation my father first of all sent me to France to learnthe language, and I came back almost translating into English. Jn France they were exceedingly nice to me and there was no talkof war. After that foralmost another period ofsix months I went to Bremen in Germany. This was in late 1913, war was in the air. Once I went to see a Captain ofone ofthe ships that used to ply between the town and London's, St Katherine's Dock. Some ofhis friends were there and towards the end ofthe evening one of these chaps said " You know ifwe went to war with England I'm not sure that England would win." I said "Aren't you? I am." That was a sort ofindication, one sensed it more than what was actually said. \Vhen sitting in Cafethey would rather look at us, because we had an English American Club where we used to meet every month and have sing songs and that sort ofthing. When one went into a cafeit was quite a thing in those days to have a little flag of your nation on the table in frontof you. And ofcourse we always asked forthe British and American flagsand could sense that they were looking at us. I got home in May 1914.

At the school we had had a very fineshooting club and won many prises down at Bisley. My interest was in the Boy Scouts and we had a wonderful troop at Crouch End. All our officers were in the Artists Rifles and by the end ofthe war we foundthat out offifty five who had joined the forcesfrom our troop, no less than forty eight had received commissions. It was a very good training indeed and naturally there was a little bit of aimy element in it, owing to our officers being fromthe Artists Rifles, they did a wonderful job. I was in the transport and we had a wagon, which we built ourselves, and with it we helped people and won competitions against other scouts troops. Another patrol used to build bridges, they made the bamboo poles and the slates for the pathway. They could put a bridge across a thirty foot stream in 20 minutes.

515. When I came home fromGermany I had to learnthe familybusiness, Johnson & Watts Limited, we had been in existence since 1842, only three years afterbox making started in thiscountry. So I went down to a company run by an uncle F.J. Parsons Ltd of Hastings. (1) My brother and I had made up our minds that when we settled down in business we would join the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve. Because, when we were younger, father bought a boat and taught us sailing down in the mouth of the Thames. We used to go down there almost every weekend. But when war broke out the RNVRwere not taking any recruits, however they said that they would let my brother know as soon as they opened forrecruiting. He was based in London, as our factorywas in the City Road.

They did so on the 3rd of September and my brother joined up that day. He telephoned me and I came up and joined the nextda y. To show you how early we were his number was 67 and my number was 97. When war was declared on August the 4th we had both felt that we wanted to do our bit. Although war had been in the air I think nobody in their heartof hearts thought it would come, it was sort of wistfulthinking. But when it did come we said this is when we go to sea. Our family understood perfectly our reasons for joining up, my fatherhad served, before1900, in the Royal Navy ArtilleryVolunteers.

After we joined up we had to stay at home for abouta fortnightand then we went down to the Crystal Palace. Our party of about 200 were the ones that opened it as the depot for the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve and as such the Royal Naval Division. We were put into the Division but had joined up to go to sea. I don't know if this concerned us much, as if that is what it had to be, that's what it was. But in a sense with our scout training we knew quite a lot about land work. We had joined as ordinary seaman but my brother and I were both promoted to leading seamen on the 18th of September 1914, just about a fortnightafter we joined up. The training in the scouts had helped us both.

When we got there we received our uniformspretty quickly. But at first there was a certain amount of roughing it, this was because they hadn't had time to make preparations. In the grounds of the Crystal Palace then there were plaster replicas of the Commonwealth Houses of Parliament. Now where we went was the parliament buildings of Ottawa and we just used to call it Canada. For the first two or three weeks we slept on the floor. But as soon as they could they put up hammocks and a hammock is a very nice thing to sleep in. I think one or two of us got in one side and fellout the other.

As we had been placed into the Royal Naval Division, myself in the Benbow Battalion, we began doing army basic training, such as route marches, drills and a certain amount of manoeuvres. We might go out early in the morningand get back at lunch time and we used to go quite a long way fromthe Palace. Of course they took us to swimming baths and that sort of thing. And it was on the route marching we used to sing "We are Fred Karno'sNavy .," which we used to sing to the tune of the hymn 'The Church is one foundation.'

516. "We are Fred Karno'sNavy. We are the R.N.D. We cannot fight. We cannot shoot. No earthly use are we. But when we get to Berlin the Kaiser he will say "Ho hoch mein Got what a jolly fine lot are the boys of the R.N.D."

The local population when we were on a route march, would come out and give us a cheer and wave and that sort of thing. Most of our marching was south of the Palace. The manoeuvres involved making an attack on a position. One Company defendingand the others attacking, but we did not do much of this in those early days. We had no rifle practice then and I did not worry about the discipline or the lack of privacy, in factI took to it as a duck takes to water.

We were told that an officersclass at the Crystal Palace was going to be started and one could volunteer, so my brother and I did so. \Ve were accepted and passed through the class receiving our commissions dated 29th December 1914, myself going into D Company the Collingwood Battalion. This was really the 2nd Collingwood Battalion as the First Collingwood Battalion was broken up at the time of Antwerp a lot of the men were interned in Holland. The class taught us control of our men and shooting, including how to control the fireof your troops. Also generally what an officer has to do to look after and take care of his men. When aged 20 years and a leading seaman, I had about fifteenor sixteen men under me. One of the things that surprised me then and later when I had my own platoon of about sixty four, is that I never had any difficultywith them, and they were mostly completely older then me.

I got to know Bonner who got the VC. He was in my section when I was a Leading Seaman at Crystal Palace and I always thought it was a remarkable thing for him to do because he was a Master Mariner, fullyqualified. He had the foeling that he wouldnot be needed to run a ship during the war and so he joined up as an ordinary seaman. Well later on they foundout that he was a fully qualifiedman and they took him away fromme and they commissioned him as a Sub Lieutenant R.N.R. He joined Commander Campbell who was awarded the V. C. for his work on Q Ships. While serving with Campbell, Bonner was also awarded the VC. Bonner was a very nice chap, I liked him, but then I got on famously with them all. I had one chap in the section named Eric Anderson, he joined at the age of 15, said he was 18.

In early February, if my memory is right we then went down to Blandfordand we were based to begin with in the A4 lines, but later moved to Bl lines. We were to be there until we leftto go to Gallipoli. The conditions in the lines was mud, mud and glorious mud. It was really dreadful.When we got down there we had to try and get some stones and things to make paths, to walk on. But as the time wore on and the rain and snows stopped

517. then we were all right. We were in wooden huts, probably there were about eight or ten officers to a hut, but the huts were in factbuilt to hold a platoon, so that all my men were in one hut. In the huts each man had a mattress ofsorts raised on wooden slats. When I got my commission I had bought myselfa camp bed and was assigned a batman. A chap called George Thompson, he had to keep the cabin and my uniformclean and in order and generally look afterme. He was a miner beforethe war. (I lost sight ofhim afterGallipoli, but then made contact with himand we kept in touch, in factfour or fiveyears afterthe war had finished he had received only had about six months work as a miner. There was no social security help in those days as there is now. He had a wifeand two children and was very, very hard hit. Well to cut a long story short I asked him ifhe would like to come and work forour company? He did so and we both carried on forabout 38 years until we both retired. Since then we kept in touch and he only died in January 1984. We got on very well, he was a great character . )

The training at Blandford consisted ofa lot ofmarching to get the chaps really fit, that was the greatest thing. We used to have a parade beforebreakfast and when we firstgot there I thought, just to show my chaps that they weren't really in good condition, I would take them fora run from our lines down into a valley and up the other side. The best part of threequarters ofa mile to a mile. I ran at the head ofthem, when I got down the valley and up the other end they were all strung out in a long line behind me. They were out of breath and didn't make it. So I said the nextday that we would do just a comparative short distance ofabout three hundred yards, when I hoped we would all keep together there and back. And after doing that fora day or two we gradually extended it and in the end we all did the whole way right down the valley and up the other side and all the way back. Andthey now really were fit. In the last week ofour training we marched and did twenty miles each day forfive days. That shows you how fitwe had all got.

When at Blandfordwe took our Company down to Portsmouth fora week going on the Tipnor Shooting Range. It so happened that the officers were all exceptionally good shots, and the men were tending to think more about how their officer was doing then thinking about their own shooting. But we gave them a lot of instruction and they did very well. At Blandfordwe just had instruction in loading, aiming and how to allow forthe effectof the wind and that sort ofthing. We also did a certain amount ofbayonet practice, but not very much. Regarding the tactical training, about two or three miles away from the camp nearer to Wimborne was Bradberry Ring and we went there in order that part ofthe Battalion could defend the rings and the remainder were left to attack it. That was the sort of thing we did.

Durham miners do not need any instruction on how to dig and I remember one of the Companies ofanother Battalion challenged our Company to a trench digging competition. We didn't say a word, after all they were challenging us and when the day came our chaps were pretty well down and out of sight when they were still scratching the surface. Then ofcourse we had to admit that our chaps were all miners. They didn't mind, afterall we said "You challenged us we didn't challenge you, which we would have thought would have been unfair." 518. At the end of this period of training I was confidentthat my men were ready because they had all responded so splendidly to the training we had given them. The Blandford people some how or other seemed to have a special regard forour Collingwood Battalion. I don't mean they didn't regard the others very well also but somehow they had a softcorner for us. The battalion also liked the local people and after we were "practically destroyed," to th use Sir Ian Hamilton's words on the 4 June 1915 at the end of the war we put up a memorial where we had done our training. The Blandfordpeople decided to call the th position of the memorial, Collingwood Corner and so it is to this day. Every 4 June a friendstill puts flowersand that same familyhas done that forus. First of all the father, in th the year that it was unveiled, 1919 and later his daughter has put a wreath there each 4 June. (2)

I was told that I had to put up a flagpolefor the Royal Standard in the ground just outside BlandfordCamp, where the King would be inspecting us. It was a bitterly cold day, snowing, and when the flagpolecame we dug the hole. But we foundthat there were no halyards attached to the pole, so I sent offa couple of chaps to try and get hold of the halyards but they could not get hold of anybody who could help. So in the end I didn't think it was fair to keep my chaps out in snow and the freezingweather, so I decided to put the pole up and then as soon as we got the halyards I would get one of the men to climb the pole to fixthem. There would also be ten shillings forthe man who did it. On that decision I took them back to camp, but a little later on I was summoned and they wanted to know who it was who had put up a flag pole, without any halyard ? I of course had to admit it was me and I explained the reason. I think they were rather fedup that it had been done, but as I said I think it's a fairquestion to ask who was responsible for sending a flagpole to be erected without sending them with it ? Anyhow the next morning we got the halyards and I took my party down and one of them climbed the mast and reefed them and that was the end of that story.

In our officer'smess we had a piano, our second in command Lieut. Commander West had told me to go into Blandfordand hire one. Several of our officershad good voices and we had a little singsong every evening. Well, one evening the Adjutant Lieut Commander Annand came into the mess and said "You chaps are not reading your orders properly." So I said "That's all right every evening when we have our singsong Davis, Markham and I will sing the Battalion orders," and we did to everybody's delight. There was no formalityabout what we talked about in our mess, it was very freeand easy.

In early May 1915 we got orders to move. I think that we leftcamp somewhere around th the 10 May. We went down to Devenport and sailed fromthere. We had all been vaccinated or inoculated only the day before we went and as a result a lot of the men were in very poor condition, it effected them really very badly. So we had rather a bad time for the first few days on board. We knew where we were going when we embarked as we were not the firstto go to Gallipoli. Other Battalions had already gone and of course by then the landings had taken place, so naturally we knew they had landed.

519. Above :- As the Collingwood Battalion was disbanded after the battle of the 4th June 1915 a cap badge was not produced for this ill fated battalion, these were only issued in the summer of 1916. However a small Collingwood Battalion broach the property of A.B. George Noble, later of the Hood Battalion, was kindly sent to me by its present owner, his daughter Mrs L Garrett. (Photograph L.G.Sellers.) Below :- At the King's inspection Pimperne, Blandford in February 1915. From the Royal Marines Museum, Southsea.

520. Our troopship was the HMT lverniashe was quite a big ship, I think about 15,000 tons, or something of that order. The conditions onboard were very good and there was plenty of room forofficers and men. \Ve stopped at Gibralter and at Valetta harbour, Malta where I had a shore visit. We then sailed to the island ofLemnos which has a magnificent land locked harbour with room forany number of ships to anchor without any difficulty. After a day or two there, having taken the men on shore to stretch their legs, we left for Gallipoli. This time transferringto the Hythe which was much smaller, so we would be able to get ashore alongside the River Clyde which was beached on 'V' Beach. I don't think she was a naval ship, more like a tender.

My impression when we nosed alongside the River Clyde with 'V' beach just in frontof us, was that the surround was just like being on the stage of the Coliseum in Rome. There was Sedd-el-Bar fort on the right and the ground sloped up to quite, a fair height, which of course had made it very easy to defend. Of course all the Turks fire power could converge fromthis amphitheatre dovm onto the beach.

By then the British troops were a mile or two inland so only the people who had duties there were to be seen. Also they would not have wanted to congregate there as over the other side of the Dardanelles was Kum Kale etc where there were German guns mounted and they could fire into 'V' beach. And in factwhen we went down bathing later on to the west of 'V' beach, some of those German guns fired on us as we were bathing. We had no casualties but I believe there were with other groups. ( Later on in the War I foundthat a Gennan Sub Lieutenant was in command of those guns and I had to go and interview him in London He had been captured from a submarine. He told me his instructions were to fire on anybody even if they were bathing. He said "I hated doing it but those were my instructions." )

On 'V' Beach stores were being landed such as ammunition and that sort of thing. It was a process that was going on continuously. When I say continuously I don't mean 24 hours a day but stores had to keep being landed. Apart fromthat 'V' Beach wasn't then much occupied.

We at once moved off'V' beach and went up to a rest camp with little holes in the ground.The protection given was very small, fortunatelythe Turks hadn't got a lot of ammunition. There was no system of reserve trenches in Gallipoli as later on they had in France. My impressions of the countryside was that it was very dry with little vegetation and of a sandy colour. \Vhen we were in reserve we were near two ruins, one was called the Brown House and the other the White House. They were only small buildings about twenty footsquare. These in a sense formedlittle land marks. There was nothing else by the way of buildings there and they were about three or four hundred yards fromthe front line. The weather was mighty hot and we foundthat the flies were an awful trouble. There were so many of them that sometimes if you were eating your bit of bread and butter had to wave them away to keep them off. They were Blue Bottles or that type of thing and would perch on your face.

521. There were snipers who you had to look out for as they were very active. One Turk seemed to have had his rifleset on a particular point in one of our trenches. He had got it so that somehow he knew just at what point the man was, by seeing one of us a second beforeyou would come to a given point. We lost a fewpeople that way. He had somehow this line on this point of fire. We had people sniping also, but none ofmy men.

After being in reserve we went up again to take our positions for the 4th June attack. This attack was going to take place at midday and we were told that we were to have an intense bombardment in support. I think it was to be about eleven o'clock. But when it got nearer to twelve o'clock we said "When are we going to get this intense bombardment?" We were told "You have had that." Well now, whilst I don't know the numbers of shells fired, I wouldn't think it would be more than about fiveor six thousand. Where as later on in France when they had an attack ofour magnitude, they would fire anything up to a quarter of a million shells. One thing that illustrates this very well is, our General of Artillery was affectionately known to the French artillery people as "Misusure la General en coo pha pie ace". They knew that we were short ofshells.

In our attack of the 4th June where we were in trouble was on our right, the position of the French. Now I never got to know ifthe French went forwardand then went back but eventually when we were up towards the Turkish line the French were not there in support. So our flank was uncovered and that contributed a lot to our troubles. There was a Turkish strong point that the French called the Harico so the Turks enfiladed us and our losses were enormous. All I can say is that A,B & C Companies ofthe Collingwood were in the attack, but we, D Company, was to go out when the attack had taken place and dig the communication trenches.

At one point the Battalion was short of ammunition and we were asked to take some up. I started offwith a party offour men, well none ofthose foursurvived, I think one died of wounds and the other three were killed. I had not got forwardhardly any distance, which shows that the Turks spotted us immediately we went over the top. When I was hit and my leg went numb, I had no feeling in it at all. All I could do was to scramble back into our trench. I found that all the officers and men were still standing to, wondering if the Turks might counter attack. What happened then I really don't know because I think the leg had made me groggy. Obviously somebody patched me up in someway, put a dressing on or something but I don't remember any of that. However I remained there until the evening whilst the leg was still numb with a certain amountof aching. It just feltas if it wasn't there.

Eventually I was taken out by stretcher , then to me one of the most remarkable things happened. One of our officers was Hugh Winslow, now I only learntmany years afterwardshe was a descendent ofEdward Winslow who was one of three who sailed in command ofthe Mayflower expedition in 1620. But on this day Hugh Winslow was hit just in front ofthe ear by three machine gun bullets and they must have hit at an angle because they went up underneath the skin. The bullets passed in between his skin and his

522. skull to the top of his head coming out there. So there were three holes in frontof his ear and holes in his scalp and the top of his head and there were little holes in his cap. He had hardly felta thing so got the dressing station to be patched up and then he took charge of the stretchers evacuating the wounded.

Later on the Padre asked me what my religion was and I replied "Oh is it as bad as all that?" And he said "No but we have to ask these questions." Later they got me down to one of the beaches, I think it was 'W' beach and onto a ship called the South/and, She wasn't a hospital ship but a troop ship. I was put into a cabin with one other chap, but they had stretchers all over the deck. I would not be surprised if there were not three or four thousand men lying all over that ship. I think they had just fouror fivedoctors and they worked the clock round looking afterthe wounded, until we got to Alexandria on the 10th June, six days afterI had been wounded. By that time gangrene had developed in my wound. Regarding the medical arrangements, I think it wasn't the doctor's faultat all, it was simply that on that day we probably had five times as many casualties as were expected, and if they worked the clock round what more could they do? They had to look afterthose that needed the most care. There was nothing much that they could do forme , they just hadn't got the time. They did examine me and I expect that they gave me a sedative, but I don't know how on earth they managed. They did a most wonderfulj ob. About my feelingsfor the medical authorities who were generally responsible I never looked at it that somebody had made a terrible mistake. I think they expected that we would succeed in our attack and I think that they made provision for more casualties than they expected to have but in the event even if they made more provision than they expected to occur, the casualties were many times what they had calculated. And when you are exposed at a place like Gallipoli you can't have the same facilitiesas you had in France, when you could get a men back from the front toEngland within a matter of hours.

At Alexandria in Egypt we were sent to a former German hospital, the Deaconesses. I don't think our people had taken it over for long as there were still some German sisters in the building but I don't think any of them looked afterus. The gangrene was pulling me down and down, still they tried to do what they could to save my leg. Finally however they decided they would have to take it off: which they did on the 14th June. The doctor who saw me after the operation said

"Do you remember I told you, you were all right ? As a matter of factyour pulse was just about going then but we did the operation in the night, because it wasn't so hot. And in your case the remarkable thing was that by about 8 o'clock the next morningyour pulse was nearly back to normal. Now there was all the difference between your case and a motor accident. In a motor accident the shock comes after, but in your case that gangrene had pulled you down so much that the taking away of your leg was no shock at all, it was an immense relief to the system."

Well fromthen on I never looked back, in fact the amputation was almost to the top of the leg. I think I was very fortunate and I remember one thing, more than once the Post 523. Master General had a carriage and pair and I went out for a drive around Alexandria in it which I enjoyed immensely. On another occasion a Mr Lewin whose sisters kept a flower shop in Southsea where my great uncle and great aunt lived, happened to mention that I was in hospital. They wrote to their brother to get him to look me up. He was with the Eastern Telegraph Company and fortheir staffthey had a small yacht moored in the harbour and I had a marvellous sailwith him. This was about a fortnightor three weeks after they took my leg off I leftAlexandria aboard the Gurkha on the 14th July for England with just a little scab as it was almost healed. All the doctors were fromthe Indian Medical Service the I.M.S. It had been fittedup forIndians and was a lovely ship. So I spent my 21 st birthday rolling thirty degrees on a Hospital Ship in the Bay of Biscay.

On the way home I met Flight Lieutenant Reid, he was a spotter and went up in a balloon fromthe ship the Hector. Known generally as Hector the balloon ship. Now he did spotting for the Queen Elizabeth firing at the Turkish positions. I remember him telling me that they also tried director firing.One day there was a Turkish transport coming down the Dardanelles above Nageiiia Point and he signalled to the Queen Elizabeth and she fired a salvo and he informed the ship they were two or three hundred yards over. She then fired again and he stated you are three hundred yards short. She fired a third and he reported they had got the transport she is sinking by the head. He said the fleet all laughed and didn't believe it, however it was perfectly true. He was invalided home with eye strain.

One story that needs to be told is that when we moved at Blandfordfrom the A 4 Lines to B 1 lines Thompson my Batman picked up all my gear and transferred it into the new accommodation. When I arrived there to my surprise I had got linoleum all over the floor of my cabin and a two and elevenpenny alarm clock, which somehow or other he had picked up in the move. Anyhow that caused a lot of amusement and I had intended to send it home when we went out to Gallipoli. But it appeared in my gear when we got onboard the Ivernia and again when we got to Gallipoli there was the alarm clock. Thompson cut a niche in the side of the trench near the Brown House and that ticked away, merrily and everybody came to see it and hear it and thought it was a huge joke. The man who went to war with an alarm dock! Well afterI was wounded I didn't see my gear until it came home in October. It was addressed to the Late Sub Lieutenant A. E. Watts. R.N.V.R ! which I thought was a bit premature. We thought that this has been lying around havens knows where from June to October. Perhaps we would be wise to open it out in the garden as we were concernedwhat might come out of it. The first thing that came out of it was the alarm clock ! with its glass still intact. I in factrecently ( about 1984.) handed the clock, still working to H.MS. President. The headquarters of the London R.N.V.R. (2)

524. REFERENCES:- l)F.J. Parsons were printers and printed and published the book 'The Collingwood Battalion.' Complied by Lieut Stanley Geary, R.M. about 1917.

2) Imperial War Museum. Department of Sound Records. Recorded 1984. Reference SR 8278. Reels 1 to 3 incl. ArthurEgerton Watts was bornon the 23rd July 1894. He later served with the Near East Section, Naval Intelligence Division at Admiralty House, London 1916 to 1919. Was later a civilian owner of munitions and food packaging factory in London 1939 - 1940. As president of Radio Society of Great Britain organised monitoring and recording of German radio signals, 1939 - 1945.

3) Enquiries at H.M.S. President as to the present location of the alarm clock have unfortunately proved negative as afterextensive searches it has not been traced.

DEDICATION.

By AoP. Herbert.

Note :- this poem was written exactly a year to the day after the battle of the 4th June 1915 (Third Battle of Klithia) when the Collingwood were more or less wiped out. He looks back on his time on the peninsular when in the very different circumstances and conditions of France.

Thinknot, if in these lays The singer seeks forsmiles, That he forgetsthe unsmiling days Beyond the Aegean Isles; Thinknot he now pretends The Relles hours were sweet, Think not he wrongs the buried friends We leftat Achi's feet.

525. This is the Forth ofJune. Think not I never dream The noise of that infernalnoon, The stretcher's endless stream, The tales oftriumph won, The night that foundthem lies, The wounded wailing in the sun, The dead, the dust, the flies.

The flies! Oh God, the flies That soiled the sacred dead. To see them swarm from dead men's eyes And share the soldier's bread ! Nor think I now forget The filthand stench ofwar, The corpses on the parapet, The maggots in the floor.

But ifin England's host Men sufferedundismayed. And tried to smile and smiled the most Whenthey were most afraid, And laughed beforethe grave, And jested in their pain, Herein, maybe, the living brave Shall hear them laugh again. A.P. Herbert. June 4t11, 1916.

Published in 'Half-Hours at Relles.' B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street. 1916. I would like to thank A.P. Watt Ltd on behalfof Crystal Hale & Jocelyn Herbert for permission to reproduce the poem.

526. ®�ath th�n Glory.

Rupert Brooke.

Part Three.

Rupert continued on his travels aboard the Grantully Castle. The romance and history of the area captivated him and renewed hopes and expectations forthe campaign. Still self doubt and his premonition of an early death actually occurred, just before the Gallipoli landings. He was therefore to be spared the blood, gore and inhumanity that was so much part of the Dardanelles experience. His going led to legend and his poems became a symbol of that early naive, but hopeful time. He had not the time to develop the negativity of the poets from the later years of the war. At just 27 years his heart would beat no more. What poetry was never written ? What more had he to give ? Would his promise have been fulfilled ? We will never know and there.in is the enigma and fascination.

5th April 1915. Egypt. To Mrs Brooke.

Here we still are : though not forlong, perhaps. It's not been a bad time in some ways: but on the days when there's a bit of a sandstorm, life is almost insupportable. I went down with a slight touch of sunstroke a fewdays ago. Nothing bad, but enough to make me feel pretty miserable, for a little. Patrick Shaw-Stewart had it a day or two, beforeme , and now we're both lying in a quiet hotel bedroom, having moved away from Camp. We shall stay here a fewdays: to get quite well. We ought to be all right in time forany work. It began with a racking headache, sickness and incessant diarrhoea. Feeding on arrowroot has brought the diarrhoea under a good deal: and my temperature and headache have vanished. So I'm well on the way to recovery. So is Shaw-Stewart. A good many of the men have had the same. The glare is awfulhere.

Note:- The photographs on the next page are - Above :- At the Sphinx, the three officersare left Arthur Asquith, middle Rupert Brooke and to the right Patrick Shaw-Stewart. Below :- Rupert Brooke under the green canvas awning on the 2nd April 1915. This photograph was taken by Denis Browne and is mentioned in his letter to Edward Marsh. Brooke himselfill called it "On a couch of pain" in his own letter to Marsh. Both photographs are fromthe Rupert Brooke papers at The Modern Archive Centre King's College, Cambridge.

527.

The first day I was sick - beforeI got out ofcamp - was the day when our new G. 0. C. in Chief(1) - you'll know who that is - reviewed us. I'd met him once or twice in London. He came to see me afterthe review and talked fora bit. He offeredme a sort ofgalloper - aide-de-campjob on his staff: but I shan't take it. Anyhow, not now, not till this present job's over. Afterwards ifI've had enough ofthe regimental officer'swork, I might like it. But I'm very happy where I am. I'm ,vith quite a good lot offellows.

I'm sending you a little old small glass bottle I picked up in a bazaar. It's supposed, I think, to be an old Egyptian tear-bottle, foundin a tomb. But I imagine it's really very recently manufactured. Still it's amusing; and ifyou clean out the inside with a little warm water, it might look nice, and hold scent.

I was going to write to Alfredto say it was still open to him to come into the R.N.D. when he liked, ifhe could work the transfer. But I got today a letter from Dent, dated March 12, saying he heard Alfredwas offto France that day. I suppose I shall hear if that's so.

The posts are odd. I got a letter from Eddie, March 17 or 18, a Nation, March 8, fromyou and this fromDent. I think most intermediate letters are somewhere else: waiting to be sent on. They'll catch us up some time.

The pyjamas and handkerchiefs arrived, safethough battered, and the cover much torn; many thanks.

Early in April 1915. Egypt. To Cathleen Nesbitt.

I've tom offthe heading ofthis note-paper, so that you shan't know where I am. However, it's not very interesting.

I bought in a bazaar, a real Easternbazaar, a necklace - or what you will - ofamber. It seemed to me pleasant. If ever it gets past the Censor, the Customs, and the thieves, it'll get to you. Smile on it. I doubt ifit's worth your wearing. But you may cut it up and turn it to something else. Anyway, there it is: a memorial ofone more land my wandering foot has trodden.

Our peacefulexistence continues. But it will very soon be over. How long our little corner ofthe universal war will last, you in England know better than we. But I think nobody knows.

We've been having a pleasant little rest in Egypt, afterthe exertions of our trip among the islands ofGreece. I've seen various things I wanted to see, but had not thought to visit so soon.

529.

We encamped on - it isn't particularizing to say - sand; loose, hot, bloody sand. We ate sand and drank it, and breathed and thought and dreamed it. And above all a fiercetorrid sun. Aftera fewdays, I and one or two more, rather indignantly, collapsed. Sunstroke is bad. It destroys all the harmonies of the body and of the soul. I had the biggest headache in the world, and a diarrhoea that was part of the cosmic process. But I lie, in some peace - and much better - on a cool hotel bed. And I think I'll be well for the fighting!

6th April 1915. Egypt. To Lascelles Abercrombie.

The Sun God (he, the Song God) distinguished one ofhis most dangerous rivals since Marsyas among the X thousand tanned and dirty men blown suddenly on these hisspecial coasts a fewdays or weeks ago. He unslung his bow. I lie in an hotel, cool at length, with wet cloths on my head and less than nothing in my belly.

I shall be all right in time forthe fighting,I hope and believe. (Later) at sea I know now - more certainly every day - what a campaign is. I had a suspicion fromAntwerp. It is continual crossing from one place to another, and back, over dreamlike seas: anchoring, or halting, in the oddest places, fornobody knows or quite cares how long; drifting on, at last, to some other equally unexpected , equally out of the way, equally odd spot: forall the world like a bottle in some comer of the bay at a seaside resort. Somewhere, sometimes, there is fighting. Not for us. In the end, no doubt, our apparently aimless course will drift us through, or an.char us in, a blaze of war, quite suddenly; and as suddenly swirl us out again. Meanwhile - the laziest loitering lotus-day I idled away as a wanderer in the South Seas was a bustle ofdecision and purpose compared to a campaign.

One just hasn't though, the time and detachment to write, I find. But I've been collecting a fewwords, detaching lines from the ambient air, collaring one or two of the golden phrases that a certain wind blows from (will the Censor let me say?) Olympus, across these purple seas. In time, ifI'm spared, they'll bloom into a sort of threnody ---

___ I wonder if you're an A.S.C. train officer, or a Lowell lecturer, by now. Have your plans matured, at all ? Has Eddie pushed you into one ofthe various R.N.D. transport vacancies created by our removal in this crusade? It would be fun ifone could think you were coming out in a future batch - in time to reverse 1453, and celebrate mass in St Sophia. I have little news from England. Posts wait for us all over the place: few have yet foundme. ----

___ Is it spring with you ? For once I almost don't envy the English spring. Almost I have an older one. ----

9th April 1915. Egypt. To Violet Asquith.

I'll try to write you a good account of things sometime - when there's anything to write about. Or when, even, I'm just a bit more energetically cree-ative about the various shades

531. anddegrees of non-happening through which we loiter. But just now - forthese six days - I've been a victim to the sun. He struck me down, allunaware, the day before Sir Ian inspected us. I lay, racked by headache and diarrhoea, under an awning on the sand, while the stokers trudged past. Afterwards, Sir Ian came to see me a moment. A notable meeting: it was generally felt: our greatest poet-soldier and our greatest soldier-poet. We talked blank verse. He looked very wornand white-haired.I thought him a little fearful- not fearful, but less than cock-sure - about the job. Later, they took me out of Camp to this hoteL where I've been cool and starving and convalescent. My fellow- sufferer is - Patrick! in the other cornerof the room. Not a bad fellow-invalid, when chastened by arrowroot: gay and unchanging and superficially (oh, no doubt really, too!) sympathetic. An appearance of sympathy is what one wants, when sick. Real sympathy is the further call of the hale, I wished you were here: with your experience of internaldisease in Egypt - and of my morose invalid manner. Couldn't you have cured - or, certainly, healed - me more swiftly? Anyhow, here I am, well up on that difficultslope that leads from arrowroot past chicken broth, by rice puddings, to eggs in milk, and so to eggs, and boiled fish, and finally (they say) chicken and fruitand even real meat. But that is still beyond the next crest. On! On! But while I shall be well, I think, forour first thrust into the fray ( unless senility overtakes me), I shall be able to give my Turk, at the utmost a kitten's tap. A diet of arrowroot does not buildup violence. I am as weak as a pacifist. The better able to survey and note, maybe. My horror is, just now, that we shall be shut away in some delightful base, till the time comes to be poured in. In we shall go, and see our own bit of fun, and that's all. I hope to God we may be in a position where we can see the various other elements in our motley force doing their little stunts - such as they do before us.

I poked about in a bazaar. And I there founda foolish little bluish stone, like London milk or the white of an uncooked egg. It reminded me of a worser lyric by Keats. I had it sent you - or perhaps the Egyptians,in packing, stole it - in the slight hope that something might reach you fromme on your birthday (but it won't) and that it might at least say that there I was, more tourist still than soldier, and, in my watery amorphous aimlessness, my solitude, my (I thought) almost charming moony pathos, not unlike that blear little stone.

We're a gay enough little party in the Hood. A softened Colonel is well and patient. Charles I like more as I see him more. I didn't realise what awareness and subtlety he concealed under that equine madness. Imagine what an extraordinary, an unprecedented, con glomeration of sound Oc and I and Denis Browne put up with, when you learnthat Patrick with his loud titter, Cleg Kelly with his whinny, and Charles with his greatneigh, all are in the same tent. The sound from it frightsthe Egyptain night, and sends the ghosts of Antony and the gypsy scudding away across the sand.

We had a delicious glimpse of Aubrey and Mary in ---- I forgot, I mayn't say! And rode wildly on donkeys through white andblack mysterious streets at midnight under a full moon. A most odd dream. My attention was divided between a perishable donkey and Immortal Beauty. Both seemed just to evade me. We seemed more than usually incidental.

532. --- I fasten my eyes on the horizon foryour hospital ship. Bring out a delicious lot of books. But I fearnone ofus'Il be wounded for a long time yet.

Note:- About this time Rupert wrote his poem Fragment which captures so well his feelingsand the atmosphere of impending doom.

FRAGMENT.

I stayed about the deck, an hour, tonight Under a cloudy moonless sky; and peeped In at the windows, watched my fiiendsat table, Or playing cards, or standing in the doorway, Or coming out into the darkness. Still No one could see me.

I would have thought ofthem -Heedless, within a week of battle - in pity, Pride in their strength and in the weight and firmness And link'd beauty ofbodies, and pity that This gay machine of splendour 'Id soon be broken, Thought little of, pashed, scattered....

Only, always, I could but see them - against the lamplight - pass Like coloured shadows, thinner than filmyglass, Slight bubbles, fainter than the wave's faint light, That broke to phosphorus out in the night, Perishing things and strange ghosts - soon to die To other ghosts - this one, or that, or l

April 1915. (1)

April 1915. At sea. To Edward Marsh.

When I had a touch of the sun, in Egypt, I saw a lovely letter of yours to Denis - the only breath ofEngland I've felt.You seemed to have been in very perilous places : far more, certainly than we.

Patrick& I are both hale & fit again, though notably thinner. However, as everyone has grown fat on idleness, it's as well. The firstfew days afloatI was still convalescent. So I could lie in my bunk and read & write in a delicious solitude all day. I actually did jot down a line or two. Nothing yet complete (except a song, worthlessalone, forDenis to

533. put lovely notes around): but a sonnet or two almost done: & the very respectable & shapely skeleton of an ode-threnody. All of which shall travel to you, if & when they are done.

THE DANCE

A Song

As the Wind, and as the Wind, In a cornerof the way, Goes stepping, stands twirling, Invisibly, comes whirling, Bows before, and skips behind, In a grave, an endless play -

So my heart, and so my Heart, Following where your feethave gone, Stirs dust of old dreams there; He turnsa toe; he gleams there, Treading you a dance apart. But you see not. You pass on.

April 1915. (2)

I saw Sir Ian - or rather, he saw me: lying (did you see Denis' photograph of me?) on a couch of pain. It was very sweet of him. He made a proposal, which, forthe time, I didn't accept. It hangs vaguely over my future. It might be fun, aftera campaign in my present capacity. But it's really so jolly being with Oc & Denis & Charles & Patrick & Kelly, that it'll have to be very tempting company to persuade me to give it up.

I cannot write to you any description of my life.It is entirely featureless. It would need Miss Austen to make anything of it. We glide to & froon an azuresea & forgetthe war. - I must go & censor my platoon's letters.

My long poem is to be about the existence - & non-locality - of England. Andit contains the line - 'In Avons of the heart her rivers run.' Lovely isn't it?

Freyberg sends his chin-chin. I've no doubt there'd be other messages, ifl could find anyone.

534. Lines foran Ode-Threnody on England.

All things are written in the mind. There the sure hills have station; and the wind Blows in that placeless air. And there the white and golden birds go flying; And the stars wheel and shine; and woods are fair; The light upon the snow is there; and in that nowhere move The trees and hands and waters that we love.

And she for whom we die, she the undying Mother of men England!

In Avons of the heart her rivers run.

She is with all we have loved and foundand known, Closed in the little nowhere of the brain. Only, of all our dreams, Not the poor heap of ... dust and stone, This local earth, set in terrestrial streams, Not this man, giving all for gold, Nor that who has foundevil good, nor these Blind millions, bought and sold ...

She is not here, or now- She is here, and now, yet nowhere - We gave her birth, who bore us- Our wandering feet have sought, but never found her- She is built a long way off- She, though all men be traitors, not betrayed - Whose soil is love, and her stars justice, she - Gracious with flowers, And robed . . . and glorious in the sea.

She was in his eyes, but he could not see her, And he was England, but he knew her not.

Written during the voyage to Gallipoli April 1915. (3)

535. 20th April 1915. Same address. 4 a.m. On watch. To Mrs Brooke.

Still aboard, and still in the peacefullest surroundings.

We've only got, so far, about three fifthsof our mail, I judge: and that in little lumps, with gaps. I can judge fairly well by the Nation and Land and Water, and by the number of periodicals other people get. A little batch of several letters of about March 30 was the last I got. But things March 5 - 15 are still astray. Two bags ofsomebody's mail has gone overboard in harbour, they say, some weeks ago. I got, by hand, a letter or two from Eddie, and one fromDowning Street yesterday. I gather there has been confusion. Ian Hamilton, quite out of his head, asked me ifI'd like to be attached to his staffas a sort of 'galloper' and odd-jobber- 'A.D.C'. He'd tell Eddie and some others he was going to ask me. But I'd made up my mind to see at any rate some ofa campaign in my present capacity: and I'm very happy as I am, with several people I like: and it wouldn't be very fairto my company to leave it suddenly at the last moment like this, with a gap it couldn't fill, out here. So we agreed - I.H. and I - that I'd go through this campaign or campaignlet or part of it, and, in the general and unforeseeable re-organisation at the end of it, accept his offer, probably, then. He said it would still be open. And there we leftit. But I gather that Eddie, thinking I was certain to accept straight off, and being misled by a foolishtrain of circumstances, jumped to the conclusion I was already transferred: and told you so. He told Lady Lytton Sir Ian had asked me. Lady Lytton told Lady Hamilton Sir Ian had put me on his staff And Lady H. wrote Eddie a note, saying how pleased she was to hear I'd been put - etc ! So Eddie, thinking she'd heard fromSir Ian I was already on, concluded it was decided, and, I understand, told you so. So I'm afraidhe deceived you, into anticipating events by a fewmonths.

However, I gather we're pretty well as safe as ifwe were all Staffofficers, so all's well. There's no furthernews. I'd like to hear ifAlfred is going to France, or elsewhere. Ifyou have any important piece of news, you might repeat it in two or three letters: as the odds are I shall only get one ifthem.

I think I forgotto tell you that when I was in Cairo, in the EgyptianArmy Headquarters Stores, buying a few things, a clergyman in khaki with a flowing beard came up and spoke to me, and I suddenly recognised Ross, ofour house, who is chaplain to the Lancashire division ofTerritorials in Egypt. Rather a funnymeeting. ----- (4)

Sunday, 25th April 1915. OffGallipoli. The Hood Battalion. To Edward Marsh a letter by W. Denis Browne.

I wonder how long afteryou hear the terrible news it will be beforeyou get this. The tragedy was so sudden, so inexplicable, so hopeless; the loss so unspeakable.

Here are the bare facts.

536. William Denis Browne.

From the Rupert Brooke papers at the Modern Archive Centre, King's College Cambridge. All items used are with the permission of the Trustees of the Rupert Brooke Estate. Note:- I would also like to thank Associated Newspapers for their generosity in providing sponsorship to cover the reproduction fees required for material used fromthis archive. Much material in the series has not been published before. 537. We got to Port Said on Sat. Mar. 27 fromLemnos. So farRupert had been quite himself. th On Monday (29 ) he went to Cairo with Oc & Patrick, & stayed fortwo days, coming back to Port Said on Mar. 31st (Wed). I went to Cairo that same night, passing Rupert in the train at Ismailia & came back 2 days later on Friday to find him ill with a touch of the sun, a headache & sickness. He slept or dozed outside his tent under an awning all Saturday just as you see him in a photo I sent you. It was taken that very day. In the morning, about 11 o'clock he was visited by Sir Ian, who apparently asked him to go on his staff, but he refused.Rupert never told any of us about this, but it seems to be true. I suppose he wouldn't leave his platoon or Freyberg. At 4 in the afternoon he went offin a cab to the Casino Palace Hotel, where he found Patrick who had been laid up with the same thing a day earlier; and they shared a room (no. 17). As he got better he developed a little sore on the right side of his upper lip. It swelled up slightly for about 2 days & then went away. He did not come back to camp beforewe leftPort Side, but he & Patrick th came aboard the Grantully Castle the evening beforewe left (Ap. 9 ). We sailed on Sat. April 10th at 6 a.m. We steamed only 4 knots an hour as we were towing a large lighter, which we lost. Near Cos & wasted a day in recovering: so that it took us 7 days to reach Skyros (via Lemnos) where we anchored on the evening of April 17 (Sat). Rupert & Patrick got up on the 3rd day of the voyage & R. gradually took up his duties again. He was thinner than I remember to have seen him, & weak in proportion; but he picked up as time went on & though he was not up to any great exertion he was on the way to being quite himself again. He was always cheerful,& perfectly normal at this time, & we all thought he was quite fit.

We anchored in Trebuki Bay (see R's sketch-map) & went ashore fromtime to time by th companies. On Tuesday last (Ap. 20 ) he took part in a Divisional Field Day, most of which was confined to a river-bed valley between Mts Paphko & Komaro, with Mt Khokilas (the highest point of the island) at its head. A mile up this valley above the dry river bed is an olive grove of a dozen trees, which I'd noticed two days beforefor its extraordinary beauty, & here Rupert, Patrick, Charles Lister & I sat while we were resting in the afternoon.He liked the place & spoke of it: and it was here that we buried him.

Aftera long day from 8 to 4 he came back to the ship rather tired. Our table in the saloon (Rupert, Oc, Patrick, Charles, Cleg & I always sat together) invited a party fromthe Franconia to dinner, but only Cherry & Kershaw came. Rupert was quiet & talked very little and went to bed early.

Next morning he stayed in bed, feelingseedy I heard. Somehow I did not see him until after dinner that night, when I looked in to ask how he was & to show him the Times cutting oflnge's sermon with the quotation of his sonnet. He said he felt very bad & didn't want the light on. He then said the cutting (did you send it ?) & was sorry that Inge didn't think he was as good as Isaiah. He complained of a swelling on the leftside of his upper lip. He was evidently not up to very much, & I lefthim.

538. Sketch-map on a sheet of lined note paper by Rupert Brooke which he produced only a few days before his death. From the Modern Archive Centre, King's College, Cambridge. Reference XC21: Skyross II.)

Next morning (Thursday) he was worse. The Battn. Surgeon (McCracken) was not anxious about his lip, but was worried because he had pain in his chest & back. I looked in three times during the day, but he was dozing & I didn't like to disturb him. At midday McCracken got really anxious & sent for the A.D.M.S. Gaskell, the D.A.D.M.S. Casement, & the Brigade S.M.O. Schlesinger (whom I recognised as a Guy's man ). They came over about 3 & consulted with McCracken & Goodale (the ship's surgeon & a good bacteriologist), & the conclusion they arrived at was that he had practically no chance of getting over it: the diagnosis was acute blood-poisoning. They proposed operating by making an incision in an abscess which had formed on the left side of the neck & was pumping the infected blood fromhis lip all over the body. But beforethey could do this, we had the idea of getting him on to a hospital ship. There was a French hospital ship, the Duguay-Trouin, in Skyros, & we asked them to take him in, as anything would have been better than the stuffy cabin he was in, and there were no proper facilitieson the GrantullyCastle fornursing him. In less than half an hour we had carried him down into a

539. Above:- The fleet at anchor in Trebuki Bay, Skyros. From the Marines Museum, Southsea. Below:- Practising boat drill, in Trebuki Bay from the Imperial War Museum, London. Reference Q 14893.

540. l \\ \\

�\ \\

541. The previous page :-

Above - View from the fo'c'sleof SS Grantully Castle showing the French Hospital Ship Duguay-Trouin. Taken by Lieut Commander Hedderwick of the Hood Battalion on 23rd April, 1915. At this time Rupert Brooke was dying on board. Imperial War Museum Reference Q 61114.

Below - Rupert Brooke's grave on Skyros. Imperial War Museum Reference Q 71075.

pinnace and taken him straight aboard the Duguay-Trouin. They put him in the best cabin, one of two set back to back on the sun deck aft, on the highest part of the ship. She was originally a naval school at Brest, built in 1878, & was converted in 24 hours into a hospital: everything was very roomy & comfortable, if old-fashioned; but they had every modern appliance & the surgeons did everything they possibly could. He was practically the only patient on the ship & the chief surgeon gave up his whole time to the case, & I believe hardly left him at all. Whether they made the incision in his neck on Thursday night I don't know. Schlesinger said they would probably 'irrigate' the place with antiseptic. Oc & I left him about 6 when we could do nothing more & went to the Franconia, where we sent of a wireless message to Admiralty & also one to the G.O.C. at Lemnos. We had hoped that he might be able to send either the Sudan or the Ceciliaoff to Skyros, or, failing that, to send a couple of sisters from the Celia in a destroyer. But that would have been no use as Gaskell said it would be impossible to move him again on to another ship: and as a matter of fact all the G.O.C. did was (I believe) to send a message to ask how he was.

Next morning Oc & I went over in a steam pinnace soon afterbreakfast to see what we could do: and found him very much weaker, but not quite so bad as Schlesinger expected. I stayed on board till 2.30, but there was nothing to be done as he was quite unconscious & they were busy trying all the devices they could think of to do him good & give him ease. Not that he was suffering, forhe was barely conscious all Thursday (he just said 'Hallo' when I went to lifthim out into the pinnace) & on Friday he was not conscious at all up to the very last & feltno pain whatever. At 2 o'clock the head surgeon told me he was sinking & I went offto the Franconia forthe Chaplain forhis mother's sake. The chaplain (Failes by name) came back with me & saw him, but he was unconscious so after saying a fewprayers he went away. Oc had arrived at 2.30 & I brought Schlesinger from the Royal George. He confirmed the change & told me that it was simply a matter of hours. Oc then went offto see about preliminary arrangements and I sat with Rupert. At 4 o'clock he became weaker & at 4.46 he died.

542. We had orders to sail next morningat 6 for Gallipoli: and the French ship was offat the same moment for Asia Minor. So Oc & I had to decide at once what to do.

We buried him the same evening in the olive grove I mentioned before - one of the loveliest places on this eaiih, with grey-green olives round him, one weeping above his head: the ground covered with flowering sage, bluish grey & smelling more delicious than any other flower I know. The path up to it from the sea is narrow & difficult and very stony: it runs by the bed ofa dried-up torrent. He was carried up from the boat by his A Company petty officers, led by his platoon-sergeant Saunders: and it was with enormous difficulty that they got the coffin up the narrow way. The journeyof a mile took two hours. It was not till 11 that I saw them coming (I had gone up to choose the place & with Freyberg & Charles Lister I turnedthe sods of his grave: we had some ofhis platoon to dig). First came one ofhis men carrying a great white wooden cross with his name painted on it in black: then the firing party, commanded by Patrick; & then the coffinfollowed by our officers, General Paris, Saunders & one or two others of the Brigade Staff The Commodore could not be there, nor was Maxwell. Think ofit all under a clouded moon, with the tree mountains around & behind us, and those divine scents everywhere. We lined his grave with all the flowerswe could find & Quilter set a wreath ofolive on the coffin. The funeralservice was very simply said by the Chaplain and afterthe Last Post the little lamp-lit procession went once again down the narrow path to the sea. Freyberg, Oc, I Charles & Cleg stayed behind & covered the grave with great pieces of white marble which were lying everywhere about. Ofthe cross at his head you know: it was the large one that headed the procession. On the back ofit our Greek interpreter, a man picked up by Oc at Lemnos, wrote in pencil.

Here lies the servant of God, Sub-Lieutenant in the English Navy, who died for the deliverance ofConstantinople fromthe Turks.

It was quite spontaneous, and, don't you think, apt. At his feetwas a small wooden cross sent by his platoon.

We could not see the grave again as we sailed from Skyros the next morning at 6.

These are some ofthe bare facts: forgive me for telling them so confusedly & badly. I have had so many interruptions - all day we have been waiting for orders to land on Gallipoli.

I thought you would care to have the factsas they happened. What I can't write about is the irreparable loss that his death is to all ofus. That he was taken just the day before we began fightingis in some ways saddest ofall. Yet if he had gone from us later we might never have been able to see to his burial. We felt that he would hate to be buried at sea: he

543. actually said in chance talk some time ago that he would like to be buried in a Greek island. And he lies now in the loveliest of them all in the most heavenly place it can show - he wouldn't wish a better grave, nor, I think, a different burial.

I could speak to you about him better than I can write. It is all so near, so impossible. One can't realise that that spirt that knew and loved all the beautifulthings of the world so strongly is cut offfrom them for ever.

He will not miss his immortality. I like to think he went when he had just given his best, when his powers were at their real zenith - & not before.

And yet - the awfulness of it goes on & the blank is there for us all.

W.D.B. (5)

Rupert had written on the voyage when very much alive : -

The poor scrap of a song that some man tried Down in the troop-decks forrard, brought again The day you sang it first, on a hill-side, With April in the wind and in the brain. And the woods were gold; and youth was in our hands.

(6)

* * * * *

544. t Denotes the position of the Grave of SUB-LIEUTENANT RT,JPERT BROOKE, R.N.V.R., "Hood'" Battalion, of the 2nd Royal Naval Brigade. The Grave is situated about three-quarters of a mile up the valley running south of Mt. Pephko on the Isle of_ Skyros. The Grave is in the centre of a small grove of trees and is marked by two oak crosses. t Latitude 38° 47¼' North. Date of Burial Longitude 24° 36f East. April 23rd, 1915.

Map of Skyros. From the Modem Archive Centre, King's Coi!ege, Cambridge. The Rupert Brooke papers reference RCB XC 24.

545. REFERENCES & NOTES.

1) Complete Poems of Rupert Brooke, published by Sidgwick& Jackson Ltd in 1939, thirteenth impression, page 150.

2) Asabove, page 151.

3) The Poetical Works of Rupert Brooke, edited by Geoffrey Keynes, publishedby Faber & Faber, second edition 1970, page 203.

4) The Lettersof Rupert Brooke, edited bySir GeoffreyKeynes, published by Faber & Faber& Faber in 1968.

5) The Letters of Rupert Brooke, pages 682 to 687.

6) Note :- Denis Brownewas also to die, this was shortly after writing this letter to Marsh, duringthe fightingof the 4th June 1915. For details see 'The Hood Battalion by Leonard Sellers ISBN O 85053 386 9, page 104.

7) The Poetical Works of Rupert Brooke, page 206.

Notes forfurther reading :-

1) Champion Redoubtable, editedby Mark Pottle. Published in 1998 by Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN O 297816500. The diaries and letters of Violet Bonham Carter. 1914 -1945.(Formally Violet Asquith the only daughterof the Prime Minister.)In contains very interesting material on Brooke, including her lettersto him. Also those of Arthur Asquith, BernardFreyberg and Edward Marsh.

2) Winston Churchill As I Knew Him, by Violet Bonham Carter, published by Eyre & Spottiswoode - Collins in 1965.

3) Edward Marsh, A Biography- by Christopher Hassan, published by Longmans, Green and Co Ltd in 1959.

4) RupertBrooke, A Memoir by Edward Marsh, published by Sidgwick& Jackson,Limited in 1918.

5) Rupert Brooke and Skyros,by Stanley Casson', published byElkin Mathews in 1921. With woodcut illustrationsby Phyllis Gardner.

6) Rupert Brook's Death and Burial, published by the Imperial War Museum, department of printed books, in 1992. (Basedon the log of the French HospitalShip Duguay-Trouin, Translatedfrom the French of J. Perdriel-Vaissieres by Vincent O'Sullivan. ISBN 0-901627-82-8

7) Cathleen Nesbitt. - A Little Love & Good Company. Published 1975 by Faber & Faber Limited. ISBN 0571 10280 8. Three chapters on her relationship with Brooke, including her reaction to his death.

546. On the 13th May 1916 lists of officers serving the Royal Naval Division were submitted to Headquarters. (Each issue will cover a differentBattalion etc.)

1 •t, R.M. Battalion.

Substantive Rank. Temp Rank. Name. Regiment. Appointment.

Lt. Col. E.J. Stroud. RM.L.I. O.C. Major. F.J.W. Cartwright. Captain. V.D. Loxley. Captain. A Evans. Lieutenant. Captain. T. H. Burton. Lieutenant. Captain. H. Hoare. Lieutenant. W.A. Pinkerton. Lieutenant. T.H. Clarke. Lieutenant. H.E. Rowley. RM. Lieutenant. A.G. Kyles. Lieutenant. J. Pearson. Lieutenant. RH.P. West. Lieutenant. E. Cohen. 2nd Lieutenant. Acting Lieutenant. G.W.M. Grover. RM.L.I. 2nd Lieutenant. Acting Lieutenant. H.L.Frossard. 2nd Lieutenant. AC. Donne. RM. 2nd Lieutenant. N.B. Walker. 2nd Lieutenant. H.B. van Praagh. 2nd Lieutenant. G.H. Sullivan.

547. 2nd Lieutenant. W.C.A. Elliott. R.M. 2nd Lieutenant. W.M. Hodding. 2nd Lieutenant. B.A. Sims. 2nd Lieutenant. J. W. Richards. 2nd Lieutenant. P. Dewar. 2nd Lieutenant. R. West. 2nd Lieutenant. L.F. Nourse. 2nd Lieutenant. J.M. Pound. 2nd Lieutenant. T.W. Pears. Surgeon. F.B. Eykyn.M.B. R.N. Revd. C.W.G. Moore. R.N.

nd 2 • R.M. Battalion.

Substantive Rank. Temp Rank. Name. Regiment. Appointment.

Lieut Col. A.RH. Hutchinson. R.M.L.I. O.C. Captain. AS. Tetley. Captain. C.E.G. Eagles. Captain. C.G. Farquharson. Lieutenant. Captain. AC. St. C. Morford. Lieutenant & Q.M. H. G. W. Beard. Lieutenant. T. Edwards. R.M. Lieutenant. H.B. Welman. Lieutenant. J.E. Preston. Lieutenant. T .A. Goldring. Lieutenant. N. Burton Fanning. Lieutenant. G.E. Cutcher. Lieutenant. H. Sanders. Lieutenant. B.V.C. Weeks. Lieutenant. G.P. Thorold. Lieutenant. H. C. Torrens. Lieutenant. F.G. Eliot. Lieutenant. D.B. Woolley. 2nd Lieutenant. W.L. Surman. 2nd Lieutenant. C.S. Thomas. 2nd Lieutenant. A.P. Cook. 2nd Lieutenant. S.A. Walker. 2nd Lieutenant. C.O. Mitchell. 2nd Lieutenant. W.J. Somerville. 2nd Lieutenant. A.J. Simpson. 2nd Lieutenant. E.L. Andrews. Surgeon. J. N. Mc B Ross. R.N.

Reference:- Public Record Office, Kew. WO32/5075. Crown Copyright is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationary Office.

548. THE EXPERIENCES OF SUB LIEUTENANT IVOR FRASER. HAWKE BATTALION.

On a perfect Sunday at the beginning of October, 1914, the Royal Naval Division, two brigades of which were brigaded together near Deal, were ordered to proceed at once with fullequipment to Dover forembarkation. The orders were received at about 6 a.m., and by noon both brigades had struck their camps and were well on the march forDover.

1 By midnight, October 4 \ the transports had shipped the Divisions and proceeded out of th the harbour. Even then our destination was unknown until the early morning, October 5 , found us offDunkirk. Aftera short delay the transports proceeded up the harbour and berthed, the seaman units landing in the afternoon, when the first square meal of biscuits and cheese was partaken of pending entrainment. It was then that we understood by rumour that our destination was to be Antwerp, Liege having fallen.Doubt was expressed as to whether rail communication could be established as stories were prevalent that the Germans had already cut the line at Ghent. However, troops had to be hurried through at any cost, and at 9 p.m. the troop trains steamed out of Dunkirk at close intervals, a Pilot engine preceding the first troop-train.

th 4 a.m. on the following morning(Tuesday October 6 ) foundthe division in Antwerp, and a magnificent welcome was afforded us by the population. Hot coffee, bread and cigarettes were freely offered at Antwerp Station, and everyone feltthe need of them. By this time the roar of artillery could be heard but faintlyin the distance.

The first brigade immediately proceeded on the march, leaving Antwerp at about 7 a.m. and arrived at Willryck at about 9 a.m., when billets were secured, and by 10.30 a.m. everyone had settled down to get a much needed bath and shave preparatory to going up to the line that night.

Our hopes of a short rest were soon dispelled, however, forat 11 a.m. the alarm sounded and the brigade rallied in the square to receive an address fromCommodore Henderson, commanding the first brigade.

First of all identification discs were handed round and each officerand man was instructed to write his fullname, rank and number on the fibre disc. Meanwhile the roar of artillery had increased considerably, being of a much louder and more sustained character. The Commodore informedus that the Germans were pressing hard through their weight of artillery and men, and our job was to make a swiftmarch up to the line to reinforce the marine brigade which had been fightingshoulder to shoulder with the Belgian Army. We

549. were informedthat our job was to hang on until reinforcementsarrived. Naval guns and the immortal seventh division were on their way to succour us.

th At noon on Tuesday, October 6 , the brigade proceeded out to the front line trenches. It was a long road and a most unsympathetic one. The Pav'e road spelt ruination to one's feet. The dust from the never ending stream of transports rushing the wounded down to the base hospitals and the roar of artillery brought home the realities and excitement of war. The sight of the first brigade was a memorable one. As is already known, each battalion bore the name of a famousAdmiral. The Drakes were in the van, followed by the Benbows, Hawkes and Collingwoods. The writer, being 2nd in command ofD Company, Hawkes, brought up the rear of the Hawke battalion, and was caused much amusement by the mascot of the Collingwoods, in the shape of one of the seaman dressed up as Captain Hook (in Peter Pan), who carried a banner with a strange device (the skull and cross­ bones).

After three hours strenuous marching we were ordered to fallback to the second line trenches, owing presumably to the inadvisability of trying to establish contact with the first line until after dusk, as the line was practically devoid of any decent cover.

The brigade arrived in the second line at 4 p.m. and partook of a scratch meal from emergency rations and proceeded to await events.

At 5 p.m. we were ordered forward again, and marched for two hours through shell devastated woods and villages.

The Collingwoods proceeded into the line to reinforce the marines, the remaining three battalions rested or slept on the cobbled road to the incessant noise of 9in. shell and their bigger batteries, the famous42cm., whose shells were being lobbed over our heads and rained into Antwerp at a regular and most methodical rate. It is well to note here that the Forts of Antwerp retaliated to their utmost, but they were more or less powerless against the modern giants of Krupp, and one by one - although they held on bravely - they were knocked out of action. At midnight the field artillery of the Belgian Army began retiring on the city, and things did not look too rosy.

1 At 3 a.m., October ? \ the brigade received instructions to fallback on the second line defences, which were manned by 6 a.m.

This line of prepared defenceswas really excellent - at any rate on the extreme leftof our line, for which the writer can speak, as the Hawkes were assigned that position. About 1,100 yards in frontof us lay dense woods, between the woods and trenches was a clear field of fire. A chain of fortsencircling the city of Antwerp formedthe basis of this line of defences. All the fortswere linked together by a trench line which had in front of it a thick network of barbed wire entanglement. In frontof this ran a live electric cable, and again in front of this were deep holes to act as pitfallsfor cavalry and infantry, whilst a further line of stakes driven into the ground formedfurther impediment for rush attacks. 550. The bombardment of the city had by this time become more intense. The Gem1ans were getting their guns up close and were raining an incessant stream of high explosive and incendiary shells into the city, whilst shrapnel was being freely used on the defence works. Throughout the day the bombardment never slackened, and night brought a cessation to enable the enemy's Zeppelins to reconnoitre and drop incendiary bombs on the one-time prosperous city. The Belgian Army in the meantime had been pouring down the Lierre Road and through the city, their retirement being a heartbreaking scene. Most of their officers had been killed or otherwise put out of action, and thus it was that, whilst the forts put up a brave show by incessant gun-fire and the Royal Naval Division held the line, the shattered remains of the heroic little Belgian Army straggled down to the coast, where it was eventually re--formed and re-equipped.

On Thursday morning, October gt11, the city was well ablaze in many distticts, and still the enemy continued their ruthless slogging artillery fire throughout the whole day. The R.N.A.S. aeroplanes did splendid work in spotting and reconnaissance, and these pioneers of aerial warfare amazed us in their encounters with the Taube machines. At 6 p.m., th October 8 , the last brigade received orders to retire, as it was obvious that the fallof the city was imminent and there was a likelihood of the division being cut off The Naval guns and the J1h division had been unable to make contact with the Naval Brigade.

To the Hawke battalion and the marines fell the duty of covering the retirement. The Hawkes left the trenches at 9.45 p.m., October 8t\ followedshortly after by the marines.

All that night this battalion, together with a company of marines, marched in the hope of making the River Scheidt in order to effect a crossing.

The battalion was nearly betrayed by a spy who led us by means of a detour to within close proximity of an enemy battery. Eventually the Scheidt was reached at about 5 a.m. 1 on Friday morning, October 9 \ just above the Bridge of Boats. The march through the city was one of the most impressive scenes in the writer's memory. Houses and pavement smashed and tornup everywhere, dead horses lying in shell holes, and not a sign of human life. The Great Hoboren oil mills lining the Scheidt were ablaze fromend to end, the oil runningdown into the river causing a blazing mass to flow into mid-steam, whilst steamers, deserted at the wharves, lay at the berths, licked by the flames with the whole of this eerie scene being accentuated by the blackness of the night and the crash of heavy shells. At 6.30 a.m. the river was crossed by the Bridge of Boats, and here several of the men, unable to stand the further strain through lack of sleep and forcedmarching, in their madness leapt into the river with all their accoutrement and sank like stones. At 7 a.m., when the whole battalion had crossed, the bridge was blown up.

A course was shaped for St. Nicholas, where it was hoped to entrain and effect a connection with the seventh division, and all that day the battalion struggled on over the hard pave, pressed from behind by the enemy who had effected a crossing higher up the nver.

551. Without foodand without water, subsisting on turnips pulled from the fields, the party held on its course and arrived at St. Nicholas at 5 p.m. only to be informed that the last train containing refugees had left, but by marching to Stekene, a distance ofeight kilos, th there was a probability of getting a train due to depart at 6.30 p.m., October 9 . So onwards trudged the battalion, tired but not broken, pressed from behind by Uhlan patrols, with whom a rearguard skirmish was carried on. The battalion reached Stekene at 6.30 p.m. to find the train had not departed and was expected at any moment.

th At 7.15 p.m., October 9 , the train eventually drew into the station; it comprised about 40 large open trucks and was fullfrom end to end with refugees and stranglers ofthe Belgian Army, all ofwhom were intent on making for the coast. The consequence ofthis was that the battalion had to accommodate itselfall over the train wherever they could squeeze their way in.

At 7.30 p.m. the train proceeded. The writer was fortunatein finding room with one other officerin the truck adjoining the engine. The train was proceeding at quite a fairspeed when at about 7.50 p.m., October 9t1', it was brought to a halt by signal. This did not appear to be of much consequence as it was considered the railway, ofnecessity, would be badly congested by refugee traffic, and everyone settled down blissfully to sleep. In about ten minutes' time however, the train proceeded very slowly; by this time it was pitch dark. Imagine the feelings ofeveryone when the train was again suddenly brought to a halt and attacked by a rain ofthree-pounder shrapnel and machine gun fire. The Germans had led the whole battalion into a carefully prepared trap.

When the train was firststopped this was just outside Moerbek Station, and the enemy had turnedthe points and switched the train ultimately into a siding in Moerbek Station Goods Yard.

On the right was what would appear to be a fairly high embankment, so that the siding on one side was at the footof a cutting, whereas the other side was fully exposed to the station yard. The station buildings were filled with three-pounder and machine guns and live electric wire (presumably from the dynamo room) had been run along the right-hand side.

Above the rattle ofthe guns came the piercing shrieks ofthe woman and children refugees, who were being shot down wholesale. What massacre was done the writer is unable to estimate, but it must have been pretty considerable. Pandemonium was indescribable; the seaman and marines endeavoured to retaliate with their rifles, but amongst the din it was impossible to pass orders, besides which the men were scattered up and down the fulllength ofthe train. To add to the inferno A Zeppelin with a powerful light soared above the train and poured it's beam oflight on the unfortunate occupants.

The writer and a young marine officer jumped out of their truck on the embankment side of the line and fell with their legs on the live wire. The blue flamefrom this seared our

552. leather gaiters. We both managed to reach the engine, only to find that the driver and fireman had bolted; there is a possibility that these two men may have been in collusion with the enemy - judging by the behaviour of the train prior to being entrapped.

Every endeavour to back the engine was of no avail and a naval stoker who came to assist matters volunteered the information that some part of the engine had been tampered with.

Two German soldiers made attempts to board the engine, but their curiosity was rewarded by a brace of revolver bullets fired at point blank range. Eventually the firing died down and word was passed along to surrender to stop any further butchery amongst the refugees. Colonel Luard and Major French, of the Royal Marines, however, rallied a party of 10 officers and 140 marines, one R.N.V.R. officer and 12 seaman, and we refused to surrender, preferring to fightour way through, if possible, to Salzette, where the seventh division were believed to be. Our little party of officers and men made a dash for it down the line in the darkness. The only opposition we met was from a small picket, which we eftectively silenced, and marched straight down the line to Salzette, which we reached at 4 th a.m. on Saturday October 10 .

This little band arrived at Salzette Station to findit still occupied by the allies and that a th train would leave for Bruges at about 9 a.m., October 10 . Tired and weary afterfive days without sleep, during the last thirty hours of which we had carried out a forcedmarch of 80 miles, most of the party collapsed. The writer recalls vomiting for want of sleep and proper food, and lying down on the stone platform and sleeping until aroused by kicks to th board the train forBruges, which was reached at about 2 p.m., October 10 . The train bearing this party was composed of ordinary trucks, but appeared to the writer as a Pullman car.

Bruges at this time was carrying its more or less work-a-day appearance; the place was certainly alive with troops and bustle, but no thought appeared to have been given to evacuation. Here instructions were given to the party to proceed to Ostend, and a train th was due to leave at 5 p.m., October 10 . Thus three hours were given to us forprocuring some much-needed nourishment. There is a cafe exactly opposite the station where they sell the finest beef steak and friedpotatoes it ever fell to the lot of man to consume. All I craved for was food, plenty of it, and something sweet. So a hot steak was forthcoming with piles of friedpotatoes, over which was poured a large dish of plum jam. It seems incredible now to think one could endure such food.

th At 5.p.m., October 10 , the party entrained forOstend, which was reached with many th delays at 11 p.m. Saturday, October 10 . When we crawled out of the train the agony of walking was terrible.Boots had not been removed, because after heavy marching one's feet were so swollen that it would have been necessary to cut the boots off. It felt as though they were trying to burst the stout leather.

At midnight the party embarked on a transport which had just landed a cargo of mules

553. fromthe Argentine, and set sail forEngland at 5 a.m. Sunday. October 11t1,, in company with the second brigade, which had effectivelyretired from Antwerp before the communications were cut.

To add to one's troubles, within an hour ofleaving Ostend the transport grounded on a sand -bank at half ebb tide, and in spite of every effort to get her off, it was nine hours before she floated off, and then only through transferring practically the greater part of the second brigade into one ofthe cross-channel steamers which was sent to our assistance.

We landed at Dover at 10 a.m. on Monday morning, October 1t", and returnedto base at Deal, where a month was spent beforethe writer was able to walk without much discomfort.

The officers and men made prisoners at Moerbek were eventually taken to Doberitz and held in captivity until as recently as the beginning of 1918, when it is understood a few of them have been exchanged into a neutral country for internment.

Much has been said and written about the Naval Brigade at Antwerp, but in the writer's opinion - speaking from close observation with the First Brigade - the officers and I were experienced seamen, being drawn from the R.F.R., R.N.R. and original R.N.V.R., and they were, moreover, a thoroughly disciplined body of men. The majority of officers was from the fleet, and therefore men of considerable experience. There is no shadow of doubt that, although the main object to hold Antwerp was not fulfilled, they heartened the sorely-pressed Belgian Army, and by holding the city to the eleventh hour they successfully covered the retreat of the remnants of that army, who were able to assemble and reformnear the Channel ports.

Curiously enough, aftercompiling this short narrative, the followingletter was received from one of the writer's Petty Officers, who was made prisoner on the night ofOctober 9th, 1914, at Moerbek, and it may not be without some interest. This Petty Officerhas just been exchanged and interned as an exchange prisoner in Holland after nearly three and a halfyears as a German captive in Doberitz Prisoners ofWar Camp.

Group 8, Hotel Des Galeries, Scheveningen, Holland, St. Patrick'sDay,/18.

To Sq. Commander C/O R.N.A.S. C/o G.P.O., London, England.

554. No doubt you have already heard that I am at last out of Germany - that God­ forsaken country - and am now residing in The Hague. We are all living in private houses, about 20 to a house, in differentparts of the town. The native inhabitants are very friendlyand we received a tremendous welcome all the way up the line fromVenlo on the frontierright up to Scheveningen. Food is very dear and somewhat scarce, it is impossible to purchase meat, potatoes or bread, the rations issued us are somewhat on the thin side, but they are quite enough to live on, and we are allowed to receive nothing fromEngland and money is very difficult to obtain. Army "red tape" is very strong here.

I am sure, Mrs-----, I do not know however I shall repay my debt to you for all your goodness and kindness whilst I was a prisoner in Germany. But one day I hope to be able to meet you and to give you a verbal account of a prisoner's life and the horrors and atrocities of 1914. We are taught to forgive our enemies, but the day will never come when I or any prisoner will be able to forget or forgive a Hun.

All the N.C.O. 's of''D"Coy., Hawke are here, and wish to be remembered to you. Lt. Commander is here and is in command of the naval group, he seems to have aged very much during the last three years.

I have always been very curious to know how you managed to get away from Antwerp. Mr.----- and I could have swornthat you were killed just after we were captured, because afterour capture there was a bit of a scrap along the road and several of our people were "outed"; it was very dark, but I happened to catch sight of an officer'suniform lying on the ground and was going closer but was nearly shot formy pains, so that I only obtained a fleeting glance of the face. But at that moment, and for a long while afterwards,I fully believed that it was you. (1)

Note:- Ivor Fraser joined the servicein November 1911, as a Sub Lieutenant, R.N.V.R. London Division. When war broke out he was a Lieutenant and soon afterwardswas attached to the Royal Naval Division, with which he saw active service in Belgium. He was promoted to Lieutenant Commander R.N.V.R., and attached to the R.N.A.S. in March, 1915.

In August of the same year, he was made a Flight Lieutenant, R.N.A.S., and went to the Dardanelles. Returningto England in 1916 he was promoted to Flight Commander on the 31st st December, and appointed Commanding Officer of a Station on the 21 January 1917. (2) References :-

1) The Ripping Panel- of May 1918. Magazine of the R.N.A.S. Pages 126 to 130. 2) TheRipping Panel - of January 1918. Page 12.

I would like to thank the Fleet Air Ann Museum, Yeovilton forthe use of this material.

5 5 5. 6allipoli

The Voyage of the "Royal George'"

Captain F.J. Thompson O.B.E., R.D., R.N.R, (Ret'd) who commanded the troopship Royal George gives his personal record of the voyage in early 1915, his involvement at Gallipoli and the ships return to England. See photograph the Royal George on page 88.

Feb 27th· The Howe Battalion Royal Naval Division embarked on board H.M T Royal George at Avonmouth.

LeftAvonmouth 6.30 p.m. escorted down channel by two destroyers to guard against submarine attack. Shortly afterpassing Nash Point owing to westerly gale and high sea destroyers had to tum back. We go on full speed passing 50 miles to westward of Scilly Isles.

March 1 st to 4th Usual routine in troopship. Exercised troops and crew at boat stations and fire stations - pass other transports on way down. Very fine weather in bay. We all kept well out to avoid submarine attack and pass 60 miles offPortuguese coast.

Pass Gibralter at 7.30 p.m. Officerin torpedo boat gets excited and fires a shot at us to stop. Had never previously made signal or demand, and as we had just passed three other T.B.s. I tell him about it.

Fine weather along the Mediterranean coast --- playing bridge with Colonel Collins (Commanding officer)and other officersin the evenmgs.

Enter Valletta harbour at 1 p.m. and moor to buoys - commence coaling and watering- I report to naval dockyard and findCapt. Powell former commander of Suffolkin charge. He informs me that Admiral Wemyss is senior officerat Lemnos where we are going.

LeftMalta 6 p.m. forMudros harbour, Lemnos Island.

March 10th An interesting day passing through Grecian Archipelago --- hardly expected to navigate Royal George this way under such conditions.

556. March 12th Arrived ofLemnos at daybreak and proceeded into Mudros harbour. Came to an anchor in position ordered by Flagship. Went on board Flagship afterbreakfast to report and met Admiral Wemyss on quarter deck. He greeted me most heartily and referred to my scouting with Canadian convoy in very complimentary terms. I also met Commodore Oliver Backhouse, who used to be gunnery lieutenant at Whale Island, now Brigadier General of RN. Division.

th March 13 Lowered boats (1) for battalion to land --- fitteddinghy as centre board sailing boat, carpenter making ve1y good job of centre board casmg.

March 14th to 17th Remain at Mudros landing troops each day for exercise. Commodore Backhouse and stafftransfor to Royal George from Grantully Castle. I enjoy their company. It is good to have a sailor on board amongst so many soldiers.

March 18th We leave Mudros harbour at 6.30 p.m. with fiveother troopships - GrantullyCastle, Almvick Castle, Braemar Castle and Somali (and another P. and 0. ship) rendezvous offKonaliPoint and formtwo divisions line ahead. Royal George takes command having the commodore on board. I have to run the show which is quite interesting. We proceed between islands ofLemnos and Imbros, in order to arrive offGallipoli peninsula at daybreak.

March 19th Turks signal on hill at Cape Suvla. Vi/ e proceed down coast to Gaba Tepi, when we receive orders fromHMS. Dublin to returnto Lemnos forthwith. This we do and on arrival hear the disastrous news that Irresistible and Ocean have sunk by mines also French ship Bouvet. Commodore very pleased with way I handled fleet of transports.

March 20th Blowing heavy gale, no boats can leave ship.

st March 21 After blowing southerly gale forten hours, many ships lose their boats through breaking adrift - wind lulls - then blows hard in the afternoon opposite direction without warning. Colonel Collins, Major Stuart and I are away in dinghy and have an exciting time getting back and eventually reach ship under a jib. All boats are away and have difficulttime pulling back but all returnsafely without accident.

557. March 23rd Receive orders to leave forPort Said, the general staffhaving decided to unload ships and restow, so that each battalion has its own equipment its own ship --- this one would think might have been done when loading at Avonmouth. We sail at 6 p.m. ships going independently.

th March 24 Steam down through Grecian islands giving Gulf of Smyrna a wide berth. Receive orders by wireless to go to Alexandria in lieu of Port Said.

th March 25 Arrive at Alexandria where many of the natives recognise the ship as the former Heliopolis- two of them nearly fight as to whether she is Heliopolis or Cairo.Berth at 5 p.m. alongside the quay and at 7.30 receive orders to proceed next day to Port Said.

th March 26 Leave Alexandria at 6 p.m.

th March 27 Arrive Port Said at 10 a.m. and moor to CherifBasin with other transports. Troops land for exercise in the afternoon. I go ashore and see Mr Broadbent (a friend), have dinner with him and go to club with him in the evening.

th Sunday March 28 Social calls, having lunch on board and supper with friends in the evenmg.

th March 29 Troops disembark and go into camp. Commence discharging equipment holds into lighters. Dine on shore in the evening.

th March 30 Nothing special during rest of week. Commodore has number of naval officers as guests to lunch and dinner. Go horse riding with commodore on the beach.

Take train for Cairo --- Lieut Williams, one of Commodore's staff joins me at El Kantara. We put up at Shepheards Hotel where we get a special tariff- also had half price on train. Afterdinner we go to a music hall.

th Sunday April 4 Engage a guide and motor to Heliopolis stopping to view the sycamore tree where the Virgin Mary and family rested in their flight from Egypt. Heliopolis a very fine town. Large hotel there now a hospital. In the afternoon we drive to Pyramids. Have a very interesting time riding around on camels visiting Sphynx and Pyramids. We go inside the largest pyramid which is somewhat trying, climb assisted by two natives. The air is very foul.Have supper at small restaurant. Hotel Mirimar is used as hospital. 558. Had very interesting talk with Australian officer who knew my cousin Bob Hewitt in WesternAustralia. Return to Cairo in the evemng.

th April 5 Visit Citadel and mosques in morning.Heavy sandstorm comes on which quite prohibits doing anything in the afternoon --- being Easter Monday all shops are closed, so it is rather an offday. We leave forPort Said at 6 p.m. have uncomfortable journey owing to sandstorm which is the worst foryears. Anive midnight on hour late.

th April 6 Military stores now being reloaded. Ship coaled and watered ready for sea. I have a farewell luncheon party on board. Ashore in the afternoon.

Dine with friendson shore and have a pleasant evening. Troops return to ship.

th April 10 We leave Port Said at 9 a.m. proceed to anchorage outside harbour where lighter is brought offfor towage to Lemnos. Leave with tow at noon. At 11.15 p.m. in dead calm lighter broke adrift and after searching I stopped ship until daybreak.

th April 11 Find lighter with towing strop carried away and half full of water. Get her alongside and pumped out; findmany rivet holes leaking. Engineers and carpenter repairing her all forenoon. It is rather amusing: each transport has a lighter to tow, but two cruisers, Eurayalusand and Bacchante, which leftthe previous day, have no lighters. Make new strop round lighter's top strake and proceed 3 p.m.

Have various troubles with lighter; necessmy to lower a boat and get her alongside to pump out after each gale of wind in Scarpanto Strait --- pass another lighter adrift- scandalous the way lighters were sent away.

th April 15 Arrive Lemnos with lighter O.K. at 2 p.m. and anchor in outer harbour. Find we are first ship to arrive with lighter. H.M T. Somali congratulates me by signal and says his lighter foundered. Commodore and I sail over to H./1.4.S. Hussar --- see Flag Captain and afterwardshave tea with Admiral W emyss. I get orders to go to Skyros at daybreak as there is no room in Mudros harbour.

559. Leave Mudros 6 a.m. and proceed towards Skyros: at 10.35 a.m. receive S.O.S. signal fromS.S. Manitou about 18 miles away to the southward, saying he had been torpedoed. We head for scene at all possible speed and fillfore-peak tank (forpurposes of ramming).(2) At 11 a.m. pass HMS. Osiris flying "Enemy in sight". Consult with Commodore and decide to turn ship away fromdanger as we do not know if it is submarine or torpedo boat and dare not· risk 1200 men. Later we see small craft steaming away fromthe Manitou followed by two destroyers, So I turn the ship 16 points again and head forManitou, Somali followingmy lead but Osiris goes right on as fast as possible to the northward. We arrive on scene at noon and lower all boats but one --- and pick up men from wreckage, I manoeuvre ship alongside one waterlogged lifeboat and raftand picked up over 20 men that way. Manitou still floats and appears not to have been hit.

We rescue 102 men, 98 soldiers and 4 crew. I had previously given orders to doctors and chief stewards and we had hot drinks and blankets awaiting them --- five poor fellowsdied afterbeing rescued and one later on. The remainder were transferred to Manitou at 3 p.m.

It seems that Turkish torpedo boat under French colours came alongside Manitou and gave the captain five minutes to leave the ship. As there was not enough boats forall there appears to have been some panic, boats were overcrowded and many men jumped into the sea --- three torpedoes were fired, all missed by going under the ship. Two British destroyers (Kennet and Jedd) chased the T .B. and forcedher ashore on Psara Island. Her crew was interned by Greeks; the T.B. was wrecked by our men. At 5.30 p.m. I held funeral service forfive soldiers, then proceed into Trebuki harbour and anchor in 3 5 fathoms; navigating officer of H.MS. Canopus comes on board and stays to diner. We afterwards go to Canopus where we meet a cherry crowd.

April 17th Leave Skyros for Lemnos with 160 men of Hood Battalion (3) and some naval ratings, also General Paris and his staff Arrive at Mudros and enter inner harbour, anchor close to Implacable. Paymaster Burridge (an old shipmate in Lancaster) came over to dinner also several officers fromArcadian, including Colonel Doughty (4) And Major John Churchill, brother of Winston.

April 18th Disembark passage men in morningand leave 8.45 a.m. --- I send report of Manitou incident to Admiral W emyss. Arrive Trebuki harbour 3 p.m. Major Stewart and I have supper in Canopus. 560. th th April 19 to 24 Military exercises landing troops in boats and various other practices. Rupert Brooke, Sub Lieutenant R.N.D., died during this period and was buried at Skyros.

th April 24 5.30 a.m. heave up anchor and proceed out of harbour, formthree divisions line ahead. Royal George takes station on H.MS. Dartmouthat head of starboard column, proceed towards Gulf of Xeros. Commodore and Colonel Maxwell on board Dartmouth.

April 25th Arrive Gulf of Xeros 3. 30 a.m. Men-of-War leave us and proceed furtherup gulf and begin bombardment of shores which continues all day without any reply. At 5 p.m. all transports formup and proceed up northerncoast of gulf to make a demonstration of landing --- boats lowered and towed in towards shore by trawlers. No sign of enemy though some say they saw lights. Aftermidnight an officer(Lieutenant Bernard Freyberg) from GrantullyCastle swam ashore from boat and lit flareson the beach --- very valorous no doubt but useless to frightenthe Turks. Apparently there was none there or they took no notice and the officerswam back, though getting cramp. (5)

April 26th At 3 a.m. get signal to lower and send away 10 boats with two boat keepers, trawlers come along and take boats in tow - we hear they are going to Gaba Tepi. Commodore returns to ship at 6 p.m. and we leave at 8 p.m. forCape Relles, forming into two divisions; we take head of second division.

April 27th Arrive offCape Relles at 1.30 a.m. heavy gunfire going on from ships. At daybreak we see wonderfulbattle --- the 29th Division landed at Cape Relles and Sedd ul Bahr and the Australians at Gaba th Tepi in the faceof tremendous opposition on Sunday 25 . We see their lines of trenches and artillery battle between our ships and the enemy's howitzers. Come to anchor at 6.30 p.m. offCape Relles among large fleet of transports and men-of-war. Intermittent firing at night.

April 28th Have a splendid view of attack up the Peninsula in morning. At 11 a.m. we leave anchorage and proceed to Gaba Tepi about 12 mile up the coast where we see the Anzacs advancing covered by the fire of warships. One ship has large military balloon which spots forthe H.MS. Queen Elizabeth and other battleships - perfectly wonderful sight all day. At 6.30 p.m. ordered to proceed further out from land, as we are within range of shells.

561. \

Above :- Men of the Hood Battalion on board SS Grantully Castle watching the landing of troops at Gallipoli. British battleship offstarboard bow, SS Royal George offPort Side. Taken on 27 /28 April, 1915, by Lieut-Commander Hedderwick. Imperial War Museum Reference Q 61110. Below :- H.M. Transport Alnwick Castle with a water lighter in tow. Photograph taken from the Ayrshire as the RN.D. Engineers transferred to this ship on the 6/4/15. The Captain E. F. Wettem papers, Box 3 of 3. The Liddle Collection, Brotherton Library, Leeds University.

562. th April 29 Just as well we shiftedship last night as several shells dropped where we had been. Also battleships had to shiftberths. Steam trawler rammed the ship coming alongside --- dented plates. Eight boats are returned to ship in more or less damaged condition, not having been used forlanding troops after all --- being towed 40 miles to no purpose. There is something very rotten about organisation here and the General StaffofR.N. Division are appalling. They really need a Merchant Service sailor to run transport work; the things that happen are amazing.

We leave at 5 p.m. for Sedd ul Bahr and anchor abeam of HMS. Euraylus ay 6 p.m. among tremendous crowd of shipping. Orders are received to land troops and seven days rations at once --- first tow of boats leave at 7 p.m. and last at 9.30 p.m. except a few details of men forworking stores. We have excellent view of landing places where troops rushed the beach in face of violent opposition. Steamer River Clyde with 2000 men was beached right under the cliffby the old castle at Sedd ul Bahr with lighters alongside. They were just met by tremendous fire from machine guns and rifles. Commander Unwin C.O. of ship swam ashore with a line, hauled a rope ashore for lighters to pull in with. We hear thrilling stories of heroism, some of the first boats which landed had only three men out of fortynot killed or wounded - however, troops rnshed the beach with the bayonet and drove the Turks out - only at one place had men to re-embark, which was done afterthey had d1iven Turks out of trenches three times and were themselves driven out by shrapnel and had no support. Behaviour of Australians and New Zealanders at Gaba Tepi was equally gallant, where they rushed the beaches with the bayonet and drove the Turks fromtheir trenches. Casualties in both cases were very heavy --- about 5000 killed and wounded being a moderate estimate.

April 30th At 8 a.m. received orders to anchor three miles offCape Helles tough stores, etc., are not yet discharged. About 9 o'clock a battery near Kum Kali opens fire on our landing places and drops shells among troops and horses killing many, also a number of shells fall in the water near ship. I was about to go on board Euraylus to report, but as she went to 'Quaiters' I gave up the idea and got a signal to shift ship. I than anchored three miles offCape Helles; position looked very safe.McNeill (former C.Officer of Lusitania when I was second) came alongside in command of Reindeer with letters etc. (several official- one instructing me to board Arcadian).

563. In the afternoonI go offin dinghy as it is a fair wind, but have to pull as well to overcome the tide. I see Capt. Simpson, assistant N.T.O. in Arcadian, then go to Euraylus and see N.T.O. Capt. Dent make a strong bid to be allowed to dry-dock at Malta, as ship is very foul. See enemy's aeroplane (Taube) fromEuraylus as I returnto ship; balloon vessel anchors near us and shortly after the Taube comes over to attack him. They heave down balloons and blow whistlefor help whilst the Taube hovers overhead. Suddenly she drops a bomb which lands in the water 150 feet our side of balloon ship, then drops four more, all of which drop between our two ships. HMS. Doris comes up and opens fire with anti-aircraft guns and Taube clears offat full speed having done no damage. Doris makes good shooting but is too late, Taube being out of range. Somewhat exciting experience - apparently we were in more danger in this outer anchorage.

May 1 Receive orders at 6 a.m. to shift to anchorage offRabitIsland - st leave at 7 a.m. also outer ships including Grantully Castle. Have very quiet day. Captain George comes over to lunch - we have a good yarn and compare notes. Lieut Williams and 20 men still on board.

This looks like being a very quiet Sunday, except forthe booming of guns over at Gallipoli. After lunch receive orders to proceed to Cape Helles again where we come to an anchor. Receive message fromMajor Stuart that he has a Turkish rifle and officerssword for me, also a shell top. They have had a warm time today, poor Campbell (5) being killed and Ford and Sparling wounded - 60 casualties in the battalion; no lighters come offtoday. S.S. Campanello and Alaunia here.

Send boat ashore at Cape Helles forcommodore - 4th Officerbrings offsome interesting souvenirs of the battle. Turkish shells and cartridges. Van der Kinder comes offand gives me some news. They are having a hard struggle and apparently have not got very far yet - we are short of artillery and at present are relying a great deal on the French. Go aboard Franconia -- see Capt Miller (late chief officer Umbria) at noon. He comes aboard, has tea with me in the afternoonand a good yarn. Lieut Williams and men leave ship with some gear, only some sick men and stores leftbehind. At 10.30 p.m. receive signal from Euraylus to proceed to Lernnosat moonrise to reach there at daybreak.

564. Arrive Lemnos, go aboard H.MS. Doris and see Captain Larkin - he informsme we are going on a special cruise. Six transports to make a demonstration off Turkish coast. Go outside boom defence at sunset. May 5th Leave Lemnos just before daybreak (4. 3 0 a.m.) and proceed in single line ahead towards the Gulf of Smyrna - man ship in afternoon withcrew to make people ashore think we have troops.

Arrive of Sighajckat daybreak - we were going to make a demonstration putting out boats fromeach transport but strong northerly wind sprang up and plan had to be abandoned. Anchor at 6 a. m. and remain there until 3 a. m. then proceed to Skala Nuova, arriving there at sunset. Captain of Doris asks my opinion about anchoring in this wind. I recommend cruising about; so we keep under way all night.

Very strong northerly wind last night. We proceed towards Lemnos. Captain of Doris makes signal thanking and congratulating me for excellent signalling and station keeping 'which had been a great help' I reply thanking him on behalf of officers and myself Ex-navigating officer of Irresistible boards us and we come to anchor in inner harbour. I go to HMS. Hussar with him and have a chat in wardroom --- inform Flag Captain that we are now getting short of coal, only 650 tons; he reports to T.N.T.O. at Cape Relles. The two naval officersfrom Hussar come over to dinner. We have a jolly evening and play bridge.

May gth Very quiet all day at anchor and no news, Send over to collier for mail but get none and cannot get our own mail away. Get some papers from Hussar which is some comfort.

Very peacefulaspect in Mudros today and few ships in harbour. I go over to Hussar in dinghy with mails and see Flag Captain who has no orders forme. He comes over to lunch and after lunch signal comes from Admiral at Cape Relles to ask if Royal George has left yet? Some error in signals ! I get orders to leave at 5.30 p.m. and arrive at Cape Helles 9 p.m.

May 10th Report on board Flagship and see Admiral Wemyss. He tells me we are to take wounded to Alexandria. I report shortage of coal and go aboard Arcadian to see N. T. 0. --- inform him we must leave within 24 hours or else coal. We discharge stores and take in wounded all day and part of night. No previous preparations have been made it

565. is a gruesome task - some of the poor fellows are very badly wounded and the majority have to be hoisted on board. All my crew work splendidly helping with the wounded. Captain Rostron of Alaunia comes on board in afternoon and we have a long chat. He th had some of the 29 Division on board and saw the landing at Cape Helles.

May 11th More wounded brought offin the morningand we leave 12.30 p.m. It is awful to see so many fellowscrippled and lying about on stretchers. Four soldiers have died during the night and I read the funeral service over them at 6 a.m. All wounded are settled in the public rooms, dining room lounges and smoke rooms (1st and 2nd Class) and just manage to get them all in. Most of the cases are too bad to place in cabins.

Lieut Commander Ingar and Van der Kinder came on board in the forenoon. Very distressed to hear of loss in action of Colonel Maxwell, Brigade Major to Commodore Backhouse, one of the finest fellows I have met and a splendid soldier, also of Colonel Quilter of the Hood Battalion, another fine man and one whom I had taken a great liking to on his frequent visits to this ship. The R.N.D. has suffered a great loss in these two splendid officersand we all mourn them. Ingar looks well - has escaped unscathed so far though he has been in the front line fordays. From all accounts the fighting here is terrific and continues day and night. Those who know say it is worse than Flanders --- the ammunition expended is positively prodigious. (6)

May 12th Proceeding at 12 knots down the Turkish coast except last evening when a T.B. flying French colours came out of the Gulf of Smyrna and headed up towards us. I increased to full speed and got away fromhim --- the fellow who fired torpedoes at the Manitou did the same sort of thing and I was not taking chances. Have another funeral this evening five more poor fellows having died.

May 13th Two more men died last night and I had to bury them at 10 a.m. arrive at Alexandria (7) at 12.30 p.m. and berth alongside at 3.30 p.m. There are thousands of wounded arriving here daily and no adequate organisation to deal with them. Men are left on board fordays and many ships are ordered away to Malta. One hears that Cairo is also full. Go ashore dinner with Captain Miller of the Franconia.

566. Report again to Naval Transport Office and give them information of ship's probable movements, having heard from senior medical officer that they can only take 100 of our wounded and balance will have to go to Malta. In the afternoon go ashore and meet Colonel Percival; through him I arrange to discharge men's kitbags which had apparently been forgotten --- stay on board in evening and tum in early. Arrange with N.T.O. to sail tomorrow.

th May 15 Very pleased to have received cable from my wifein reply to mine. Received sailing orders for Malta and get away at 3 p.m. The doctors now have an easier and better time as 100 most serious cases are landed --- very fine weather --- nothing of importance happens, all the wounded men are looking more cheerful and are evidently feelingmuch better. At 11.30 p.m. the surgeons perform an operation on one man sufferingfrom peritonitis caused by wounds. I attend and am impressed by the skilful way everything is conducted --- ship's surgeon gives the anaesthetic, ship being slowed right down forthe operation.

Sunday May l6t1 Unfortunately the poor fellow who was operated on died at 5 a.m. 1 although operation was successful. I hold service on the after-deck and there is a very good attendance of all men able to be present. Ship slowed down to 12 knots in order to arrive at daybreak on May 18 th th . May 17 I arrange to give a concert tonight in first saloon by stewards who get a small band together, this takes place at 8 p.m. and is a great success and well attended. Senior medical officer takes the opportunityof thanking the stewards for the splendid work they did helping the wounded. The men give cheers forme, to which I have to make suitable reply.

th May 18 Arrive Malta 6 a.m. and more in Sleima Harbour. Go to dockyard after breakfast and see StaffCaptain and Admiral Limpus who is very cordial. Arrange forcoaling, etc. Find I am to proceed home. Landing all the wounded here. At 4 p.m. the two surgeons and I go ashore and drive round from Sleima to San Antonio gardens and Valletta, returning on board for dinner --- all wounded landed. Cabled to my wifeand to owners telling them we were homeward bound.

th May 19 Report to S.N.O. in morning and receive sailing orders and full particulars of submarines which have been sighted in the

567. Mediterranean offCape Bon. I have made all arrangements for darkening ship by buying oil lamps for general use on board and shut offdynamos. One R.N.V.R. surgeon comes on board for passage home --- we leave at 2 p.m. proceeding at night without lights.

May 20th Nothing ofinterest happens, fine weather but can only make 16 knots with good coal, owing to dirty condition ofship. We come through Malta Channel out of sight ofland and pass 30 miles north ofGalita Island --- steer course through centre ofMediterranean to avoid submarines.

Arrive Gibraltar 7.30 a.m. and receive orders to proceed to Avonmouth- this is very good news. Proceed at 8.30 a.m. At 4.30 p.m. muster all hands on after deck and give them a lecture on present conditions, also on darkening ship, and what I expect them to do under certain circumstances. Afterwards go to boat stations and tell offlowerers foreach boat. Have a chat with StaffSurgeon Murphy in my cabin afterdinner.

May 23rd We experience strong northerly winds dead ahead, can only make 15 knots although fireman (8) and trimmers are on two watches --­ pass several steamers going each way. Pass Cape Finisterre about 10 p.m. but do not see it, just sight Cape Villano.

May 24th Fresh N.N.E. wind and fine weather through the Bay ofBiscay having quite a struggle to keep speed against head wind --- stear for position 40 miles west ofBishop Rock, then alter course to northeast up Channel. Sight Bishop 28 miles off--- very fine moonlight night. I am on the bridge all night looking forsubmarines --- sight very few ships, seem to be quite out oftheir tracks.

May 25th Weather becomes hazy after sunrise and we see nothing coming up Bristol Channel. Pass 12 miles north ofLundy Island, drive up full speed and make Scarweather lightvessel three miles offabeam. Come up channel in nice time fordocking on the tide and get orders to anchor in Walton Bay (disgusting after making such effortsto get ship up here) no one appears to be in any hurry in the transport service and money and expense are not considered.

568. Notes and References:-

1. Note by Thompson :- The officer commanding troops asked for the use of ship's boats to land men fortraining and exercise as well as to keep themfit. TI1e author for his part agreed to thisbut requested that1) His ship's officers should be in charge of boats and landing parties. 2) That a seaman should be in charge of each boat as a boat keeper and 3) Thatall boats should be hoisted by troops on return to the ship. Several boats belonging to other ships were subsequently lost.

2. This procedure was adopted as the ship in lightcondition was down by the stem. The same method was used in Canadian Convoys as ramming was considered the only defence against a raider in poor visibility.

3. Colonel Doughty - Wylie aged 46 years Royal Welsh Fusiliers a StaffOfficer ofG.H.Q. Received theVC and is buried on Hill 141.

4. In Li.man Von Sanders book ( Five Years in Turkey, published in 1927 by the United States Naval Institute.) he states that because of the strategic importance ofthe area and the demonstration by theRoyal Naval Division he kept troops tied up there until he was sure thatit was not to be a major landing.

5. See the R.N.D. page 102 fordetails.

6. TheRoyal George arrived at Alexandria with her bunkers swept clean. The chief engineer reported that unless a coal lighter arrived soon he would be unable to keep the dynamos runnmg.

8. Fireman co-operated splendidly in getting the ship home. It was said Avonmouth girls had hold ofthe towrope.

9. Thisarticle was firstpublished in a magazine called 'Sea Breezes' in May 1961. Published by Charles Birchall & Sons Ltd.

Note : - I would like to thank Kieran Hegarty forbringing this item to my notice.

569. th I refer to entry of the 10 April the Royal George as it was given the task of towing a th th lighter. This was needed by the 29 Division forthe landings of the 25 April. There follows two reports concerning this matter which are of interest.

G.S.R. 18 Rue El Caied Gonar, Alexandria.

11 4 ' April

To General Officer Commanding,

Royal Naval Division.

Please have the 3rd (Marine) Brigade with a section of the Divisional Signal th Company embarked ready to leave Port Said on the 8 inst.

There are 6 (six) lighters to be towed to LEMNOS, which, it is important, should be got there as soon as possible.

th 11 These lighters may be ready by the 8 , but possibly not till the 10 '. If they are not ready by the 1 ot11, or even a later date, two of the ships must remain to two them. In any case the ship carrying the Plymouth Battalion should leave PORT SAID on th the 8 and not be used as a towing ship, as it is desirable that this battalion should reach LEMNOS as early as possible.

The horses and mules of the 3rd (Marine) Brigade allotted to the "Cestrian" should be stowed in such a way as to permit their disembarkation before those of the other Brigades.

Instructions will be sent to you later about the reembarkation of the remainder of your division.

W.P. Braithwaite Major General, C. G. S. Med. Ex. Force.

Note:- This report is stamped General Headquarters Expeditionary Force. MFQ 36 (S) Date 5/4/15. Public Record Office, Kew. Reference WO95/4290.

570. M.F.Q. 8 April th To:- C.G.S, Mediterranean Expeditionary Force, Aboard H.M T Arcadian.

MEM ORANDUM.

The S.N.O. reported today, through G. O.C., Naval Division, that it was unsafeto tow three lighters with the 2 Naval Division ships, and that if these had to be towed three and a half inch hawsers would have to be specially obtained. This would entail a further delay of four days, and even than be exceedingly risky.

I have directed the G.O.C., Naval Division to take one with each ship (2 in all) and hold back the other fourpending instructions, which I have asked to wireless for you..

Failing instructions they will be towed by the next ships of the Naval Division ordered to sail.

Brig, Genl.,

D.Q.M.G., M.E.F.

Note :- This report marked 14.

Public Record Office,Kew. ReferenceWO95/4290.

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571. we�Te'R,N. fRONT.

Royal Naval Division Personality.

Commander Walter Sterndale Bennett D.S.O. & Bar of the Drake Battalion.

Walter Stemdale Bennett was bornat Derby on the 15th July 1893. When of an age he attended Colet Court, Preparatory School and later St Paul's School, followedby the 'Worcester' Nautical Training College, which he leftin 1910. From the 13th September 1910 he went to sea as an apprentice, sailing on the Bark 'Inverarie' to Monte Video, Australia and other destinations. On the 22 nd April 1913 he boarded the 'Star oflndia' bound for Melbourneas its fourthofficer. This passage was to last some 5 months and on the 3rd December 1913 he received his 2nd Mate's certificate. Walter was fromseafaring stock, an uncle James Wood had been the Master on the 38 gun Man of War the Undauntedthat took Napoleon into exile on Elba. (1) Stemdale Bennett's letters home to his mother give a moving and clear insight of lifeon board a sailing vessel in the early years of the century and are worthy of study in their own right. But his time at sea was to be short, he discovered that this was not the life that he was looking for. He was now moved to followhis main talent and interest, by giving up the Merchant Marine to take up painting. By the 14th January 1914 he had entered John Hassall's West London Art School, and later privately under Bertram Priestman. But he had, little time to blossom, war was declared and all was now new and different. The nations call to arms was answered when on the 19th November 1914 he joined the 'Artists Rifles' fora period of three months, moving on the 24° February 1915 he took a commission in the R.N.V.R. and begin training with the Drake1 Battalion at Crystal Palace and Blandford.(2)

It is written -- When war broke out he gave up his new work without hesitation , but not without a serious wrench. His friendsrecall him, a youth of twenty, a little over-serious, sitting apart, pipe between teeth, planning out his schemes. --- In his merchant service days he had rough customers to deal with, and dealt with them faithfully. On one occasion, in a District Railway train, when a drunken man was being offensive to a lady, this rather grim youth cut across the inadequate protests of the bystanders and persuaded the delinquent forciblyon to the platform at the next station. ----- He does not seem to have had an uncheerful moment in the whole of his three years of war service. Moodiness disappeared. A glorious optimism and buoyant spirits prevailed. There was no subtleties of

572. viewpoint. Fighting was his job, and he set out to learnit and do it thoroughly. He was by destiny the man of action, the happy warrior par excellence.

Reinforcements were required and on the 1 August 1915 he left forGallipoli. With the rank of Sub Lieutenant he became Adjutantst of his battalion, and was promoted Lieutenant afterbeing mentioned in despatches for gallant and distinguished services in the field. He intrigued to be the last and was actually in the last dozen to slip away from the peninsula in the evacuation of the Relles sector on the 9th January 1916 arriving at Mudros the next day. (2) It was to France that the Division landed in May 1916 for a period of retraining in Army th ways. He took leave in England from29 June until the 6 July. (4) But it was in the Battle of the Ancre of the 13th Novemberth 1916 that his undoubted ability was highlighted and he took fulladvantage of the opportunity at Beaucourt. (See R.N.D. issue number 2 fordetails of the battle.) All the senior officers had been killed or wounded so he assumed command of and handled his battalion with marked courage and ability. He personally collected a party and bombed the enemy out of part of their second line, where they might have held up the attack. The next day he was to have the honour of receiving the personal thanks of the Commander-in-Chief, and was leftin temporary command with the rank of Lieutenant Commander and, it is written, all the embarrassment of respectful salutes from all ranks and ratings. For his efforts he was awarded the D.S.O. (Gazette Jan 26 1917) 111.

573. He was now sent home for a senior officer'scourse , which he completed with despatch and credit. He was, at the age of twenty-three, sent back at the beginning of this year to the permanent command of his battalion with the rank of Commander, the youngest officer commanding a battalion in France at the time and till his death.

What was amazing was the skill and judgement with which he handled the battalion in training and in action. When he took it over it had a fine fighting reputation, but was held to be a little lacking in that finish which is the pride of the crack regiments and the most soldierly leaders. In the words of a brother officerhe proceeded to "turnthe battalion inside out," and as the best proof of the value of his work in this direction the Divisional General picked it out fromthe division forinspection by the King - an achievement, this, of which a veteran officermight be proud. (5)

574. Lt. Commander D. Beak, M.C., R.N.V.R. his second in command during Walter's leadership of the Drake Battalion wrote an appreciation of Stemdale Bennett. This was produced just 2 or 3 weeks after his death and is reproduced below. ---

Commander Stemdale Bennett's great success lay in the fact that he had so many gifts that go to make a leader.

First and foremost he vv·as a student of human nature. He studied his men at all times their likes and dislikes and endeavoured to give them as many of the privileges they liked as possible, thus bringing happiness and contentment of mind to his men without any corresponding loss of prestige discipline or efficiency. He was at all times sympathetic, generous and kind to those whom he commanded and was ever placing himself mentally in their position and viewing situations and orders fromtheir point of view. Thus he was able very oftento make the life of a soldier in the trenches a happier one because they were less 'frigged' about.

I remember how, when welcoming a new draft of men who had just joined the Battalion for the firsttime and who had never been to France before, he said: "In this Battalion we don't drive you, we lead you. All we ask you to do is to follow. The officersof the Battalion do all they can to help you and make your lives happy. We take an interest in your games, we look afteryour food, we are ever ready to hear any complaint you may wish to make and do our best to remedy them, and in return we expect no crime and when we go into action we expect you to followus." It was quite apparent fromthe expression on their facesthat the men had never been spoken to before in this manner by a Commanding Officer and it was easy to see how they took it. He had got their confidencestraight away. This was the way he always treated his men. He placed complete confidence in them and appealed to their love of honour and glory and all their finer qualities, continually placing them on their honour, and this largely accounted for the absence of crime in his battalion. He would always give a man two chances, but if brought before him a third time he got a very severe punishment.

He had great determination and intensity of purpose. He was extraordinarily quick in getting a grasp of a situation and once he had made up his mind that certain action was necessary and had satisfiedhimself as to the best method of carrying it out, he applied himself assiduously to it until he had accomplished his desire. Anything he took in hand he always saw through to the end. On one occasion he was detailed to carry out a demonstration attack, at which the Divisional Commander, Brigade Commander and all the officersof the Brigade would attend. He wished to make it like the 'real thing' and not like the usual 'demonstration' dry and uninteresting. He decided therefore, to use live bombs and ammunition. Naturally this would require very careful preparation if no accident were to occur

575. and there were many objections to the idea. However, he felt that 'live' ammunition could safely beused and was the one thing needed to make the demonstration go, and so, after drawing up careful plans and taking necessary precautions, he used it. Imagine the surprise of the officers who came expecting the ordinary show finding machine guns firing live ammunition and live bombs going offall round them. It added, however, very considerably to the demonstration making it very 'real' and the officers who came to witness the demonstration probably very grudgingly went away feeling their time had not been wasted. This, apart from its originality is an illustration of how he carried through what ninety nine out of a hundred would have stamped as an impossible task.

He had very original ideas and was always thinking out new schemes and methods forcarrying out training in order to make it less dull and to keep up the interest of his men. This originality found its way into all branches of his work.

One of his original and rapidly conceived ideas was probably the means of saving his battalion very heavy losses. It was during the operations at Gavrelle after his battalion had taken their objective and dug in. Bosche aeroplanes were hovering over the newly gained positions, at very low altitudes, obviously endeavouring to discover our new line. Commander Bennett conceived the idea of making men crouch in the trench so that only their steel helmets, which from an aeroplane could easily be taken for Bosche helmets, could be discerned; and at the time gave orders for all rifles and bayonets to be leaned against the parados instead of the parapet so that our rifles would be pointing in the same direction as those of the Bosche troops. (Note:- Parados elevation of earth behind fortified place. Parapet defence of earth or stone to conceal & protect troops. Thus of a trench the front slopes would be called parapet & the back slope parados. ) The idea was to lead the Bosche observers in the aeroplanes to believe that our front line was really their own front line, and evidently it worked, forwhen later the same aeroplanes directed the Bosche artillery fire previous to a counter attack the whole of the German shells fell at least 150 yards in rear of our positions and thus when the Germans infantry attached we were quite ready forthem.

In the same battle Commander Bennett sent two buglers over the top with the assaulting company in order to play the advance at Zero hour. He himself went over in furcollared coat and carried a riding whip. His idea in all this was to work up the enthusiasm of his men and he succeeded.

Being an Officer in the Royal Naval Division he strove to maintain as many of the naval customs, left with the Division and which the men so gloried in as possible. Thus we find him to be the first Commanding Officer in the Division in France to establish the 'Quarter Deck'. The White ensign was flown at the 'Masthead' with the Battalion Colours and the Commanding Officer's 'Burgee' at the 'Yard'. These little points fostered pride in the hearts of the men for their Battalion.

576. He also obtained a complete replica of 'Drakes Drum' which always led the bugle band of the Battalion. The history of the miginal Drum was explained to all the men and thus strengthened the 'Espirit de Battalion'.

He was a past master of the art of organisation, and of his professionhad a thorough knowledge, although he never lost an opportunity of improving and increasing the knowledge he had. Thus he was always able to set an example to officers and men in everything that he called upon them to undertake. He did not believe in asking his officers and men to do things which he could not do himself. He was an optimist and an enthusiast at all times and eve1ything he took in hand was performed enthusiastically.

He knew the value of 'esprit de COffiLand 'Morale' and all his work and organisation was guided by these two great factors. Hence he always had his men in good spirits, happy and contented and taking a great pride in their battalion and ready to do anything he called upon them to do.

In action he was very brave and courageous. His men knew him as a very brave fearlessleader but not reckless; not one who would sacrificelives unnecessarily and hence they had every confidence in him.

Lt Commander D. Beak. Nov 1917. (6)

An example ofW.S.B's man management is highlight in on entry in his Army Book 152 which I reproduce below:- Drake Battalion Memo No. 6. 17.5.17.

The Commanding Officerwishes to congratulate the Battalion on the good work done in improving the shelters. During his inspection yesterday he was very pleased to see how comfortableall ranks had made themselves.

In future he wishes every effort to be made, when in billets, bivouacs in camps to improve the accommodation even if the period of stay is only a short time. Last night was an excellent example showing the necessity of good drainage, and when everyone is wet through, or tired out, on returning to camp, the extra labour put in to decreasing discomfort is amply repaid and greatly appreciated.

The CO's prizes given forthe best shelters are awarded as follows .

th 1st Prize. I Sf 5 Platoon B. Coy. nd 2 Prize. 10 f Stretcher Bearers D. Coy. (7) 577. 578, Sterndale Bennett :- Above left , in France wearing a fur collar. Above right, he is shown in a trench at Gallipoli which I understand was taken just a day or two before the evacuation. Below, He can be seen in the front row third from right, he appears to he has the single ring of a Sub Lieutenant. Please see the thick line down the frontof their helmets. Photographs the property of Cdr. R.D. Sterndale Bennett, RN.

579 Above left:- Drake's drum obtained by Sterndale Bennett.

Above right :- The original cross and shield on his grave at Dozinghem Military Cemetery at W estvleteren, Belgium. This shield is now in possession of his family.

Bottom left:- His later CWGC headstone.

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Drawings by Sterndale Bennett, note the thick line across the helmet. From his Army book 152.

581. Gavrelle.

Below is an account of the Drake Battalion's involvement in the battle forthe village. This appears in Army Book 152 . Correspondence Book (Field Service.) It is in Walter's own hand. ------

DRAKE BATTALION 27. 4. 17. 189th Inf Bde. rd (63 ) RN. Division.

NARRATIVE of OPERATIONS against GAVRELLE-OPPY line and GAVRELLE village.

April. 1917. 11 pm. Patrols reported wire very thick. 23rd. 1.45 am. B & D Coy's in position. 3 am. Whole Bn in position in eight waves on a two platoon frontage. th This formationwas adopted, under instructions from 189 Bde, in order that the frontage might be reduced to make a way through the only gap reported by aircraft.

The night was light and the dawn arrived beforezero. The men however kept down and were not seen by the enemy. Enemy was shelling the GAVRELLE ARRAS Rd fairly heavily, but we sufferedno casualties formingup in the assembly trenches. My H.Q. was then in the British frontline.

ZERO. Barrage opened and men moved forwardin fine style.

Ohr 3' Enemy wire encountered, this wire was terrifically thick and the leading waves became immediately disorganised in their endeavours to findgaps. I then thought it essential to leave H.Q. and try and straighten things out. We managed to get them all through the wire and at Ohr 8' we assaulted the German frontline with great success. B. Coy (the 2nd Coy in the original formation ) worked down to the right flank and got rid of any Germans that were causing trouble. The leading Coy. (D Coy) sufferedvery badly going through the wire from enemy rifleand M. G. fire and all their officers, except the Coy Commander (Sub Lieut Wallis) became casualties. Gave orders to C. Coy (3rd wave) to keep in touch with K.RR' s at all costs, which they did very well. Mopping up continued until Ohr 12' when we went for the German support line. We met with little opposition with the exception of small enemy parties which were soon dispersed. The advance continued under excellent leadership by the officers and N.C.O. 's and the way that the men kept close to the barrage absolutely fearlessly was truly magnificent. The YELLOW line was captured at about Ohr 40'. We had an excellent view of the village now and our leftflank was engaging enemy M. G s and rifles which were firing from the southern

582. outskirts of the village. The Lewis Guns constantly came into action against enemy parties that were making a stand and were very effective.During this wait on the YELLOW LINE enemy snipers were quite active and Sub Lt. Wallis was hit through the head.

The advance continued and wherever the enemy showed fight, our men made immediate dashes at him and put him out of action or (in a few cases ) sent him back as prisoners. The men's blood was up and fewprisoners were taken. Owing to our having suffered pretty badly in the enemy's wire the men had little mercy.

In the SUNKEN ROAD there was a considerable enemy garrison. They started to bolt but about 400 of them were reorganised under an officerand at one period it looked rather as if they were going to hold up the K.R.R.'s (who were not close enough to the barrage) Our advanced parties were ordered to rush up to the SUNKEN ROAD and attack the garrison on their right flank.They did this in excellent style bringing up a Lewis gun and enfilading the road. Those of the enemy that were leftgave themselves up and had to nm the gauntlet through our men as they ran back to the rear. The same Lewis gun took up a position on the eastern side of the road and played on the remainder of the garrison which was doubling towards SQUAREWOOD. Word was sent to the K.R.R.'s that their position was taken and they could come up when they thought fit.

When the remainder of the Bn came up we immediately pushed out our Lewis guns on to the high ground to the east of the road and gave our men a short rest. During this period many more of the enemy were cleared out of the small shelters in the SUNKEN ROAD and enemy tools were being collected.

I then went out to site my trenches and suspected to see the Nelson Bn. coming out of the village on my leftbut they did not show up. So I decided to dig my line using an enemy communication trench formy general alignment. Keeping the men as much as possible off the road, they started to dig in

I saw a small party of the Nelson Bn digging in about C.25.a. 6. 1. So I decided to make towards this on my left flank and the cross roads C.25 c.9.1. I decided this was my right flank as I was here in touch with 2 Cmy's of the K.R.R.'s.

I had a splendid view of the valley ahead to FRESNES les MONTAUBAN and I feltthat, as my flanks were doubtful, I could not do better than dig in where I was. The enemy M.G's fromabout C. 19 D 3.3 and C.19 D 9.4. were giving us a lively time but we managed to rush out to shell holes on our right flank to the east of the road and the consolidation went on very successfully.

The enemy then started to shell the road with 5.9's and I sent back forretaliation on FRESNES les MONT AUBAN on the OPPY gun line.

583. ----1

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Map of Gavrelle is fromthe Public Record Office, Kew reference :- ADM/137/3930. 584. ..�· __ ., __ _ - � I The enemy during our consolidation was coming back in small parties and occupying trenches in the valley and some small areas of dead ground about 300 yards from our position.

I received no fire except for occasional sniping owing to the lack of SAA. During the afternoon a very formidable body of the enemy started to advance towards us in waves on a line stretching from about C.20 central to SQUARE WOOD. The number must have amounted to two brigades. I sent back immediately for the barrage to reopen. This was done and the enemy became thoroughly disorganised and on the leftflank they started to retire along the road. However small parties kept advancing and occupying the trenches to the NE of the village and also the dead ground 300 yards in front of my position. They were evidently determined to drive us out if possible and I kept up my consolidation at top pressure. I sent back for information regarding my flanks and for SAA and bombs.

I kept my H. Q. in the firingline because from there I could see the enemy's movements. As soon as SAA arrived we kept up a steady fire at the enemy as he approached us in small parties. I got news of my flanks fromthe Brigade and felt moreconfident of my position. My right flank however was still doubtful as we only had two Coy's of the K.R.R. 's between us and an enemy strong point. This strong point was causing considerable trouble to the K.R.R. 's by enfiladefire along the SUNKEN ROAD. I got into communication with the K.R.R. 's and was informedthat this gap was going to be made th good by the 13 R. Fusiliers during the night.

The enemy kept coming on in driblets all afternoonand I expected a counter-attack during the night.

I sent my Lewis gun officer to select good sites for my Lewis guns keeping two guns on each flank.My two Stoke guns were dug in just behind the SUNKEN ROAD also protecting my flanks.

During the Stand to at night I reinforcedmy posts in flank by sending out fiveLewis Guns about 100 yards in front of my position. Early morning "minnies " started to shell the village with great vigour fromthe enemy trenches to the N.E. The Nelson Battalion sent up an S. 0. S. signal and I sent back to get the heavies- giving the co-ordinates. The heavies opened up another barrage. This quietened down the "minnies" but the 5.9's were very active. These 5.9's during the whole time we were up in the line caused considerable annoyance and I constantly sent back forretaliation. In some cases this retaliation had a good effect.

th During the morningof the 24 still more parties of the enemy were constantly pushing forwardopposite my frontand we firedon them continually when we could afford the ammunition. They brought up M.G's and started to sweep our parapets . Our M.G. took up a position about 1. 1.b. 6.9. and played along the road, making communication between ourselves and the K.R.R. 's extremely difficult.

586. During the afternoon of24th the enemy again appeared on the ridge to the N.E. of the village about 1 OOO yards away. I estimated his strength at about fourbattalions and, as he was shelling the village with heavies for about six hours and was putting up an intensive barrage he evidently meant to attack the N.E. comer of the village - the most vulnerable place. The comer (MA YOR's HOUSE) was held by a platoon ofNelsons and 1 Lewis Gun. I saw the house hit by one or two 5 .. 9's and I saw the garrison retire. When the enemy barrage liftedI sent down to the Howe Company Commander, who was holding a line along the westernedge ofthe cemetery to occupy the Mayor's House at once, and sweep the ridge with a Lewis Gun in order to keep down enemy M.G.' s that were enfilading our trench. I sent back a message to my liaison officerto get the artillery on to the enemy on the Ridge. Just as the last wave was appearing over the ridge the artillery crashed amongst them in great style. It was a glorious sight. The enemy however were fine troops - much finerthan those ofthe previous day - and they kept coming on by occupying shell holes and small trenches. Our Lewis Guns and rifles on the leftflank played havoc with these parties and were keeping up a steady well controlled firewhich mowed down the enemy. I thought that probably the enemy troops who were just in front were waiting for those on my leftflank to get up into line before advancing. Just as the enemy was getting up into line I sent up my S. 0. S. and the barrage came down on those in front ofmy position. They held on and suffered badly from this barrage. Any that moved were mowed down by my men.

The landscape now was fairlyclear except forstretcher parties. The sniping however went on until dark and the constant rifleand Lewis Gun firingaccounted for considerable quantities ofthe enemy.

They were congregated in the trenches to the N.E. ofthe village and I warnedthe brigade to keep up a steady fire with the heavies round this comer.

I thought that ifthey rushed this corner the positions ofboth brigades would be seriously imperilled.

During the night I heard very heavy rifle fire going on on my leftnear the Ridge and also had a report fromthe K.R.R. 's that the enemy was moving forwardin front ofthem. I had previously agreed with the C. 0. of the K.R.R. 's that I would support him with the artillery in front ofme, so I did not hesitate. I sent up my last S.O.S. and the barrage opened on the enemy immediately in frontof my position.

I thought perhaps the rifle fire on my leftwas the enemy advancing firingfrom the hip and as the enemy garrison in front ofme was strong, I feltjustified in asking for one more barrage.

They could have rushed us with comparative ease as the men had little or no sleep since the 21 st and were thoroughly exhausted with the constant vigil and consolidation.

587. During the massing I asked fora few reinforcementsbut the artillery being so effective - when the reinforcements arrived they were not needed.

When the final counter attack was broken I asked for shelling along the ARRAS GAVRELLE-FRESNES ROAD if the shells could be spared. This arrived and caught many large parties ofthe enemy along this road.

I feel that I am not exaggerating when I estimate the enemy's casualties at two thousand. We were firingat them continually all the time we were up there - the fire was well controlled and splendid effects were seen - The artillery was magnificent. The enemy was thoroughly butchered and we enjoyed every moment of it all.

W. Sterndale Bennet. Act. Commdr Commanding Drake Bt. (8) ------

November 1917.

Commander Sterndale Bennett met me as I was going to take up position in frontof Paschendaele Ridge. He shook hands with me and wished me good luck but stated he thought there was little chance ofanyone coming through. After the attack to my surprise he came to my dugout and told me that hisBattalion were to relieve mine. I having lost fully 75% ofmy officers and men. When at rest a few days later the General sent round to know ifl would attend Commander Sterndale Bennett's funeral which I did with great sorrow. Although death was treated very lightly at that period I was greatly surprised and shocked as, when he took over, the line was quiet except for casual shelling.

One making enquiries I was informedat Headquarters that a shell had struck him in the legs, severing one between the knee and ankle and I believe shattering the other foot. Although he received prompt treatment he sank very rapidly. He was intetTed in a very large burial ground in rear ofYpres. He was a fineofficer and greatly respected by all.

Chas Hayfair. Lieut Commander. (9)

588. Many years later Frank Andrews of the Drake Battalion was to write:-

Commander Bennett was badly wounded at about 4.30 p.m. on November 4th 1917. I was attached to H. Q. at the time and we were caught right in the middle of very fierce bombardment which the enemy had a nasty habit of putting over eve1y evening at the same time. He was carried away and it was with great regret that we heard he passed away. I was about fifty yards away when that particular shell dropped but was fortunately not hit myself although several of my mates were killed. (10)

On the ?1h November Sternda!eBennett's replacement Battalion Commander was writing to Walter's mother:-

! cannot tell you how shocked and grieved we all were when your son was wounded on the evening of the 4t1•. This is the first opportunity I have had of writing and offeringyou our heartfelt sympathy as I had taken over command at once and we are only just out of the line.

I am afraid his wound is very severe but we sincerely trust that be may be spared to you and all those who have learnt to know his worth, though I am afraidhe will never be fit for active service again.

I cannot tell you how much he was looked up to and liked by the men and officers of the Battalion, and indeed all who came in contact with him, and I do not think I am saying more than the accurate facts when I say that he was universally recognised as the best Commanding Officer in the Division.

We shall miss him more than I can say, but his example and training will- I am certain - live in the Battalion for a long time.

He was always cheerfuland optimistic and absolutely fearless. His men would have gone anywhere and done anything he asked them with the most complete confidence.

589. The conditions of our fronthere were appalling owing to the mud and the churnedup ground, and he was wounded while going round his forward Postsby a shell. Everything possible was done to get him down as quickly as possible, and we sincerely hope all may go well with him.

Alas - as I write - the sad news has come that he passed away at 1. 50 this afternoon at the 61 st Clearing Station. At such a time I know that words are little comfort, but no officerwas ever more sincerely mournedfor by his brother Officersand men than your son, and frommyself and the Battalion I offeryou our deepest sympathy.

The G.O.C. has consented to our making all our own arrangements forthe funeral, and I am arranging foras many officers and men of the Battalion to be present as possible, with a Firing Party ofmen and Buglers.

We shall all feelfor you very deeply under your great sorrow, but I am sure it will be a comfort to you to know that no man has ever gone with a clearer conscience of duty done - and done well - and a reputation leftbehind him that any man might envy.

With deepest sympathy Yours truly, H.B. POLLOCK. (11)

W.S.B. was to be buried in Dozinghem Military Cemetery at Westvleteren, Belgium, it is in the Province ofWest Flanders, near the French frontier. The cemetery is south ofthe village and just fivemiles fromPoperinghe. It was outside the frontheld by the British troops in Belgium during the war. In July 1917, at the beginning of the British offensive, groups ofCasualty Clearing Stations were placed in readiness at three positions called Mendinghem, Dozinghem and Bandaghem. The 4t1', 47t11 and 61st were posted at Dozinghem. The cemetery stands in a clearing in the forest. Walter SterndaleBennett's grave is Vl. I. 1. Not far fromthe Main Entrance. (12)

Within a short spare oftime W.S.B's parents were receiving many letter of sympathy from the Division's senior officers.

From Major General C.E. Lawrie. Commanding officer 63rd (R.N.) Division. --- I wish to let you know ( quite privately) ofthe great admiration I always had of your son, Commander SterndaleBennett during the time he served under my command. He proved himselfnot only a brave Commander but a most popular one too. When I had to parade a battalion ofthis Division for inspection by H.M. the King last July, I selected his, Drake Battalion. At No 61 Casualty Clearing Station I saw and spoke to him and he was quite cheerful, and very pleased to hear that his battalion did well during the operation in

590. which he was wounded. From the beginning the Doctor held out little hope and he was buried with many fuendsattending. (13)

From Brig General L.F. Philips. His formerBrigade Commander. -- Although I have recently given up command of the Brigade in which your gallant son was serving I feel Imust write to express my great grief at his death.- There was a man - As you probably know I picked him out to Command his Battalion when is was only 23 years of age. He has absolutely justified any selection in eve1y possible way. I never met a braver soldier or a more loyal subordinate. He always carried out my wishes to the absolute limit of his ability. He led his troops and the way in which he picked up his work and the hold he had on his men was little short of marvellous fora man of his age. His men worshipped him. I knew well what your feelingsmust be at losing such a son, I personally feelI have lost a real friend. I know that the country has last a most valuable officer. But I think your principal feelingshould be pride in having had such a son. (14)

From Commander King. Commander of Drake Battalion at Gallipoli. - It is hard to realise what such a blow means to you, but I hope it may be softenedby the pride you can rightly feel in what he has achieved. Personally apart from admiration of his ability and pluck I had a ve1y real affectionfor him. --- Whenever I have met any of the old 'Drakes' who have served under him, I have felta thrill of piide in hearing of the praises of him, his leadership, coolness, courage, and powers of organisation and above all of the real affection which both officersand men had forhim. He always loved the battalion and there is no doubt his influence was entirely for good. Very few men have accomplished so much even at twice his age. (15)

From Lieutenant Commander .Beak. From the officersand men of the Drake Battalion I wish to tender you our heartfelt sympathy. Commander Bennett was their much loved leader, they all had complete confidence in him and would have gone with him anywhere. They knew that he had always done his best to make their lives as happy as possible under adverse conditions and in return they would do anything forhim. He was a bornleader and in addition a brilliant soldier, not only had he the complete confidence of those under him but I know that all his superior commanders placed complete trust in him. The fact that his battalion was chosen by the Div General to be inspected by the King speaks for itself --- In addition the Brigade held the record by having the youngest Battalion Commander in France. --- He absolutely turnedthe Drake Battalion inside out making it one of the finest Battalions in France if not the finest. (16)

From Commander Pollock. -- It was with fullhearts that we laid your son to rest. It was a lovely mild day and he is lying in a little cemetery behind the 61 st Clearing Station, but clear of roads and hospitals and surrounded by trees and as peaceful a spot and little like a scene close to the frontas it would be possible to find. I made arrangements foralmost all the officersof the Battalion to be present and as many of the men as there was room for

591. and a firing party of 50 and buglers ofthe Battalion. We could get no real flowers in time, but we managed to get five really beautiful intimation wreaths, one for each Company and one fromHQ., not the dreadful white imitation dead and classic things, but wonderfully good intimation coloured flowers arranged as loose sprays made into wreaths. Our Divisional General and two Brigadiers attended and most of the staffofficers and many fromthe other battalions. All who could get away came, he was such a favourite, and everyone who came across him had such a tremendously high appreciation of his work. As to a cross. I am writing to the Div Engineers who I am sure would like to be allowed to put one oftheir own making, as a token from them. (17)

Later other Appreciations were written.

It was to be in the Drake Battalion Magazine ofApril-Sept 1917 that H.B. Pollock, D.S.O. was to write of Sterndale-Bennett. :-

Only those who had worked closely with the late Commander Bennett and wondered at the apparent ease with which he made things run smoothly, and the calm clear and broad minded way in which he worked out really difficultproblems can have any real conception ofwhat a loss he is to the Battalion, the Division, and the cause for which we are fighting. It was my privilege to have been on the Peninsula when his draft arrived in the summer of 1915, and I have oftenthought of how much he changed during his short but extraordinarilysuccessful military career.

He joined us, having done a "distinguished" Hythe M.G. course which he kept very dark, as his ambition was to command a platoon, but he was not destined to remain with it long. So energetic and full ofpromise did he show himselffrom the start that within 10 days he was chosen as Adjutant, and this post he filleduntil Nov. 13111 1916, that day ofglorious but sad memories for many when the Division made their splendid debut in French pushes, but lost Col. Tetley and Lieut. - Commander P. Campbell, and Bennett took over the command.

I was unfortunately away from the Battalion when the action at Gavrelle was fought, which stamped him as a resourcefulCommander of the finest type and destined to go very much further, and earned for him a bar to his D.S.O; but on rejoining the Battalion I was tremendously struck by the change in him. As Adjutant, he had always appeared to many ofus to take lifetoo seriously - he seemed to make work for himself He was rarely to be seen without a preoccupied, almost worried expression, bustling about as ifthe cares ofthe whole army rested on his shoulders; and even when he allowed himself the relaxation of a game of cards or a chat in the evenings once in a while, it seemed to be with a semi-guilty conscience, as ifhe considered he was playing truant from school.

592. To my surprise, on my return, instead of finding that the added sense of responsibility was almost too much to bear, I found a different being, fit as a king, without apparently a care on his mind and a general atmosphere of one who had come into his own, and loved his work, was thoroughly happy at it, and felt and showed by results that he had it thoroughly in hand and plenty of time to spare fora game of football, a ride, a game of cards, or a general rag; or if none of these presented itself, to sit and make the most delightful and clever sketches of peeps as seen through the opening of his tent. And all this while under his care the Battalion was improving daily making a name for itself for fighting, forwork and smartness, with an absolute lack of all traces of grievance or friction, and growing more and more like the happy family it always seemed to be.

He certainly had that happy knack of making things run smoothly which is such a blessed gift, and without which no amount of energy, discipline or dead knowledge of which he had plenty, can get the best results.

But I thinkhis chief asset was his tremendous optimism; he was not only cheerful and never tired while there was anything to be done, whether it was work or play, but he had that rare gift of imparting his optimism to others so that one instinctively looked at the most cheerfulside in even the most depressing circumstances. His sense of humour and even temperament added in no small way to his success and to the benefit of the Battalion, whether it was in deciding an awkward case at "defaulters" or in placating an irate area Commandant who had missed some area stores, or the O.C. RE. dump, whose stock of trench boards was mysteriously dwindling on cold nights.

The memorial erected by those who served under him is now completed and in his parish church at Dymchurch, Kent, and will stand as a token to coming generations of the popularity and esteem which he enjoyed among all ranks.

H.B. Pollock, D.S.O. R.N.V.R. (18)

Major H.E. Funnell, D.S.O. the Instructor. M.G. Training Centre at Grantham the late Divisional M.G. Officerof the R.N.D. writes:-

I think he was the most wonderful man I ever met, and certainly the most truly heroic. --- The Gavrelle incident sticks in my mind, and I shall never forgetit. If you can imagine a village just captured fromthe Hun who is shelling it with every possible gun in the certain knowledge that British troops were endeavouring to pass through it, you will have an idea of the scene. Your brother's Battalion had led the attack through almost impenetrable wire. It is

593, said that the Battalion would have fallen back had he not gone up and personally led them through a small opening under devastating fire. He got the remnants of them clean through the village, and occupied a half-dug trench on the other side in front of an open plain of about I OOO yards depth which was pitted with shell-holes in which were enemy snipers and machine guns. He organised the consolidation of the defence, personally going about & encouraging the badly rattled men, entirely careless of the fact that snipers were bagging almost everyone who showed his head above ground. To every­ one but the gallant commander the situation seemed bad, but he was quite happy, confident of his men and of himself; while other people were screaming forre-inforcements and help, he sent back a message that all was well and that he could hold on to what he had gained --- and so it proved.

Some hours afterwardsit chanced that I was crawling on my stomach along that advanced piece of trench which was completely under observation and about two feetdeep. The Hun had started to counter-attack in earnestacross the open, and every possible bullet was required to stop him. Suddenly I came upon W.S.B., the centre of a little party composed of himself, the M.O., and about 8 men. All were blazing away as hard as possible at the oncoming enemy, who soon retired having had enough of it.

I shall never forget the way the men spoke of him after that incident, of the light in his eyes as he encouraged them with "Stick to it Drake". He was a fighter first and foremost, and a man's man and the men loved him.

A fewdays later, when we had been relieved and the holding of the captured position had made the Brigade famous,I reminded him of the fore-going incident - he replied that it was the happiest moment of all his fighting, because it was "a real fight".

It was, after this occasion that he was recommended forthe V. C.

Surely no one ever better deserved such a recommendation, and it was universally regretted when the award did not materialise.

Would to Heaven we had a fewmore born leaders like him.

H.E. Funnell. (19)

594. Receipt forDrake's Drum from the Sterndale Bennett papers.

595. Drake's Drum.

On the 14th February 1963 Drake's Drum bought and paid for by Walter Sterndale Bennett was presented to H.M.S. Drake at Plymouth at a dinner held in the Wardroom in honour of Vice Admiral Sir Nigel Henderson K.C.B. O.B.E. the Commander in Chief, Plymouth by his brother Robert Sterndale Bennett (20) At this event he outlined to those present the reasons forthe donation : -

Mr. President, Commander-in-Chief, Commodore, Ladies and Gentlemen, Firstly, let me say how happy my son and I are to be with you this evening with your new possession.

This replica of Drake's famousdrum came into our family afterWorld War 1. Except forappearances at an Exhibition ofRoyal Naval Division's relics and at Re-union dinners of Drake Battalion, it has rested with us ever since. We are more than delighted that H.M.S. Drake is now ready and pleased to give it an honoured home and a new lease of life. ----

___ Before the outbreak of War, my young brother had served three years apprenticeship in old sailing ships of the Merchant Service. That sea experience had made a man of him prematurely. He beat all existing records on the score of youth by being selected by his Brigadier to command Drake Battalion only a fewmonths afterhis 23rd birthday. From that you will appreciate that he was known to be generously equipped with all the qualities which spell leadership. Of those qualities, the cultivation and maintenance of morale and esprit de corps were constantly his concern; and he saw to it that his men's pride in the Royal Navy connection, especially that with Francis Drake, was fostered by any means he could think up.

This sort of thing ...... He designed, in consultation with London's Science Museum a special crest for his Battalion's cap badges - a design also used for what he called "rather swanky note-paper."

He was the originator of a Quarter Deck behind the lines. This he established for Drake Battalion with the White Ensign at the Masthead and the Battalion's colours and Commanding Officer's pennant at the Yard. I've recently been in touch with Commander (now Major General) Beak V.C. who succeeded to the command on my brother's death. He passed on to me rather an amusing story . . . . His Brigadier, a regular army General, came one day to inspect the Battalion when at rest and did not particularly notice the Quarter Deck until respectfully reminded by one of the Military Police that he had omitted to salute the flag.On his attention being drawn

596. to this set-up he said nothing at the time, but got Beak to dine with him a few days later. Over dinner, he questioned the validity of a Battalion Quarter Deck but he evidently thought it a jolly good idea saying " I've decided to adopt the idea at Brigade Headquarters, with, of course, a more extensive set-up than yours and a considerably larger flag."

My brother had great faith in the value of Music for toning up morale. He would arrange for 2 Buglers in each Company to sound "The Advance" before going over the top at Zero hour.

He had formed a very good Bugle and Fife band of which his men were very proud. Another of his ideas and ambitions was to secure a replica of Drake's Drum. His discovered that Potter - the instrument makers - had already made one from the original for a Pageant Play on ''Drake" which was produced at His Majesty's Theatre in 1912. Aftera long and, to my brother, tiresome delay his copy eventually turnedup. (Potter had had it returnedas overweight - not surprising when you look at it) It had to wait until an Officer on leave could transport it personally. When it did fetch up it was (my brother wrote) "much admired by all, had a beautifultone, but was rather heavy and bulky to manipulate on the march."It always led the band, but arrangements had to be made for the drummers to handle it in reliefs ! During action it was always brought up as near as possible to the front line.

One of my brother's happiest moments was when he learnt that Drake Battalion had been selected fromArmy Corps as Guard of Honour to King George V. when he visited the frontin July 1917. Drake's Drum could not, of course, be out of that and according to my brother, "His Majesty expressed great interest in it."------(21)

On the 2?1h April 1963 at the 3gth Annual Reunion Luncheon of the Drake Battalion Association was held at St. Stephen's Restaurant, 10 Bridge Street, Westminster, SW. 1. (opposite Big Ben) (22) when Walter's nephew Commander R.D. Stemdale Bennett attended and spoke as follows:-

___ This drum was kept by his sister until she died last year, and we decided to offerit to H.M.S. Drake, the Naval Barracks at Plymouth, as being a most suitable home forit. This idea was accepted with great interest by the Commodore and Officers, and my father and I were invited to attend a dinner in the Barracks, at which a new Commander-in-Chief

597. was the guest of honour. I managed to find the original maker of the drum - the firmstill exists in London - and got them to do it up a bit. The Barracks made a splendid show case forit. The dinner and presentation was a great occasion. ---

The drum now lies in it's case in the hall of the Wardroom Mess, suitably inscribed, and I am sure that any of you who have the opportunity to see it would be warmly welcomed. -----

Commander R. D. SterndaleBennett RN. (23)

Note:- Upon making enquiries at H.M.S. Drake, with the Hall Porter, I found that it has now been moved from the hall and is currently displayed in the bar. Visits to view would have to be by appointment. Phone 01 752 554582.

References:-

1) Conversation by LG.Sellers withCommander RD Stemdale BennettRN rd Walter's nephew at his home address on the23 March 1998.

2) Record of Service completedby his family.

3) In Memoriam W.S.B., D.S.O. datedDec.1917 endorsed J.T. - Pages 1 to 4. Note :-This is in booklet formconsisting of 7 pages.

4) Record of service completed by his family.

5) In Memoriam W.S.B.. , D.S.O. page 5.

6) An appreciation of Walter S.B. writtenby Lieutenant Commander D. Beak, M.C., R.N.V.R. who, during Walter's command of theDrake Battalion, was second in command. It was written at therequest of AltheneS.B. who was anxious to help W.J.T. Thorpin a project of writing an article about Walter in 'Land & Walter' -It was written in November 1917, two or three weeks afterWalter's death.

7) ArmyBook 152. Correspondence Book (Field Service.) Memo No-6. Drake Battalion 17/5/17.

8) ArmyBook 152. Correspondence Book (FieldService. ) dated 27th April 1917.

9) Letter dated November 1917 from Chas Hayfair.

598. th 10) Copy Letter dated 18 May 1963 from F. Andrews of PlymouthDevon.

11) Copy letter dated 7th November 1917 to Mrs Stemdale Bennett by H.B. Pollock.

12) Imperial War Graves Commission letter ofthe 28th December 1923. Reference 8/M23/690/R and copy of Register ofDozinghem Military Cemetery Part 2 - M to Z.

13) Letter fromDiv General. - C.E. Lawrie Major General Commanding 63rd (RN) Division. To Mr Stemdale Bennett dated 14th November 1917.

14) Letter To Mr Bennett dated 12th November From Brigadier General Philips.

15) Letter which is undated from Commander King - Endorsed Commanded Drake Battalion in Gallipoli.

16) Letterwhich is undated fromLieutenant Commander Beak.

17) Letterdated 13th November 1917 from Pollock.

18) An Appreciation by H. B. Pollock, D.S.O.,H.B. R.N.V.R. Endorsed in ink copied fromDrake Battalion Magazine April-Sept 1917.

19) Letter fromMajor H.E. Funnell, D.S.O. Instructor, M.G. Training Centre Grantham. (Late Divisional M.G. Officer, R.N.D.) dated Grantham 3/2/18. Endorsed in ink Copy letter to R.S.B.

20) Menu to the dinner in the Wardroom in honour ofVice Admiral Sir Nigel Henderson K.C.B. th O.B.E. Commander on Chief, Plymouth. 14 February 1963.

21) Typed copy of the speech by thebrother of Walter S.B. on 14th February 1963.

22) Menu and seating plan of Drake Battalion Association 38th Annual Reunion - 27th April 1963.

23) Typed copy of the speech given by the nephew ofWalter S.B. Commander Robin Stemdale Bennett RN. On 27th April 1963.

*******************************************

Note :- In theParish Church of Dymchurch, Romney Marsh, Kent thereis a large brass plaque to those who were killed in the war, his name is included as it is on the war memorial outside.

I would like to thank Commander Stemdale Bennett RN. for the use of this material.

R.D.

599. 600. Uttlf01(M.

SAILORS IN KHAKI

ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION UNIFORMS AND INSIGNIA 1914-19189

By MARTIN J. BRAYLEY$

UNIFORM AND INSIGNIA.

When the new forcewas firstproposed in August 1914 it had been intended that the ratings of the Royal Naval Division would be kited out in a naval style uniformof khaki serge fabric. Two months later when the RND deployed to Belgium, in October 1914, the men were still dressed as seaman, wearing the familiarnaval "square rig" of bell bottom trousers and jumpers but without the blue jean collar. As they were engaged on operations ashore some were equipped with the already obsolete Naval 1901 patternbandoleer equipment or an odd assortment of pouches and belts, and Long Lee Enfieldrifles. The RMLIhad been more fortunate, disembarkingin their blue uniforms they nonetheless had 1908 patternweb equipment and the latest SMLE rifles. For the average sailor equipment issue was more than incomplete, fewhad a complete set, most had only parts of the set and some had no equipment whatever. Many had to place the 120 rounds of ammunition, with which men had been issued, in their pockets or the small number of children's school satchels that had rapidly been purchased fromretailers prior to leaving England !

Photographs on opposite page :- Top :- Sailors of the newly formedRND wearing square rig and naval lace sided webbing anklets. All wear the ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION cap ribbon. Crystal Palace 1914.

Bottom left :- The 1902 (1907 mod) service dress was, from early 1915, worn by both "Tommy" and "Jack Tar". \Veb equipment is the standard 1908 pattern, whilst the rifleis the obsolete Long Lee Enfieldwith 1888 pattern bayonet with which the division embarked forGallipoli. The k11aki serge sailors hat bears the Royal Naval Division ribbon.

Bottom right :- A rating wearing the Hawke battalion ribbon on the 1902 patternstiff SD cap. Straight RND titles are worn at the epaulet base, the uniformbeing finishedoff by a belt fromthe 1914 pattern leather equipment.

601. To protect them from the winter weather many men had naval oilskins, a small number were eventually fortunate enough to receive an issue of army greatcoats from stores at Dunkirk, but many men again had to do without either. Even essential items such as water bottles were in short supply, whilst in spirit the division may have feltready to engage the Hun, in material and equipment they were certainly lacking.

Headgear consisted of the sailor' cap with a mix of cap ribbons, Royal Fleet Reserve, Royal Naval Reserveand Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve being in evidence. They were all eventually replaced by tallies bearing the wording ''ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION".

By February 1915 much of the division had been re equipped, although by this time some khaki sailor's uniformshad been issued in the style of the 1902 patternkhaki SD as worn by the army. This new uniformwas worn with a khaki serge naval patterncap with the RND ribbon and additionally, for those embarking for the Dardanelles, a much disliked solar pith hat. Equipment had now been upgraded to the 1908 web patternbut the Division remained armed with the Long Lee Enfield rifle and its short double edged 1888 bayonet.

By early 1916 the army's 1902 patternstiff SD cap was much in evidence. Later that year the widespread distribution of steel helmets included the RND, who then also adopted the softtrench cap that was issued in 1917 as a direct consequence of the adoption of the steel helmet (unlike the stiffcap it could be folded up for storage in a pack).

On the westernfront the sailors of the RND were indistinguishable fromtheir army counterparts, equipment issue was by this time from army stores and included greatcoats and leather jerkins as well as other previously only army issue kit. Only their ranks, badges and jealously guarded naval traditions identified their origins in the senior service.

Photographs on the opposite page :- Top left :- This RND Petty Officeris identified by his red on khaki crossed anchors worn on the upper leftsleeve of his SD tunic. No titles are worn on the epaulet but a single curved title is worn on the SD cap. An 1888 pattern bayonet is carried in a frogsuspended from a waistbelt, both fromthe 1914 pattern leather equipment set.

Top right :- C. 1917 AB Jabes (KIA 29/9/18) is wearing the Hood battalion badge in his soft trench cap. White lanyards were common in the division at this time, worn on the left shoulder.

Bottom left :- An RND leading hand, wearing the red on khaki single hook of his rate, the colour of the lanyard is not known but it is undoubtedly not the usual white.

Bottom right :- An officerof the RND, in this case an unidentified Sub Lieutenant wearing the army style rank pips of a Lieutenant to which his rank corresponded. Naval cuffrank would also have been worn.

602.

The first ratings to be called up for the new RND brought with them the cap ribbons of their parent establishments, and the naval trade and rank badges to which they were entitled. A multitude of differentcap ribbons were in evidence at even company level during the divisions formativeperiod. ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION cap ribbons were soon on issue and were quickly followedby battalion named ribbons, the divisional type remained in use with ranks attached at divisional level rather than to battalions and were still to be seen being wornon the khaki sailor's cap as late as 1917. (1) As the stiffSD cap began to replace the sailors cap it was also to be seen with both the RND and battalion ribbons being worn on it, the brass RND shoulder titles were also frequentlyseen wornon this cap, but all were eventually replaced with battalion cap badges, issue of which started in 1916. The new cap badges bore the crests of the famous Admirals whose names had been chosen for the battalions. Some ratings wore both the old RND title and the new cap badges on their caps when the latter were first introduced. No cap badges were issued for the Benbow and Collingwood Battalions as they had earlier been disbanded, however the divisional machine gun detachment had its own badge, that of the machine gun corps, but surmounting a curved RND title.

The RND brass shoulder title existed in both straight and curved types, they were also found bronzed (for officers)with some minor differencesin size being put down to manufacturers variations. Initially used by all RND personnel they continued in use with divisional units (such as the RAMC who wore RNDtitles rather than their own Corps titles). Although the army adopted fabric slip on titles towards the end of the war (as an austerity measure) there is no evidence to suggest that they were manufactured forthe RND. Battalion titles were being manufacturedfrom early 1915 and included the Benbow and Collingwood Battalions. It is probable that no battalion titles were issued to troops on the Gallipoli peninsula but that they were given to recruits and replacements at Blandford. Interestingly a Collingwood title was recovered by a French collector on the Somme ! Open to speculation as to its origin this title was probably retained by an ex Collingwood rating, transferredto one of the other battalions and subsequently lost on the Somme. As with the cap badges, some ratings wore both the RNDtitle and their battalion title on their tunic epaulette. Divisional engineers wore a title with an "E" or the full title ENGINEERS aboveRND.

By early 1915 the brass RND titles were being wornon bands of coloured cloth, identifyingindividual companies as follows;A Coy. red, B Coy. blue, C Coy. yellow and D Coy. C'Jfeen. Above the title a brass numeral served to identifythe battalions, 1 Drake, 2 Hawke, 3 Benbow, 4 Collingwood, 5 Nelson, 6 Howe, 7 Hood and 8 Anson.

During late 1917 a system of battle patches was adopted forthe battalions. Hawke wore a stylised black cloth version of their battalion cap badger; Hood, a horizontal light blue rectangle with dark blue central stripe; Anson, a horizontal rectangle with the upper half of dark blue over light blue; Drake, a vertical rendition of the Anson badge. A square patch in company colours ( as above) was wornbelow the battalion patch.

605. The cover of the demob issue of Mudhook. This RND gunner wears the divisional anchor patch on his sleeve.

The new service chevrons - as soon by Mudhook. Typical service humour. This cartoon shows an interesting rendition of the RND sleeve badge, an anchor within a triangle.

Reasonable Supposition. "Mudhook" No 2. November 1917.

606. Leading rates and Petty Officers wore their normal rate badges (rank), embroidered in red or gold on khaki, on the leftsleeve of the army SD uniform. The equivalent army rank of two or three chevrons was sometimes also wornon the right sleeve. Petty Officers are also known to have worn the bronzed metal version of their cap badge, this practice was limited and short lived as all PO's wore the battalion cap badges once issued. Unconfinned Petty Officers, who in naval uniformwould have wornsquare rig until confirmed( after one year acting rank) did not wear the PO's cap badge, they wore the same cap insignia as other junior rates. It would appear that the naval good conduct badges (chevrons) were not wornon the army SD, probably in an effort to avoid any confusionwith army rank chevrons.

Supporting units, particularly the divisional artillery and medical train, wore the divisional anchor emblem enclosed by a ring (to avoid confusionwith the leading rate badge). This badge was not wornby members of the Naval infantry battalions, it is known to have existed as a red anchor on blue disc, and probably as a blue anchor on red disc. Sketches in "The Mudhook" also show the use of an anchor within a triangle. The Mudhook was the divisional trench magazine that first appeared in September 1917 and continued to be published until disbandment in 1919. The Artists Rifles, who were attached to the division, providing many of the sketches and drawings that graced its pages.

Army officersseconded to the Division continued to wear regimental badges with their service dress, Naval officers, who initially joined wearing blue suits, soon purchased the khaki army service dress which was worn with naval buttons and the gold wire officer's cap badge, with black mohair band on a khaki top naval cap. A bronzed metal version of the cap badge was also worn, although normally without the black band, on army officers pattern SD caps, identifiable by their khaki peck rather than the black peak of naval caps.

Khaki, rather than the normal gold lace, naval style rank was wornon the cuffof the tunic. In the same manner that junior and senior rates wore army rank badges, naval officers frequently wore army rank pips on the epaulette, thus identifyingtheir status to otherwise confusedarmy ranks. Officerscollar badges bearing battalion insignia were wornfrom 1916.

Martin J. Brayley.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.

The author is indebted to Tony and Joan Poucher for the kind loan of material essential to the completion of this article, also Phil Slocombe for production of the colour graphic.

607. Officerswho died in the Royal Naval Division Naval Brigades.

Reeve. Percy. SubLieut, aged 21 years, Hawke Battalion, died 29th September 1918, Reg Fr602, Cantaing Cem, grave C 13. Source C. Mother :- Mrs Constance Reeve of 394 MossLane, East Moss Side, Manchester.

Rennie. Ernest. SubLieut, aged 23 years, Drake Battalion, died 15th May 1918, Reg Fr2. Forceville Cem, grave 4 D 3. Source C. Son ofWilliam J & Edith Rennie. 'RueLeighs', Noodbury Grove, Finsbury Park, London.

Rice. Eric Vyvyan. SubLieut, aged 24 years, Nelson Battalion, died 13th July 1915, Reg MR,Helles Memorial. Source W. RHN. Son ofSir William Rice (JP). 'Grasmere', Bowes Park, London. FormerlyLZ/781 AB RNVR.

Richards. Charles A MC. SubLieut, Anson Battalion, died 10th November1918, Reg Frl 142, Valencienaes CC, grave IIE 20. Source C. From Fulham,London.

Richmond. John Alexander Hope. SubLieut, Anson Battalion, died 4U• June 1915, Reg MR4, Helles Memorial. Source W. Mother :- Mrs Richmond of'Roselyn', 95 Maxwell Road, Pollockshields, Glasgow.

Ridge. Edwin Manners. SubLieut, aged 36 years, Benbow Battalion, died 8th October 1914. Source C. Wife:- Gladys Boyne Wilks of New River House, Enfield,London. (see also RND No 3, pp216)

Ridler. G. J. SubLieut, AnsonBattalion, died 25th April 1918, Reg MR20,Arras Memorial. Source C. Ex Col/Sgt 2/25 (Cyclist Bn)London Regt. Wife Mrs B. Ridler of103, Melrose Avenue, Cricklewood, NWLondon.

Roberts. Norman. MC. DSM. SubLieut, aged 28 years, Hood Battalion, died 31st December 1917, Reg MR21,Thiepval Memorial. Source C. Husband ofEthel of29 Cromwell Grove., Levenshulme, Manchester.

Robertson. AlbertJohn. SubLieut, aged 20 years, Nelson Battalion, died 4th January1918, Reg MR21, Thiepval Memorial. Source C. RHN. Father :- DuncanRobertson of 19, Long Road, Kirkaldy.

Robinson. Richard Wynn . SubLieut, aged 32 years, Drake Battalion, died 5th February 1917, Reg Fr252, Auelay Wood Cem, grave IC 3. Source C. Wife:- Mrs M.E. Robinson of Ballymoney Rectory, Ballineer, Co. Cork.

Robinson. T.C. MC. SubLieut, 2nd Res Bn Drake, aged 30 years, died 28th February1919, Reg GB HI, Aldershot Mil Cem, grave AG 392. Source C. Mother:- Mrs J Robinson of76b, Stanlake Road, Shepherds Bush, London Nl2.

608. Robley. John Pitcairn. Sub Lieut, aged 20 years, Nelson Battalion, died 5t1, June 1915, Reg G 14, Skew Bridge Cemetery. Source W. He was educated at Loretto College. Father:- of 'Newbank' Helensburgh, Scotland.

Rorke. Alfred John. Sub Lieut, aged 20 years, Hawke Battalion, died 12tll February1917, Reg FR41, Varem1es Cem, grave ID 53. Source C. Father: AlfredRorke, 100 Chelsea Gardens, London SW.

Ross. Andrew. DCM. Sub Lieut, aged 24 years,Drake Battalion, died 8th October1918, Reg MR16, Vis­ en-Artois Memorial. Source C. Son ofMargaret of26 Perry Street, Maiyhill, Glasgow.

Ross. Arthur. Ellerker Lieut, Anson Battalion, died 8th October 1918, Reg Fr 915, Rumilly-en­ Chambresis C.C. Ex, grave I B 1. Source C. Parents Harry & Eva ofBrockley, Yorks. Formerly 5 Yorks Regt.

Ross. George W. Lieut, aged 36 years, Howe BaUalion, died 4°' June 1915, Reg MR4, Helles Memorial. Source W. Father: ErnestRoss, South Benfleet, Essex ..

Russell John George. MC. Sub Lieut, aged 20 years, Anson Battalion, died 26 October 1917, Reg MRJO, Tyne Cot Memorial. Source C. Son of John & Eliza. 'The Haven' Stockley,th Yieldy, Mx.

Sandbach. Joseph. Sub Lieut, aged 35 years, Howe Battalion, died 20tll July 1015, Reg G 2, Redoubt Cemetery. Source W. WifeNellie of 1 East Guard Cottage, Hove, Sussex.

Sandell. Sub Lieut, Howe Battalion, died 30tll March 1917, Reg IRAQ 8, Baghdad North Gate Cem, grave XKIK6. Source C.

Saville. Leslie Spencer. Sub Lieut, aged 18 years, Howe Battalion, died 24tll April 1917, Reg MR20, Arras Memorial. Source C. Parents : Spencer & M. Saville of' Ailso' Windover, Bucks.

Scott-Ward. Surgeon, RN. Hawke Battalion, died 13ili November1916, Reg MR21,Thiepval Mem.

Le Secleur. G. J. Sub Lieut, aged 25 years, Drake Battalion, died 11°1 August 1917, Reg Fr 1191, Albuera Cem, grave North C 12. Source C. Mother : Mrs Louisa Le Secleur of 'Hawke Place, St Peters, Jersey.

Sennett. Claude Cushing. Sub Lieut, aged 25 years, Hood Battalion, died 23rd April 1917, Reg Fr 95, Aubig:nyC.C. grave VIC 9. Source C. RHH. Parents: E & S Sennett, 422 Unthank Road, Nonvich.

Shaw. William Joseph. Sub Lieut, aged 29 years, Howe Battalion, died 26 October 1917, Reg MR30, Tyne Cot Memorial. Source C. Wife: Mrs Evelyn B. Shaw, 173, St Albansth Road, Watford, Herts.

Shaw-Stewart. Patrick Houston. CLH & Croix de Chev. (Fr) Lieut Cdr, aged 29 years, Hood Battalion, died 30tllDecember 1917, Reg Fr 662, Metz-en-Couture CC Brit Extn., grave II EI. Source C. RHH. Son ofMajor General Shaw-Stewart. NOK - Sister, Winifred Shaw-Stewart ofWhale, O-Nchu, Kessock, Ross-shire.

Shea. HubertJohn. Sub Lieut, aged 40 years, Howe Battalion, died 17tll February1917, Reg MR21, Thiepval Memorial. Source C. Mother : Mrs ElizabethShea, 91 Munster Road, Fulham, London. SW.

ShrinkficEd. Percy. Sub Lieut, aged 31 years, Anson Battalion, died 8t11 October 1918, Reg Fr 538, Forenville Cem, grave E 8. Parents Robert& Mary, ofDarlington.

609. Siddle. HerbertAlford. Sub Lieut, aged 21 years, Nelson Battalion, died 24 April 1917, Reg MR20, Arras Memorial. Source C. RHN. Parents : John & Annie Siddle, Station Hotel,th Penrith, Cumberland.

Sikes. RobertHenry. Sub Lieut, aged 44 years, Howe Battalion, died 24 April 1917, Reg MR20, Arras Memorial. Source C. Son ofRichard Henry & Susanna LeckySikes of2th Park View, Wellington Road, York. Ex Sportsman'sBattalion, Royal Fusiliers.

Simpson. Walter Alfred.Sub Lieut, aged 29 years, Hood Battalion, died 24 March 1918, Reg MR20, Arras Memorial. Source C. RHH. NOK - Friend - Olive A Dunn. 'Cheltenham'th Crescent Road, Bournemouth.

Smith. Francis Beacroft . MC. Lieut, aged 24 years, Drake Battalion, died 28 May 1918, City of London Cem in Manor Park, grave 253/90184. Source C. Son ofMr GBSmith th of 'Matraham' Cardonald, Glasgow. Killed - Aircraft Accident - Fairlop.

Smyth. Basil Wilson. Sub Lieut, Nelson Battalion, died 13 July 1915, Reg MR$, Relles Memorial. Source W. RHN. Father : J. W. Smyth of23 Newstead Road,th Lee, Kent.

Southern. F. Sub Lieut, aged 27 years, Anson Battalion, died 27 September 1918, Reg Fr 530, Hermies Hill Cem, grave III D 6. Source C. Father : Robert Southern ofth 17, Manchester Road, Tyldesley, Lanes.

Spearman. Alexander Young Crayshaw Mainwaring. Commander, aged 52 years, Collingwood Battalion, died 4 June 1915, Reg MR4,Relles Memorial. Source W. CW. Wife: Jessie Audrey Spearman (Laterth Loch) of 'The Parks' Crediton, Devon.

Spencer-Warwick. John Charles. Lieut, aged 24 years, Anson Battalion, died 4 June 1915, Relles Memorial. Source W. Sister: Mrs Platt ofWolverstoke Park, Ipswich. th

Sprange. E. A MC. Lieut Commander, Anson Battalion, died 26 August 1918, Reg Fr 84, Bagneux British Cem, Gezaincourt., graveIV C 23. Source C. Mrs Sprange th- C/o L. Thompson, 47 Lincoln Infields, London, WC.

Squires. Eric. W. Sub Lieut, aged 23 years, Nelson Battalion, died 13 November 1916, Reg Fr 339, Ancre Cem, grave I B 30. Source C. RHN. Father : James Squires ofth 'The Mount', 13 Hart Hill, Luton, Bedfordshire.

Sterndale Bennett. Walter. DSO. & Bar, Commander Drake Battalion, died J1h November 1917. Reg B 16, Dozinghem Military Cemetery at Westvleteren, grave VI. I. 1. Father J.R. Sterndalc Bennett of3, Priory Road, Bedford Park, London. Formerly 1/28 London Regt (Artists Rifles) See article on this officerin this issue 7 ofthe R.N.D.

Stacey. Frank Weddell. Lieut, aged 21 years, Hood Battalion, died 4 June 1915, Reg MR4,Relles Memorial. Source W. RHH. Father : Rev F.B. Stacey of 'Chilliwac'th British Colombia, Canada.

------_... ______.,._.., __ .., ______Sources:- C - Commonwealth War Graves Commission. CW - 'The Collingwood Battalion.' W - 'To What End Did They Die?' RHR- Roll ofHonour Ruvigay. RHN - Roll ofHonou r Nelson. RHH - Roll ofHonour Hood. RHHa - Roll ofHonour Hawke. RHHo - Roll ofHonour Howe.

I would like to thank Tony Froom for this research.

610. Thi Wfl�tflrn front.

RND GRAVES IN DOZINGHEM MILITARY CEMETERY. [B.16]. BELGIUM.

By Trevor rrasker.

(Note:- During this and later articles Trevor Tasker will be using the Harvard system of references instead of the numbered system.)

The last article featureda base hospital cemetery in France, this article moves closer to the Front; to a Casualty Clearing Station (CCS) Cemetery in Belgium. Dozinghem Military Cemetery [B.16] is situated 4km north of Poperinghe, (on the road to Krombeke), near the French Border, (FIGURE ONE). This cemetery contains 3,312 graves, of which 91 are RND, (APPENDIX ONE), and these will be analysed later on.

Krom beke I?

/ w / m / Ul / I 0 8 b J km

BAI LLEUL

FIGURE ONE: Map showing the area where the R.N.D. attacked, and the CCS Cemetery in relation to Ypres and Poperinghe.

611. In the summer of 1917, after three long years of war, painful lessons were slowly being leant. One lesson, (with its roots from Neuve Chapelle in March 1915), was the importance of well organised 'behind the line' medical facilities. Dozinghem cemetery was planned specially to take casualties for the Third Battle of Ypres, (the date on headstones start from July 1917). At this stage of the War, enemy bombing raids were a threat, so it was decided to site the CSS to an area north of Poperinghe, and a light railway was built to connect this wooded area to Poperinghe. A CCS, was moved into this area, and a cemetery plot staked out. However, this wooded area, not only hid the cemetery during · the War, but it also hides the cemetery fromvisitors to the site today. "LOCATION: Dozinghem is one of the hardest cemeteries to find on the Salient. It is included in very few maps and it took me a morning to findit on the first occasion that I tried. As such, this cemetery more than most was the catalyst for putting this book together", (SCOTT, 1992), page 33. If Scott's statement was accompanied by a good location map in his guide, it may have helped to combat the location problem today. (I hope that FIGURE TWO helps in the location problem of this cemetery, which is well worth finding).

At this stage it would be best to explain what a Casualty Clearing Station is. It is larger than popularly imagined, and was a half-way house, (or should I say half-way tent), between the Front Line Battalion Dressing Stations/Regimental Aid Posts, and the Base Hospitals. Its main purpose was threefold:"The functions of casualty clearing stations may be briefly definedas follows: {a) to retain all serious cases unfit to be moved or @9Uiring operation before being evacuated: (b) to retain all slight cases likely to be fit for duty in a short period : (c) to evacuate all other cases which require further treatment in the theatre of operations or the United Kingdom. For the successfulperformance of these functions the headquarters of the forcedecided the number of casualty clearing stations to be employed and their proper siting in relation to the firingline". (MITCHELL& SMITH, 1931, page 27).

The above has helped to explain the location ofDozinghem Cemetery. What do the RND casualties in this cemetery tell us? The RND participated in the Third Battle of Ypres 1917, which towards the end of the offensive, became better known by the village of Passchendaele which was captured by the Canadians on the right of the RND. Passchendaele itself, can be divided into two parts; The First Battle of Passchendaele, (12- 25th October), and the Second Battle of Passchendaele, (26 October - 10th November). The RND was given orders to prepare for an attack on the 11126 th October 1917.

APPENDIX ONE lists the RND in this cemetery and the short time period when the deaths occurred, can be seen. However, to show more trends I have made a bar graph of the dates of death, and certain peaks can be seen. Being a CSS cemetery most 'died of wounds', so, most would have died the day (or days) after the main attacks of Battalions/Division. As always, a word of caution, this cemetery has 91 RND, and all the battalions are represented, but it only shows a small 'window' on RND casualties. Those killed in action are in battlefield cemeteries or lost in the mud, and many RND were evacuated from this CCS, back to Blighty, or died at the base hospitals. After taking this

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: :;-·. .:( ·-·-.&. .... A') Nine Elms . .. ·. . . ' : : O 1 2 .. . : .. : : \.. l....-··:·-···I..-,-�-·::� . ' . . . . hm

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FIGURE TWO: Cemetery plan ofDozinghem MilitaryCemetery, and its location north ofPoperinghe. Note the sites of the three 'sister' CCS Cemeteries ofBandaghem. Mendinghem and Dozinghem. The wooded areas are shown on the map, however, during the Great War the wooded area in the north covered about twice as much area than it does today. 613. into account, the headstones in this cemetery can provide information both to confirm and to contradict what is written in the history books.

FIGURE THREE: Bar Graph showing the number of RND casualties during October and November 1917. (info from CWGC CEM. Register, see also Appendix One).

The RND left the Arras area in late September 1917, and was in Ypres Salient area in early October. Even though not ordered to attack until October 26t\ the RNDbattalions were in the area, maintaining communication lines and sustaining casualties from shellfire, (SELLERS, 1995). This explains the casualties beforethe 26th of October. There is usually a time delay of one day beforethe casualties die after being transported to the CSS, and a notable peak and trough can be seen, until they rise again, when another attack occurs. The dates when the RND were in action, and sustaining casualties, e.g. "Third Ypres - Passchendaele: The Day by Day account", (McCarthy, 1995), correspond to the pattern of the graph, with about a 24 hour delay. The RND moved out of the frontline on the 9th of November, but casualties still died fromprevious battles.

The graph above and casualty list, can show much more than that already stated. There is a problem with the RND Army Battalions, especially the transitory battalions; who only stayed with the RND fora small period of time. Before the RND was sent to Belgium, the 1 '1 Honourable Artillery Company, (HAC) was replaced by the 1/ 4 King's Shropshire Light Infantry, (KSLI), and the 10th Royal Dublin Fusiliers, (RDF) were replaced by 1st Artist Rifles, and these changes are reflected in the casualty list. However, a mistake in the main history book of the RND, (JERROLD, 1927), stated the 5th KSLI, instead of the

614. 1/ 4t11 KSLI. This mistake has been carried on and is (even repeated in publications ofthe 1990s). To complicate things further, some books on Ypres/Passchendaele, when listing the battalions of the RND, have the HAC listed instead of the KSLI. This is where the analysis of the casualties in the cemeteries come in handy for double checking. In this cemetery there are no HAC (Service Battalions), but there are many battalions ofthe KSLI, (including the 5t1'), but only the 1/ 4 KSLI, coincide with the graph, (i.e. with the other battalions ofthe RND). As can be seen, the headstones in CWGC cemeteries, (when grouped together, and analysed), are as valuable to research, as any book.

The 'short stay' RND Army battalions, are not the only group ofRND casualties that cause confusion. There are also the Divisional machine gunners and artillery. The RND Machine Gun Corps, (MGC) were sometimes lent to other Divisions, (e.g. support an attack), and the Divisional Artillery may also have different casualty dates, as sometimes they were leftin action, while the Division was out ofthe Front Line. (e.g. covering the change over of Divisions at the Front Line, as this period was always vulnerable to enemy th t11 attack). As regards the MGC, they were numbered as the brigades, (188 , 189 and th rd 190 ), with also the 223 MGC added at this time. The Divisional Artillery consisted of rd h two brigades, the 223 , and the 31i of the Royal Field Artillery, (JERROLD, 1929). 1 Both RFA Brigades, and the l88t11 and 189t1 MGC are represented in the RND casualty list ofDozinghem Cemetery.

This cemetery contains 3,312 graves, (65 are German), in 16 plots, (see plan FIGURE TWO). Along the west wall, are 73 Second World War Graves. This plot was originally the site of 118 Belgium graves, but these were removed just after the Armistice. The numbering ofthe plots shows the growth of the cemetery, and the graves are roughly in chronological order. The RND participated at the end ofthe Third Battle of Ypres, and APPENDIXONE shows that the RND is in the later plots, (Plots IX to XV). The cemetery, as stated before, was built especially forthe offensive,which did not commence until July 31s1, however, Plot I contains many graves dated weeks before the start of the offensive. These casualties are not only from everyday trench casualties, but on the 12th July 1917 the Germans attacked with the newly manufactured Mustard Gas, (dichlorethyl sulphide), and many ofthose in Plot I have "died of wounds (gas)" written in the cemetery register. The three Chinese Labour Corps are buried separate, but the British West Indies Regiment is buried among the rest, (most with addresses from Jamaica). Even though sited in this wooded area forconcealment, the Cemetery register has many "killed during enemy air raid". The 21st ofAugust 1917, was a date that came up many times. Goth er Bombers, were widely used during this period to bomb front lines, and behind the lines. There was one other casualty that caught my eye, a Canadian; Lance Corporal Booth, in plot XIII. His details state "Died 6th Nov., 1917, ofwounds (bums) received at Passchendaele". (CWGC, 1923, page 18). I wonder if Booth was a victim of a German flame-thrower. This extra bit of information, is sadly very rare in Cemetery Registers.

Most readers are familiar with the British Tommies' Anglicised names forsome ofthe place names on the Western Front. 'Wipers' for Ypres/Ipres is one ofthe most well

615. known. The name of this cemetery, (in association with two others; (Mendinghem, and Bandaghem) are often quoted as examples ofthese. " ... named by the soldiers Bandaghem, Mendinghem and Dozinghem, which played ironically upon the Flemish language and spelling fortheir apt description of the function of a Casualty Clearing Station near each cemetery". (SCOTT, 1995, page 33). I can see the bandage in Bandaghem, and I suppose the mend in Mendinghem, but as regards this cemetery, I suspect the connection is dose (of medicine). In The Silent Cities it states: ''Name of Mendinghem, like those ofDozinghem and Bandaghem was coined by the troops". (HURST, 1929, page21). In a later book it adds: ''BANDAGHEM,DOSINGHEM (sic) MENDINGHEM: Certain hospital stations in Flanders, on the analogy ofsuch place­ names as Ebblingham". (BRODY & PARTRIDGE,1965, page 68). More information and interpretations get added as time progresses, "Dozinghem, Bandaghem, and Mendinghem, names invented to describe the field dressing stations which once stood near, passed into the local vernacular". (LONGWORTH, 1967, page 128), and "In July 1917, at the beginning of the British offensive, groups of casualty clearing stations were established in readiness at three positions called by the soldiers Bandaghem, Dozinghem and Mendinghem - a good example of their sardonic humour". (WARD& GIBSON, 1989, page 203).

The above examples show, that even though the reference goes back to just afterthe war, as time has progressed; more information and assumptions have been added. The three cemeteries are linked, and I can see the Anglicised humour ofBandaghem. However, I do feelthe associations could be 'one cemetery too far. More research needs to be done, starting with consulting old maps of the area, for pre-war place names. On maps today there are two place names near the cemetery; Bardelenbos and Doringen.

While writing this article, many statements had to be double-checked, but when I came to checking my reference forthe 'fact' thatDozinghem was sited in the woods for concealment, I could not find it. This does not mean it does not exist; just that I could not find it, beforethis article was published: When reading the article again, I noticed that a war-time concealment works in well, with the factthat the cemetery is hard to find today. The map (FIGURE TWO), shows the location of the three cemeteries, showing the spaced CCS cemeteries on radial spoke communication lines out from Poperinghe. The first CCS in the area was set up south of Poperinghe, just offthe main railway line. Lijssenthoek Mil. Cem. [B.11] with 10,802 graves; is the second largest cemetery in Belgium. During the war it was the largest cemetery in Belgium and open since June 1915, it was starting to get overwhelmed with the never ending casualties coming from the Salient. So, the factthat Dozinghem is sited in the wood, could just be a case of the only space left. The area north of Poperinghe, previously neglected because it is wooded, was the only area available forexpansion of a new CCS base.

All this is a good example for showing that there are many reasons for events other than the reasons we chose to believe, and I think this also applies to the name origins and the connections of Bandaghem, Mendinghem, and Dozinghem.

616. As always, I hope I have answered more questions than I have asked, and I have interested you in visiting this cemetery, and hope that you stay longer than the average visitor. Last but not least, I hope you findDozinghem Cemetery, eventually.

In writing this article, I would like to thank Tony Froom ( who has visited this cemetery more times than I have). Next in the series, we look at RND graves in cemeteries closer to the Front line - 'Somewhere in France'. (Maps and graph by the author) TREVOR TASKER 14 Rosehill Terrace Mount Pleasant Swansea SAl 6JN

APPENDIX ONE RND GRAVES IN DOZINGHEM MILITARY CEMETERY, [B.16]

ALLISON, F.C. L/Smn L/Z/1005 Drake 12/10/17 (X.F.13) ANDREWS, E.G. Pte CH/2199(S) 1/RMLI 29/10/17 (IX. B. 19) ASHLEY, J.H. A/B R/3148 Hawke 06/11/17 (XIII. B.10) BAKER, R. A/B R/2442 Drake 30/10/17 (XI. A 5) BENSON, J.C. A/B T/Z/648 Hood 04/11/17 (XV. D.16) BIDDLE, B. Pte 241571 14/Worcs 10/10/17 (XI. J. 6) BLAIR, S. A/B C/Z/1910 Hood 04/11/17 (XIII.A 20) BROMILEY, J. Sgt PLY/705(S) 2/RMLI 12/11/17 (XV. A 11) BROOKS, W.D. Gnr 57430 317/RFA 21/10/17 (X.E.4) BUGLASS, J. A/B T/Z/6216 Anson 25/10/17 (X. D. 7) BURNSIDE, M.M. H. A/B KP/114 Drake 11/11/17 (XV. B. 17) CARLINE, J. Pte 200163 1/ 4 KSLI 30/10/17 (X. A 11) CLARK, A.J. Pte PO/1233 2/RMLI 28/10/17 (XII.C.12) CLAYTON, w. Bmr 18317 317/RFA 17/10/17 (X. G. 13) CLIFf, C. Sgt. 620366 223/RFA 29/10/17 (IX. B. 8) CROOK, M.M. A.E. Pte. PLM/1002(S) 1/RMLI 27/10/17 (XI. C. 3) DANBY, T. Pte PO/1743(S) 1/RMLI 28/10/17 (XI.C. 14) DAVIDGE, A.I. PO S/Z/22 Howe 02/11/17 (XI. B. 13) DAY, H.P. Pte 25426 4/Beds 01/11/17 (XII. D. 18) DONEY. J. A/B R/269 Nelson. 15/10/17 (XII. F. 23) DYNES, R.G. Pte 30402 4/Beds 08/11/17 (XIV. B. 15) EASDEN, H. A/B R/340 Hawke 06/11/17 (XIII. B. 12) ESSEX, RA Pte 760134 Art. Rif. 01/11/17 (XIII. D. 8) EVANS, A.B. A/B W/Z/1752 Howe 04/11/17 (XIV. A 2) EVANS, J.G. Pte PLY/2013(S) 2/RMLI 28/10/17 (IX. A 13) FARRELL. W. A/B C/Z/5118 Anson 30/10/17 (XI. A 18) FLOOK, F. A/B R/2937 Anson 03/11/17 (XV. D. 14)

617. FORSHAW, H. Pte PLY/253 (S) 2/RMLI 29/10/17 (X. B. 22) GALLOWAY, E. Gnr 765495 223/RFA 15/11/17 (XIII. C.7) GARDNER, C. Pte P0/2163 (S) 2/RMLI 28/10/17 (IX. A 5) GRAINGER, R. L/Cpl CH/19614 1/RMLI 27/10/17 (X.B. 11) GREASLEY. H. AIB B/Z/4059 Hood 29/10/17 (XI. A 13) GREEN, W. Pte 200303 1/ 4 KSLI 31/10/17 (XII. A 8) GURNEY, J. F. AIB R/861 Hood 29/10/17 (IX. A 18) HACKETT. c. Pte. 20072 14/Worcs 23/10/17 (X. C. 1) HAMPSON, S. Pte. D/4245 (S) RMLI(Med) 05/11/17 (XIV. A 19) HANSON, J. AIB T/Z/1881 Hood 31/10/17 (XII. A 9) HARLEY, J. Pte 200257 1/ 4 KSLI 30/10/17 (XI. A 15) HATCH. P. A AIB R/512 Nelson 30/10/17 (XI. Al7) HENDRY, J. AIB Z/778 Hood 11/10/17 (IX. H. 22) HICKMAN, F.W. L/Cpl 25850 14/Worcs 09/10/17 (XV. B. 3) HICKS, W. Gnr. 41320 317/RFA 02/12/17 (VIII.F.23) HINDSON, A Pte P0/45 (S) 1/RMLI 22/10/17 (XH. G. 20) HUMPHREY, E. AIB KW/659 Hood 10/10/17 (X. J. 6) JOHNSON, A Pte PLY/1794 (S) 2/RMLI 14/11/17 (Xll 1. C. 15) JONES, AC. AIB T/Z/5504 Nelson 18/10/17 (X II. I. 7) JONES, J. A/B R/2903 Anson 11/11/17 (XIII. F. 21) KINGSWELL, W. AIB R/3159 Hawke 05/11/17 (XIV. A 14) LANCASTER, L.G. Pte 30994 4/Beds 01/11/17 (XIV.D. 9) LIVESEY, J. T. Pte D/3761 (S) RMLI(Med) 06/11/17 (XIII. B. 2) LOWNE, R. C. Pte 240455 4/Beds 06/11/17 (XIV. A 8) Mc BARRONS, J. AIB C/Z/4693 Hawke 27/10/17 (XII.E. 22) McDONALD, J. Pte C/Z/2572 189/MGC 29/10/17 (X. B. 16) McGAW, R. AIB R/2576 Hood 27/10/17 (XII. C. 16) McGRATH, T. Pte CH/1224 (S) 1/RMLI 13/11/17 (XIII. C. 22) MARTIN, AS. Pte PLY2038 (S) 1/RMLI 29/10/17 (IX. B. 10) MIDDLETON, G.A Pte 6087 7/R. F. 17/11/17 (XIV. C. 5) MITCHENER, W.F. Cpl 34797 7/R. F. 31/10/17 (X. B. 13) MORGAN, J. AIB R/3446 Nelson 13/10/17 (IX. F. 20) MORGAN, W.D. AIB R/2410 Drake 31/10/17 (XV.D. 3) MULLIGAN, T. L/Snm TZ/2568 Hawke 30/10/17 (XI. A 4) OAKLEY, I. Pte CH/2001 (S) 1/RMLI 28/10/17 (X. B. 10) OWEN, H. A AIB R/3204 Nelson 29/10/17 (X. A 9) PARNELL, F.W. AIB R/624 Anson 07/11/17 (XIV. B. 7) PEPPER, w. AIB R/1178 Howe 29/10/17 (X. A 5) PILGRIM, M.M. D.W. Pte 58838 188/MGC 30/10/17 (X. B. 5) PUGH, W.W. Pte 201327 1/ 4 KSLI 30/10/17 (X. A 15) RAINFORD, P. Pte 43557 4/Beds 31/10/17 (XII.D. 4) REX, M.M. J. H. AIB B/Z/1229 Hood 30/10/17 (XII. D. 20) RICHARDSON, AT. Pte 65671 188/MGC 11/11/17 (XIII. F. 20) RILEY, L. AIB T/Z/3240 Hawke 18/10/17 (XII. I. 4) RITCHARDSON, G. L/Cpl PLY/864 (S) 1/RMLI 27/10/17 (XIII. C. 10) ROBERTS, A H. PO ZP/1146 Hood 28/10/17 (IX. B. 21) ROBERTS, M.M. W.A Cpl 11508 317/RFA 01/11/17 (XIII. D. 17) ROBERTS, w. Pte 10037 1/ 4 KSLI 30/10/17 (X. A 16) RYAN, J. J. AIB Z/1488 Hood 26/10/17 (X. C. 17) SIMON, J. T. Pte PLY/2028 (S) 1/RMLI 27/10/17 (X. D. 22) SINGER, J.M. Rfn 760691 Art. Rif. 01/11/17 (XII.D. 19)

618. SMIDMORE, AJ. A/B Z/3942 Howe 27/10/17 (XI. D. 11) SMITH, L. Pte 22234 4/Rcds 31/10/17 (XI. A 8) STERNDALE BENNETT, DSO & Br, W. Cdr. Drake 07/11/17 (VI. I. 1) STRACHAN, J. L/Smn C/Z/460 Howe 29/10/17 (X. B. 20) SYMMONS, A.L. Pte CH/1479 (S) 1/RMLI 27/10/17 (XI. C. 11) TEASDALE, G.T. A/B T/Z/3130 Anson 27/10 17 (XI. C. 12) THOMAS, E. A/B KW/266 Hood 27/10/17 (XL C. 13) THOMAS, R. J. Rfn 764727 Art. R.if. 13/11/17 (XIII. C. 23) TURNBULL, A Pte D/330l(S) RMLI(Med) 26/10/17 (XI. D. 6) VICKERS, J. T. AIB L/Z/3615 Nelson 29/10/17 (XII. C. 21) WAREING, C.H. Lt. 4/Beds 01/11/17 (XIV. D.l) WARREN, G.W. Rfn B/201442 Art. Rif. 30/10/17 (XIV. D. 4) WRIGHT, E.W. Cpl 760921 Art. Rif. 30/10/17 (XII. A 5)

Notes to Appendix One

I found 91 RND graves in this cemetery, they covered all the twelve Service battalions, the pioneers, medical, MGC, and artille1y. These graves included those of two officers; a Lieutenant fromthe 4th Bn. Bedford Regiment, and the commanding officerof the Drake Battalion; whose details in the register read : -· STERNDALE BENNETT, Comdr. Walter. D.S.O. and Bar. «Drake" Bn. Royal Naval Division. 7'h Nov., 1917. Age 24. Son of J.R and M.A. Stemdale Bennett, of BarnHouse, Dymchurch, Kent. VI. I. 1. Sterndale Bennett was wounded on the 4t1t of November by artillery, (See this issue of the RNDpa ges 589/590), and died a few days later.

REFERENCES.

BROPHY, J.,&PARTRIDGE, E., (1969) , TBE LONG TRAIL: Soldier's Songs and Slang 1914-18, Sphere Books Limited, London.

CWGC, (1923) , Cemetery Register: B.16 DOZING HEM lvllLITARYCEMETERY, Westvleteren, Belgium.

HURST, S. (l 929), THE SILENT CITES, Methuen& Co Ltd London. (Reprinted by Naval& Military Press, 1993)

JERROLD, D., (1927), 2nd Edition. 11lli ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION., Hutchinson& Co, London.

McCARTHY, C., (1995) , THIRD YPRES-PASSCHENDAELE, 'Dle Day-By-Day Account.,_ Arms & Armour, London.

MITCHELL, T., & SIVITTH, G., (1931), MEDICAL SERVICES: Casualty and Medical Statistics of the Great War (Official Histo1y of the War Series) , Imperial War Museum, London, (reprinted 1997).

LONGWORTH, P., (1967) , nrnUNENDING VIGIL, Secker & Warburg, London, (reprinted by Leo Cooper, 1985).

SCOTT, M., (1992), ]TIE YPRES SALIENT: A Guide to the Cemeteries and Memorials of the Salient. Gliddon Books, Norwich.

SELLERS, L., (1995) , HIE HOOD BATfALION, Leo Cooper, London.

WARD, G., & GIBSON, G., (1989), COURAGE REMEMBERED, HMSO, London.

619. we�Te'R,N fRONT. THE ARMY SYSTEM. Andy of the "Awkes" sends us the following touching little ballad.

I've a little tale to tell you Of the Army of today And I think your eyes will glisten When you hear what I've to say.

Its all about our rations If such they can becalled, For long beforethey reach us They've all been overhauled.

The A.S.C. must have their bit Beforethey reach the dump And then the Regimental Must have the biggest lump.

The Quarterbloke next takes a dive To see what he can find You can betyour bottom dollar He won't be farbehind.

There's the Company Sergeant Major, He wants a bit as well, And if he doesn't get it You can bet he'll kick up - dust.

The Sergeants next will take a look To see what there's to go. And by the time they've finished There's nothing much to stow.

Then the gallant Platoon Sergeant In stentorian tones will shout, "Come on you section leaders, And dishyour rations out."

Then Private Thomas Atkins Goes to draw his next day's food; He looks at it with hungry eyes. And murmurs something rude.

And that's the Army system. Its good without a doubt. For those who get the lions share, But Tommy does cop out.

From 'The Mudhook' number 7 of September 1918.

620. If you have an article, paper or photograph on any subject concerning the RND I will be very pleased to hear from you.

The next issue number 8 will be published in March 1999.

It will contain the 4th and last part of the series on Rupert Brooke.

An article by David Heald on the service of Arthur Walderne St Clair Tisdall. V.C.

Backs to the Wall - The Royal Marines - March 1918 by Kyle Tallett.

Antwerp - covering the actions of Sub Lieutenant S.R. Chichester. Paymaster's Staff - Motor Driver.

And much more. ************************************

If you enjoyed the RND please tell a friend, remember back issues will be availa hie.

Note - RND issues 1 -7 inclusive contain 214,956 words. ------

The photograph on the back cover is a Greek vendor on W Beach, Gallipoli. He foundthe officers and men good customers. From the Liddle Hart Centre for Military Archives, the library, King's College, London. Reference PH 118 Hamilton papers.

This trader was a successfulentrepreneur, and prices on the beach were high. However somebody spotted that he was using a lamp and signalling to a Turkish boat. He was court-martialled and shot. (Reference 1) Mitchell-Fox, Thomas: Imperial War Museum, Department of Sound Records, Ace 00315/03. This was also confirmed by Joseph Murray of the Hood Bn when in conversation with Len Sellers. See also The Hood Battalion, page 112/113. ISBN 0 85053 386 9. 621. ...

-- 1

622.