heritage

Article Hydraulic Chiefdoms in the Eastern Andean Highlands of Colombia

Michael P. Smyth

The Foundation for Americas Research Inc., Winter Springs, FL 32719-5553, USA; [email protected] or [email protected]


Received: 16 May 2018; Accepted: 9 July 2018; Published: 11 July 2018


Abstract: The natural and cultural heritage of the Valley of Leiva in the Eastern Colombian Andes is closely tied to the Colonial town of Villa de Leyva. The popular tourist destination with rapid economic development and agricultural expansion contrasts sharply with an environment of limited water resources and landscape erosion. The recent discovery of Prehispanic hydraulic systems underscore ancient responses to water shortages conditioned by climate change. In an environment where effective rainfall and erosion are problematic, irrigation was vital to human settlement in this semi-arid highland valley. A chiefly elite responded to unpredictable precipitation by engineering a hydraulic landscape sanctioned by religious cosmology and the monolithic observatory at El Infiernito, the Stonehenge of Colombia. Early Colonial water works, however, transformed Villa de Leyva into a wheat breadbasket, though climatic downturns and poor management strategies contributed to an early 17th century crash in wheat production. Today, housing construction, intensive agriculture, and environmental instability combine to recreate conditions for acute water shortages. The heritage of a relatively dry valley with a long history of hydraulic chiefdoms, of which modern planners seem unaware, raises concerns for conservation and vulnerability to climate extremes and the need for understanding the prehistoric context and the magnitude of water availability today. This paper examines human ecodynamic factors related to the legacy of Muisca chiefdoms in the Leiva Valley and relevant issues of heritage in an Andean region undergoing rapid socio-economic change.

Keywords: archaeology; chiefdom ecodynamics; climate change

1. Introduction In the Valley of Leiva of the Eastern Andes of Colombia, natural and cultural heritage is integrally tied to the Colonial town of Villa de Leyva. A popular tourist destination and place where housing development is growing by leaps and bounds, the valley is also undergoing intensive agricultural expansion. These factors compound pressures on already limited water resources and serve to highlight recent research into the discovery of Prehispanic hydraulic systems; ancient responses to water shortages conditioned by rapid climate change. In an environment where effective rainfall is often insufficient or inconveniently timed for farming and alluvial landscapes subject to intense erosion caused by periodic drought and flooding, irrigation was and still is vital to human settlement in the semi-arid portions of this highland valley. Chiefly elites tried to mitigate the effects of limited water supplies by engineering a hydraulic landscape sanctioned by religious cosmology embodied in the central stone monuments of the monolithic observatory at El Infiernito, the Stonehenge of Colombia. Understanding the prehistoric context and magnitude of factors conditioning unpredictable water availability is vital to modern planners to achieve sustainable economic development under challenging environmental constraints.

Heritage 2018, 1, 100–121; doi:10.3390/heritage1010008 www.mdpi.com/journal/heritage Heritage 2018, 1 101

Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 26 In Early Colonial times, hydraulic systems transformed Villa de Leyva and its environs into a wheat breadbasketIn Early Colonial for the times, Viceroyalty hydraulic of Nueva systems Grenada, transformed while Villa traditional de Leyva maize and its production environs into remained a relativelywheat constant.breadbasket Climatic for the downturns Viceroyalty and of poor Nueva management Grenada, while strategies traditional such as maize over-farming production caused by reducingremained ancientrelatively systems constant. of landClimatic rotation downturns and introduction and poor management of European stra domesticatestegies such as contributed over- to afarming severe plague,caused leadingby reducing to an ancient ecological systems disaster of land culminating rotation inand a crashintroduction in wheat of productionEuropean by the earlydomesticates 17th century contributed [1]. Today, to a severe the construction plague, leading of luxuryto an ecological homes anddisaster hotels culminating with swimming in a crash pools combinedin wheat with production irrigation by the agriculture early 17th century and greenhouse [1]. Today, truckthe construction farms that of now luxury blanket homes theand valleyhotels are leadingwith toswimming acute water pools shortages, combined promotingwith irrigation social agriculture tensions and between greenhouse town truck and farms country that residents. now Theblanket complexities the valley of heritage are leading in ato relatively acute water dry shorta valleyges, with promoting a long social history tensions of hydraulic between chiefdoms town and and agriculturalcountry residents. intensification The complexities provide insight of heritage into how in moderna relatively development dry valley iswith increasing a long history vulnerability of hydraulic chiefdoms and agricultural intensification provide insight into how modern development to the environmental extremes. This paper examines human ecodynamic factors (socio-ecological is increasing vulnerability to the environmental extremes. This paper examines human ecodynamic dynamics of coupled human and natural systems) related to the legacy of Muisca chiefdoms in the factors (socio-ecological dynamics of coupled human and natural systems) related to the legacy of LeivaMuisca Valley. chiefdoms Issues of in heritage the Leiva are Valley. reviewed Issues with of he regardritage are to reviewed risk assessment with regard and to mitigation risk assessment of natural andand cultural mitigation resources of natural in an and Andean cultural highland resources region in an Andean undergoing highland profound region socio-economicundergoing profound change. socio-economic change. 2. Materials and Methods 2. Materials and Methods 2.1. A Hydraulic Landscape and Cosmology 2.1.Recent A Hydraulic climate Landscape change and and Cosmology human ecodynamic research in the Leiva Valley identified an engineeredRecent hydraulic climate landscapechange and consistinghuman ecodynamic of irrigation research canals, in the check Leiva dams, Valley drainage identified conduits, an as wellengineered as potential hydraulic raised-fields landscape (artificially consisting of elevated irrigation planting canals, surfaces)check dams, along drainage river conduits, alluviums as near the archaeologicalwell as potential siteraised-fields of El Infiernito (artificially (Figure elevated1; see planting below) surfaces) [ 2]. Prehispanic along river canals alluviums and raised-fieldsnear the in thearchaeological valley were site reported of El Infiernito to be still (Figure in use 1; see in below) the 16th [2]. century Prehispanic [3]. canals In Colonial and raised-fields times, canals in the were re-engineeredvalley were forreported processing to be wheatstill in grainuse in atthe strategic 16th century upland [3]. streamIn Colonial channels times, near canals Villa were de re- Leyva, someengineered originally for built processing by the Muisca,wheat grain where at strategic water-powered upland stream grist millschannels were near constructed Villa de Leyva, for producing some originally built by the Muisca, where water-powered grist mills were constructed for producing bread flour [1,4]. Over the years, levees have been constructed along the Rio Leyva to control flooding bread flour [1,4]. Over the years, levees have been constructed along the Rio Leyva to control flooding along with canals, channels, and reservoirs excavated throughout the valley for irrigation agriculture along with canals, channels, and reservoirs excavated throughout the valley for irrigation agriculture andand pump-based pump-based sprinkler sprinkler systems systems for for growing growing cash crops.

Figure 1. Map of Colombia, South America, and the Department of Boyacá with an inset showing the Figure 1. Map of Colombia, South America, and the Department of Boyacá with an inset showing locations of Valley of Leiva, the site of El Infiernito, Villa de Leyva, as well as other towns/sites the locations of Valley of Leiva, the site of El Infiernito, Villa de Leyva, as well as other towns/sites throughout valley. throughout valley.

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The mysterious monoliths of El Infiernito have been the subject of speculation and questionable Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 3 of 26 interpretation for over four centuries (see below; Figure2a). Not until recently, however, has systematic archaeologicalThe investigation mysterious monoliths identified of El ElInfiernito Infiernito have asbeen an the astronomical-meteorological subject of speculation and questionable observatory of the ancientinterpretation Muisca culture for over [5]. four Modern centuries surveys (see belo havew; begunFigure to2a). reconstruct Not until recently, the settlement however, historyhas of the systematic archaeological investigation identified El Infiernito as an astronomical-meteorological Leiva Valley,observatory but little of isthe known ancient about Muisca the culture actual [5]. chiefdom Modern surveys community have (rankedbegun to kinshipreconstruct society) the for the stone observatorysettlement history or how ofit the related Leiva Valley, to other but communities little is known inabout the the region. actual Arguedchiefdom tocommunity have functioned as a calendar(ranked monument kinship society) recording for the stone solar observatory cycles, celestial or how alignments,it related to other and communities forecasting in the weather [6], I have heardregion. many Argued alternative to have function interpretationsed as a calendar some uncriticallymonument recording accepted solar fueling cycles, speculationcelestial for a alignments, and forecasting weather [6], I have heard many alternative interpretations some local tourist industry. Also, few scientific studies have attempted to ascertain if these monuments uncritically accepted fueling speculation for a local tourist industry. Also, few scientific studies have connect toattempted anything to tangible ascertain onif these the landscapemonuments suchconnect as to actual anything water tangible features on the and landscape specific such celestial as events. The cosmologicalactual water importance features and of specific fertility celestial both agriculturalevents. The cosmological and human importance tied to vitalof fertility water both sources and beneficialagricultural rainfall must and human have beentied to of vital primary water sources concern and tobeneficial Muisca rainfall leaders. must have been of primary concern to Muisca leaders.

(a)

(b)

Figure 2. (a) Photo of El Infiernito Observatory looking northwest showing two rows of stone columns and various monoliths many reconstructed by Eliécer Silva Celis in 1981. The Loma la Cabrera is seen in the background; (b) Google Earth satellite image of Villa de Leyva and the Terrace Platform. The Grand Plaza is located near the photo center and the Quebrada San Agustín runs east to west north of the center of town before emptying into the Rio Leyva (top center). Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 26

Figure 2. (a) Photo of El Infiernito Observatory looking northwest showing two rows of stone columns and various monoliths many reconstructed by Eliécer Silva Celis in 1981. The Loma la Cabrera is seen in the background. (b) Google Earth satellite image of Villa de Leyva and the Terrace Platform. The Grand Plaza is located near the photo center and the Quebrada San Agustín runs east to west north Heritageof 2018the ,center1 of town before emptying into the Rio Leyva (top center). 103

The observatory at El Infiernito is an east-west double row of stone columns that diagonally alignsThe with observatory the sunrise at El on Infiernito the winter is an solstice east-west as double well as row specific of stone mountain columns thatfissures diagonally and stream aligns channelswith the sunrisebehind on Villa the winter de Leyva solstice that as wellform as the specific nascent mountain waters fissures of the and Rio stream Leyva channels (Figure behind 2b). ReconnaissanceVilla de Leyva that surveying form the along nascent mountain waters arroyos of the Rio revealed Leyva water (Figure pools2b). and Reconnaissance megalithic terrace surveying tiers foralong a hilltop mountain platform arroyos with revealed shaped water monolithic pools and stones megalithic adjacent terrace to the tiersconfluence for a hilltop of streams platform aligned with withshaped the monolithic helio-elliptical stones rising adjacent of the to the Winter confluence Solstice. ofstreams Importantly, aligned in with association the helio-elliptical are eight Muisca- rising of stylethe Winter stone Solstice.portrait Importantly,statues of mythical in association figures are emphasizing eight Muisca-style themes stoneof fertility portrait recalling statues the of mythical Legend offigures Iguaque, emphasizing a myth of themes cosmic of ontogeny fertility recalling and ancestral the Legend origin of Iguaque,(Figure 3, a myth[2]). These of cosmic mountain ontogeny stream and channels,ancestral origincanalized (Figure in Colonial3,[ 2]). These and possibly mountain Prehispanic stream channels, times, travel canalized across in ColonialVilla de Leyva and possibly before emptyingPrehispanic into times, the Rio travel Leyva. across The Villa observatory de Leyva alignm beforeent emptying also extends into the west Rio along Leyva. the The Winter observatory Solstice sunsetalignment converging also extends at the west confluence along the of several Winter ri Solsticevers forming sunset a converging broad alluvial at the floodplain confluence and of optimal several zonerivers for forming raised afield broad agriculture. alluvial floodplain This area and today optimal is a rich zone cultivation for raised zone field and agriculture. site of one This of the area largest today industrialis a rich cultivation agricultural zone operations and site ofin onethe valley. of the largest These preliminary industrial agricultural data strongly operations suggest inthat the natural valley. waterThese preliminarysources, solar data cycles, strongly and suggest rites thatof fertility natural waterwere sources,integrally solar linked cycles, to andthe ritesastronomical- of fertility meteorologicalwere integrally observatory linked to the at astronomical-meteorological El Infiernito as well as an associated observatory highland at El water Infiernito temple, as wellirrigation as an canals,associated and highland raised-field water systems. temple, irrigation canals, and raised-field systems.

Figure 3. Photo of eight carved limestone and sandstone portrait statues from a private collection Figure 3. Photo of eight carved limestone and sandstone portrait statues from a private collection exhibiting typical Muisca decorative symbols and motifs. These statues allegedly found near the exhibiting typical Muisca decorative symbols and motifs. These statues allegedly found near the Terrace Platform appear to be deity or elite figures associated with fertility (Bachué) and the origin Terrace Platform appear to be deity or elite figures associated with fertility (Bachué) and the origin myth of Iguaque. myth of Iguaque.

2.2. Heritage Background 2.2. Heritage Background The Leiva Valley is an altiplano region 120 km northeast of Bogotá where Muisca chiefdoms The Leiva Valley is an altiplano region 120 km northeast of Bogotá where Muisca chiefdoms settled settled along river floodplains and upland mountains between 2000 m to 3200 m [7,8]. Climate along river floodplains and upland mountains between 2000 m to 3200 m [7,8]. Climate classification classification is tierra frio with desert páramo above 3500 m. A dual rainy season occurs from March to is tierra frio with desert páramo above 3500 m. A dual rainy season occurs from March to April and April and October to November with intervening dry seasons; evidence for past erosion is intense October to November with intervening dry seasons; evidence for past erosion is intense especially in especially in the southern part of the valley. Overall, the river floodplain adjoining the Rio Leyva the southern part of the valley. Overall, the river floodplain adjoining the Rio Leyva averages less than 1000 mm of rainfall per year, though evapotransporation is nearly as high. Significant annual variation in precipitation throughout the valley is based upon geography, elevation, and major meteorological events such as the Southern Oscillation and its El Nino and La Nina Cycles (ENSO). The southernmost part of the Leiva Valley is more arid bordering on the Candaleria Desert. In addition, several major Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 26

averages less than 1000 mm of rainfall per year, though evapotransporation is nearly as high. Significant annual variation in precipitation throughout the valley is based upon geography, elevation, and major meteorological events such as the Southern Oscillation and its El Nino and La HeritageNina Cycles2018, 1 (ENSO). The southernmost part of the Leiva Valley is more arid bordering on the104 Candaleria Desert. In addition, several major upland rivers include the Rio Sutamarchan, Rio Sáchica, as well as the Rio Leyva all flow near Muisca settlements, including the former chiefdom of upland rivers include the Rio Sutamarchan, Rio Sáchica, as well as the Rio Leyva all flow near Muisca Zaquencipá at El Infiernito [8–11]. settlements, including the former chiefdom of Zaquencipá at El Infiernito [8–11]. El Infiernito (2075 m), also known as the archeological park of Monquirá, is located 4 km west El Infiernito (2075 m), also known as the archeological park of Monquirá, is located 4 km west of the of the Colonial town of Villa de Leyva. Monquirá was the first Spanish settlement in the Leiva Valley Colonial town of Villa de Leyva. Monquirá was the first Spanish settlement in the Leiva Valley founded founded in 1553 (Figure 4) and contains some of the richest agricultural soils in the valley but require inirrigation 1553 (Figure to maintain4) and contains fertility some over ofthe the long-term. richest agricultural Monquirá soils was in relocated the valley east but to require the present irrigation site toof maintainVilla de Leyva fertility in over 1572 the (Figure long-term. 2b). Famous Monquir forá wasits carved relocated stone east monuments to the present (menhires site of Villa), especially de Leyva two in menhires 1572rows (Figureof columns2b). Famous aligned for with its the carved vernal stone equinox. monuments Infiernito ( is dated), especially between twoAD rows700 and ofcolumns 1200 [8] aligned(28), though with a thechiefdom vernal community equinox. Infiernito headed by is a dated hereditary between elite AD remained 700 and active 1200 into [8] Colonial (28), though times. a chiefdomRecent survey community has documented headed by the a hereditary presence eliteof a Herrera remained Phase active (AD into 700–1000) Colonial times.farming Recent community survey haswhen documented some of thethe presencefirst monoliths of a Herrera may Phase have (AD be 700–1000)en erected farming [3,12]. community Subsequent when Early some Muisca of the firstcommunities monoliths (AD may have1000–1200), been erected credited [3,12 ].with Subsequent constructing Early Muiscathe “so-called” communities observatory, (AD 1000–1200), were creditedconcentrated with in constructing larger settlements the “so-called” that saw observatory, the formation were of chiefdom concentrated leadership in larger organization. settlements Late that sawMuisca the (AD formation 1200–1600) of chiefdom occupations leadership became organization. progressively Late larger Muisca [13] (ADand 1200–1600)more complex. occupations In some becamehighland progressively regions, Muisca larger chiefdoms [13] and morebecame complex. more centralized In some highland resulting regions, in increased Muisca population chiefdoms becamedistribution more with centralized nucleated resulting settlements in increased supported population by intensified distribution agriculture, with interregional nucleated settlements trade (salt, supportedceramics, gold, by intensified and textiles) agriculture, organized interregional warfare, and trade craft (salt, specialization; ceramics, gold, mummification and textiles) organizedof certain warfare,high-status and individuals craft specialization; became a mummification standard elite mort of certainuary practice high-status [14]. individuals Before the Spanish became aConquest, standard elitethe Muisca mortuary at practiceTunja and [14 ].Bogotá Before were the Spanish ruled by Conquest, powerful the paramount Muisca at Tunjachiefs and who Bogot wereá were becoming ruled bypolitically powerful and paramount perhaps economically chiefs who were stratified becoming absorbing politically many and regional perhaps communities economically into stratified more absorbingcomplex forms many of regional sociopolit communitiesical organization into more [15–17]. complex forms of sociopolitical organization [15–17]. Prehispanic agriculture in the Leiva Valley differeddiffered fromfrom mostmost otherother MuiscaMuisca territoriesterritories in thatthat systems of of land land rotation rotation and and irrigation irrigation canals canals were were utilized utilized well well into intothe Early the Early Colonial Colonial era [18]. era Semi- [18]. Semi-intensiveintensive agriculture agriculture similar similar to raised to raised earth earth mounds mounds for for crops crops inin wetlands wetlands found found in in Amazonia Amazonia [[19]19] and thethe NorthernNorthern Colombia Colombia Lowlands Lowlands [20 [20]] were were also also practiced practiced but but on aon much a much smaller smaller scale scale along along river alluviumriver alluvium (see below). (see below).

Figure 4. Ruins of the Dominican church at Monquirá, the largest structure remaining from the 1553 Spanish settlement in the Valley of Leiva. Heritage 2018, 1 105

Maize (aba) was the most important subsistence crop among the Muisca but potatoes (yomsa) were also widely grown at higher elevations. Environmental conditions and an 8-month maturation rate for highland maize limited annual production to usually one crop and an average of about 2000 kg per ha on the best farm lands, though irrigated agriculture on river alluvium was probably more productive. Losses due to vermin and spoilage can be up to 30% even in a good year, and traditional maize varieties (pollo) used by the ancient Muisca had much smaller ears than today’s hybrid varieties [21–23]. Drought, especially in the Leiva Valley, was and still is a constant problem and any rapid climate change effecting rainfall by reducing or swelling river levels (flooding) would have negatively impacted the production of maize and all cultivated crops. Frosts are another limiting factor for agriculture especially during the month of July, the coldest time of the year, which falls inconveniently in the middle of the growing season. Such unpredictable climatic conditions arguably spurred water management strategies such as storage, irrigation, and raised-field construction. Wheat was introduced into the Valley of Leiva territory in the 16th century with the first Spanish settlers. Initially, the conditions were highly favorable for wheat production with surplus grain being exported throughout the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada. In fact, at one time there were 15 hydraulic “molinos” in the urban area and vicinity under the jurisdiction of Villa the Leyva [4]. Recorded droughts in 1587, 1605–1607, and 1632 interrupted by periods of heavy rainfall [24] (18) were undoubtedly factors contributing to the great plague of 1621 leading to a crash in wheat production, a decline of which the valley has never recovered. While some attributed the plague to such intangibles as a total eclipse of the sun and the revenge of maize for sowing foreign plants making the land sick, more tangible causes include reducing traditional systems of land rotation and introduction of European domesticates that quickly deplete soil fertility rendering wheat crops vulnerable to disease, pests, and climatic downturns [4]. Today, Villa de Leyva is one of Colombia’s best preserved Colonial towns and a rewarding vacation destination for tourists from the large cities of Bogotá and Tunja. Over the past 20 years, the construction of numerous hotels, restaurants, and visitor attractions is transforming a once small Colonial village into a bustling tourist Mecca. In addition, the dry climate and charming scenery have inspired rapid housing development, attracting retirees and outsiders to build vacation homes. Agricultural expansion is manifest in countless polycarbonate-covered greenhouses (invernaderos) distributed across the valley; the locations of truck farms and industrial-scale agriculture specializing in growing cash crops like tomatoes and onions, food products in great demand at nearby urban markets (Figure5). A negative result of such economic development is the acute pressure on Villa de Leyva’s limited water resources, a situation promoting social discord between town and country residents. Such tensions were especially noticeable during the drought year of 2015 when desiccated waterways contributed to a decrease in farm production across the valley at the same time of increased water demands for expanding tourism.

2.3. The Observatory The stone monoliths at Infiernito have been the subject of much attention ever since the earliest Spanish missionaries maligned them as works of the devil because of their claimed associations with controversial Muisca rituals and alleged orgiastic ceremonies, and perhaps most significantly, the native resistance to Spanish Catholicism [25]. Among the first archaeological expeditions detailing the various stone columns occurred in 1846 [26]. Shortly thereafter, Joaquin Acosta wrote a new appraisal of the site dismissing prior claims of any ‘lost race’ responsible for erecting the monoliths [27], while others argued correctly that chibcha-speaking (Muisca) native peoples were the actual builders [28]. As archaeology became a formal discipline in Colombia, studies began to focus on classification of the stones as well as associated artifacts and human remains [29–31], though their excavations and analyses were not congruent with modern standards. The most important modern study of the observatory was by Eliécer Silva Celis [5] who excavated the so-called Campo Sagrado del Norte (Figure2). At this context, he uncovered a row of 26 carved Heritage 2018, 1 106 cylindrical pillars equally spaced following the meridian—20 additional columns were reconstructed. A parallel southern row of some 54 columns was completely restored with no stones found in situ [6]. Unfortunately, few statistical and graphical presentations were published or reported documenting critical context and association information from the excavations. A 5-m tall upright column, no longer present, was alleged to have been centered between the aligned stone rows functioning as a firmament to measure the height of the sun and other celestial movements. Four meters south is the Campo Sagrado de Sur composed of 2 rows of four ovoid columns [32] whose function remains unexplained. Dating of the observatory was based on three published radiocarbon assays recovered from excavations (2180 ± 140, 2490 ± 195, 2880 ± 95 BP uncorrected) controversially placing the site to the 2nd and 9th century BCE. However, there are no detailed descriptions of the contexts of association for the carbon samples [5] (13), and the laboratory (El Instituto de Asuntos Nucleares) where these C-14 samples were analyzed has a reputation for providing inaccurate results [8] (28). Ceramic classification at Infiernito dates the site origins to around AD 800. Two parallel rows of columns on the vernal equinox have a true (north) azimuth of 91◦ pointing east towards the Cerro Morro Negro [32]. The columns do not precisely align with the Laguna de Iguaque on the equinox as has been previously claimed (cf. [5,33,34]). Importantly, a true diagonal azimuth of approximately 113◦ measured from the westernmost column of the north row, passes through the alleged center column, continues to the easternmost column of the south row, and ultimately aligns within one degree of the true helio-elliptical rising of the winter solstice (Figure6a). This significant alignment also corresponds to mountain fissures, stream channels, and a terrace platform behind Villa de Leyva associated with the nascent waters of the Rio Leyva (Figure6b). These alignments suggest that Infiernito was a solar observatory focused on water and human agricultural fertility, and not just a calendrical monument. The spatial connection between the water mountain and a terrace platform support the observation that the latter functioned as a water temple. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 26

FigureFigure 5. 5. PhotoPhoto ofof thethe LeivaLeiva ValleyValley lookinglooking west showing polycarbonate-covered greenhouses greenhouses (invernaderos(invernaderos)) and and truck truck farms farms distributed distributed acrossacross thethe riverriver valleyvalley alluvium and and into into the the uplands. uplands.

2.3. The Observatory The stone monoliths at Infiernito have been the subject of much attention ever since the earliest Spanish missionaries maligned them as works of the devil because of their claimed associations with controversial Muisca rituals and alleged orgiastic ceremonies, and perhaps most significantly, the native resistance to Spanish Catholicism [25]. Among the first archaeological expeditions detailing the various stone columns occurred in 1846 [26]. Shortly thereafter, Joaquin Acosta wrote a new appraisal of the site dismissing prior claims of any ‘lost race’ responsible for erecting the monoliths [27], while others argued correctly that chibcha-speaking (Muisca) native peoples were the actual builders [28]. As archaeology became a formal discipline in Colombia, studies began to focus on classification of the stones as well as associated artifacts and human remains [29–31], though their excavations and analyses were not congruent with modern standards. The most important modern study of the observatory was by Eliécer Silva Celis [5] who excavated the so-called Campo Sagrado del Norte (Figure 2). At this context, he uncovered a row of 26 carved cylindrical pillars equally spaced following the meridian—20 additional columns were reconstructed. A parallel southern row of some 54 columns was completely restored with no stones found in situ [6]. Unfortunately, few statistical and graphical presentations were published or reported documenting critical context and association information from the excavations. A 5-m tall upright column, no longer present, was alleged to have been centered between the aligned stone rows functioning as a firmament to measure the height of the sun and other celestial movements. Four meters south is the Campo Sagrado de Sur composed of 2 rows of four ovoid columns [32] whose function remains unexplained. Dating of the observatory was based on three published radiocarbon assays recovered from excavations (2180 ± 140, 2490 ± 195, 2880 ± 95 BP uncorrected) controversially placing the site to the 2nd and 9th century BCE. However, there are no detailed descriptions of the contexts of association for the carbon samples [5] (13), and the laboratory (El Instituto de Asuntos Nucleares) where these C-14 samples were analyzed has a reputation for providing inaccurate results [8] (28). Ceramic classification at Infiernito dates the site origins to around AD 800.

Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 26

Two parallel rows of columns on the vernal equinox have a true (north) azimuth of 91° pointing east towards the Cerro Morro Negro [32]. The columns do not precisely align with the Laguna de Iguaque on the equinox as has been previously claimed (cf. [5,33,34]). Importantly, a true diagonal azimuth of approximately 113° measured from the westernmost column of the north row, passes through the alleged center column, continues to the easternmost column of the south row, and ultimately aligns within one degree of the true helio-elliptical rising of the winter solstice (Figure 6a). This significant alignment also corresponds to mountain fissures, stream channels, and a terrace platform behind Villa de Leyva associated with the nascent waters of the Rio Leyva (Figure 6b). These alignments suggest that Infiernito was a solar observatory focused on water and human agricultural fertility, and not just a calendrical Heritage 2018, 1 107 monument. The spatial connection between the water mountain and a terrace platform support the observation that the latter functioned as a water temple.

Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 26 (a)

(b)

Figure 6. (a) Photo of the north row (westernmost column) and south row (easternmost column) of El Figure 6.Infiernito(a) Photo Observatory of the north looking row along (westernmost a true north diagonal column) azimuth and south for the row Winter (easternmost Solstice (~113°) column) of ◦ El Infiernitoaligning Observatory with the terrace looking platform-water along a truetemple, north mountain diagonal water azimuthfissures for forthe theRio Leyva, Winter and Solstice peaks (~113 ) aligning withof the theIguaque terrace Mountains platform-water and Cerro Santo temple, in distance. mountain (b) Google water Earth fissures satellite for theimage Rio of Leyva,the Leiva and peaks of the IguaqueValley and Mountains Rio Leyva andillustrating Cerro the Santo true north in distance; azimuth ((112°)b) Google of the Winter Earth Solstice satellite (red image line) from of the Leiva Valley andthe Rio El Infiernito Leyvaillustrating Observatory to the the true terrace north plat azimuthform-water (112 temple,◦) of mountain the Winter water Solstice fissures (redfor the line) from Rio Leyva, and peak of the Cerro Santo some 7.118 km to the east-southeast where the winter sun the El Infiernitoappears on Observatory 22 December. to the terrace platform-water temple, mountain water fissures for the Rio Leyva, and peak of the Cerro Santo some 7.118 km to the east-southeast where the winter sun appears3. Results on 22 December.

3.1. Irrigation Our contribution to site of El Infiernito is the recent archaeological evidence for intensive agriculture and water management [35]. Reconnaissance identified hydraulic works and evidence for major erosion events potentially related to rapid climate change, i.e., significant droughts and/or major flooding episodes. The Loma la Cabrera (Figure 7a) is an upland area where a natural perennial spring (Cañada las Peñas) situated above a carboniferous shale deposit producing hydrostatic surface water that drains into the Rio Leyva. Below the spring are two possible anthropogenic ovoid pools (Figure 7b) reminiscent of the ceremonial baths or “lavapatas” at the Alta Magdalena site of San Agustín in southern Huila [36,37]. A parallel drainage shows a stone catchment surface and conduit connected to a double alignment of huge upright megalithic boulders now partially displaced above a cross-channel boulder wall (Figure 8a–c). These hydraulic features were clearly engineered as a holding tank reservoir and check dam for a gravity feed system designed to collect and divert seasonal rainwater to nearby agricultural fields between the Loma la Cabrera uplands and the Rio Leyva alluvium adjacent to the Infiernito Observatory.

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3. Results

3.1. Irrigation Our contribution to site of El Infiernito is the recent archaeological evidence for intensive agriculture and water management [35]. Reconnaissance identified hydraulic works and evidence for major erosion events potentially related to rapid climate change, i.e., significant droughts and/or major flooding episodes. The Loma la Cabrera (Figure7a) is an upland area where a natural perennial spring (Cañada las Peñas) situated above a carboniferous shale deposit producing hydrostatic surface water that drains into the Rio Leyva. Below the spring are two possible anthropogenic ovoid pools (Figure7b) reminiscent of the ceremonial baths or “lavapatas” at the Alta Magdalena site of San Agustín in southern Huila [36,37]. A parallel drainage shows a stone catchment surface and conduit connected to a double alignment of huge upright megalithic boulders now partially displaced above a cross-channel boulder wall (Figure8a–c). These hydraulic features were clearly engineered as a holding tank reservoir and check dam for a gravity feed system designed to collect and divert seasonal rainwater to nearby agricultural fields between the Loma la Cabrera uplands and the Rio Leyva alluvium adjacent to the Infiernito Observatory. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 26

(a)

(b)

Figure 7. (a) Photo looking west showing the Loma la Cabrera where the spring for the Cañada las Figure 7. (aPeñas) Photo is found looking associated west with showing potential theMusica Loma irrigation la Cabrera features. where(b) Photo the of springtwo possible for the Cañada las Peñas isanthropogenic found associated ovoid pools with within potential a carboniferous Musica shale deposit irrigation below features; the spring for (b the) Photo Cañada oflas two possible anthropogenicPeñas. ovoid pools within a carboniferous shale deposit below the spring for the Cañada las Peñas.

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Trenching along the Rio Leyva floodplain revealed that the current topsoil has little soil development but a topsoil buried by 175 cm showed greater development (Figure9) suggesting major past erosion and flooding events. Deeper cores indicated similar lower sequences, which shows evidence of more than one such cycle of erosion [35,38–40]. To combat flooding, the Muisca may have built raised fields along river alluvium like those documented along the Rio Bogotá near the town of Funzá [41] and elsewhere on the Sabana de Bogotá [42,43]. Early Colonial sources from the Valley of Zaquenzipá (Leiva) clearly indicate that the Muisca practiced raised-field agriculture and canal irrigation long before European Contact, and that Prehispanic hydraulic features were still being used by Spanish Contact [3,24,29,44–46].

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(a)

(b)

Figure 8. Cont. Heritage 2018, 1 110

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Trenching along the Rio Leyva floodplain revealed that the current topsoil has little soil development but a topsoil buried by 175 cm showed(c) greater development (Figure 9) suggesting major past erosionFigure and 8 . flooding(a) A drainage events. conduit Deeper below a catchment cores indicated surface upstream similar associated lower with sequences, a boulder stone which shows Figureevidence 8. (a of) Areservoir. more drainage than (b) Photoone conduit such looking belowcycle northeast of a erosion catchment of a potential [35,38–40]. surface hydraulic To upstream featurecombat showing flooding, associated shaped the megalithic with Muisca a boulder may have stone reservoir;built raised (b)boulders fields Photo along once looking standing river northeast aluprightluvium and oflikenow a partiallythose potential documented displaced hydraulic that served along feature as thewalls Rio showingfor aBogotá reservoir shapednear abov ethe megalithic town of Funzá [41] anda check elsewhere dam and downstream on the Sabana from a de catchment Bogotá zone [42,43]. and linear Early drain Colonial conduit. sourcesThe boulder from at the the Valley of boulders oncebottom standing is about upright 2 m long. and (c) A nowstone check partially dam below displaced the boulder that stone served reservoir. aswalls for a reservoir above a checkZaquenzipá dam and (Leiva) downstream clearly indicate from a that catchment the Muis zoneca practiced and linear raised-field drain conduit. agriculture The boulder and canal at the bottomirrigation is about longTrenching 2before m long; alongEuropean (c ) the A stone Rio Contact, Leyva check and floodplain dam that below Prehispanic revealed the boulderthat hydraulic the current stone features reservoir. topsoil were has still little being soil used by Spanishdevelopment Contact but [3,24,29,44–46]. a topsoil buried by 175 cm showed greater development (Figure 9) suggesting major past erosion and flooding events. Deeper cores indicated similar lower sequences, which shows evidence of more than one such cycle of erosion [35,38–40]. To combat flooding, the Muisca may have built raised fields along river alluvium like those documented along the Rio Bogotá near the town of Funzá [41] and elsewhere on the Sabana de Bogotá [42,43]. Early Colonial sources from the Valley of Zaquenzipá (Leiva) clearly indicate that the Muisca practiced raised-field agriculture and canal irrigation long before European Contact, and that Prehispanic hydraulic features were still being used by Spanish Contact [3,24,29,44–46].

Figure 9. Geomorphologists examining soil stratigraphy at Trench 1 where evidence for a stream Figurechannel 9. Geomorphologists was identified between examining the Loma soil la Cabrera stratigraphy and the atRio Trench Leyva. 1 where evidence for a stream channel was identified between the Loma la Cabrera and the Rio Leyva. 3.2. Terrace Platform and Stream Channels A mountain platform argued to be a Muisca water temple was spatially related to the Infiernito observatory emphasizing the cosmological relationship between water and fertility in the Leiva Valley. Prehispanic to Early Colonial Muisca surface ceramics, retaining wall stonework, large shaped megaliths, and the remains of megalithic tiers or a staircase located behind Villa de Leyva demonstrate an ancient architectural feature and possible Muisca temple diagonally aligned with the Infiernito observatory (~113° based on true north) on the winter solstice [5]; an important time in the Muisca calendar year (socum) marking the start of new agricultural cycle [29] (162). Mountain fissures and stream channels in this same area were major sources of water for the Rio Leyva and integral to any irrigation system constructed by the Muisca (Figure 10a,b). The co-occurrence of this terrace and

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3.2. Terrace Platform and Stream Channels A mountain platform argued to be a Muisca water temple was spatially related to the Infiernito observatory emphasizing the cosmological relationship between water and fertility in the Leiva Valley. Prehispanic to Early Colonial Muisca surface ceramics, retaining wall stonework, large shaped megaliths, and the remains of megalithic tiers or a staircase located behind Villa de Leyva demonstrate an ancient architectural feature and possible Muisca temple diagonally aligned with the Infiernito observatory (~113◦ based on true north) on the winter solstice [5]; an important time in the Muisca calendar year (socum) marking the start of new agricultural cycle [29] (162). Mountain fissures and stream channels in this same area were major sources of water for the Rio Leyva and integral to any irrigation system constructed by the Muisca (Figure 10a,b). The co-occurrence of this terrace and Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 26 stream channels, we argue, were not coincidental because both spatially associate with a sacred water mountain alignedstream channels, with thewe argue, solar were observatory not coincidental on the because Winter both Solstice.spatially associate with a sacred water mountain aligned with the solar observatory on the Winter Solstice.

(a)

(b)

Figure 10. (a) Photo looking east-southeast towards the peaks of the Cerro Santo and the mountain Figure 10. water(a) Photo fissures looking and stream east-southeast channels adjacent towards to the terrace the platform peaks ofwhere the the Cerro sun of Santo Winter and Solstice the mountain water fissuresrises.and (b) Google stream Earth channels image of adjacentthe Terraceto Platform the terrace atop a leveled platform hill adjacent where to the stream sun channels of Winter Solstice rises; (b) Googlenorth of Earththe Hotel image Duruelo. of the Terrace Platform atop a leveled hill adjacent to stream channels north of theThe Hotel terrace Duruelo. platform is situated upon a high hill that was artificially leveled (below the peak of the Cerro Santo) along the path of the solstice alignment midway between two mountain fissures. From this mountain, water flows into various stream channels leading into the Quebrada San Agustín which carries water west around the hill and platform through a deep ravine that today is traversed

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The terrace platform is situated upon a high hill that was artificially leveled (below the peak of the Cerro Santo) along the path of the solstice alignment midway between two mountain fissures. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 26 From this mountain, water flows into various stream channels leading into the Quebrada San Agustín bywhich a pedestrian carries water suspension west around bridge. the The hill hill and platform platform is throughclearly terraced a deep ravineon the thatwest today side where is traversed huge alignedby a pedestrian megalithic suspension stones suggest bridge. extant The hill tiers platform or stairs is of clearly dry-stone terraced masonry. on the westBecause side many where stones huge havealigned fallen megalithic or have stonesbeen scavenged, suggest extant this architec tiers ortural stairs feature of dry-stone originally masonry. may have Because been many longer stones and higherhave fallen than orwhat have is beenseen today scavenged, (Figure this 11). architectural Associated featurewere diagnostic originally ceramics may have of beenthe Late longer Muisca and andhigher Early than Colonial what is seenperiods today suggesting (Figure 11 ).this Associated architectural were feature diagnostic was ceramics in use ofduring the Late Muisca Muisca times. and ThereEarly Colonialalso appears periods to be suggesting terracing this on architecturalthe east and featuresouth sides was inalong use duringwith a Muiscapossible times. access There ramp also or stairwayappears toleading be terracing to water on giving the east the andentire south structur sidese a along pyramidal with ashape. possible The access platform ramp itself or stairwaycontains facedleading stone to water masonry giving and the a entire raised structure stone surface a pyramidal near shape.the northwest The platform corner itself suggesting contains faceda circular stone superstructuremasonry and a raised(uta) likely stone surfacesome form near of the perishable northwest walled corner suggestingand roofed a building circular superstructure (Muisca temple?; (uta) Figurelikely some12a,b). form The of perishablewest sector walled shows and shaped roofed megalithics building (Muisca and a temple?; boulder Figure stone 12alignmenta,b). The westthat apparentlysector shows served shaped as megalithicsa division or and platform a boulder boundary. stone alignment A Herrera that phase apparently potsherd served and asceramics a division of all or Muiscaplatform time boundary. periods A Herrerawere recovered phase potsherd on the and surfac ceramicse. Altogether, of all Muisca these time data periods indicate were ceremonial recovered activityon the surface.spanning Altogether, the entire these indigenous data indicate occupati ceremonialon sequence activity suggesting spanning native the entire religious indigenous rituals performedoccupation here sequence until suggestingthe founding native of Villa religious de Leyv ritualsa. This performed water temple here untiland alleged the founding association of Villa with de portraitLeyva. Thisstatues water [3] appears temple andto be alleged similar association to a site documented with portrait by statuesSilva [2,47] [3] appearsat the Salina to be de similar Mongua, to a asite highland documented setting by some Silva 80 [2 km,47] to at the the east. Salina de Mongua, a highland setting some 80 km to the east.

Figure 11. Photo of the megalithic terrace tiers (or stairs) along the west side of the hill leading to the Figure 11. Photo of the megalithic terrace tiers (or stairs) along the west side of the hill leading to the terrace platform-water temple. Dry stone masonry with abundant chinking stones and Prehispanic terrace platform-water temple. Dry stone masonry with abundant chinking stones and Prehispanic and Early Colonial ceramics were associated with this stone structure. and Early Colonial ceramics were associated with this stone structure.

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(b)

Figure 12. (a) Plan view sketch map of the Terrace Platform showing north and west retaining walls, Figure 12. (a) Plana northwest view area sketch of stone fill map or pavement of the possibly Terrace for a circular Platform temple (uta showing), and numerous north shaped- and west retaining carved monoliths and alignment for a division or platform border area. The platform is terraced(uta on walls, a northwestthe area south and of stoneeast sides fill leading or down pavement to water. Ceramics possibly of all forMuisca a circulartime periodstemple were found on- ), and numerous shaped-carved monolithsand off-platform. and ( alignmentb) A modern replica fora of division a Muisca house orplatform (uta) temple at border Lake Guatavita, area. Thea famed platform is terraced place of the El Dorado legend, that is perhaps similar to a water temple that was once stood on the on the south andTerrace eastsides Platform. leading down to water. Ceramics of all Muisca time periods were found on- and off-platform; (b) A modern replica of a Muisca house (uta) temple at Lake Guatavita, a famed Mountain stream channels (quebradas) empty into the Rio Leyva but must first pass through the place of the ElColonial Dorado heart legend, of Villa de that Leyva is (Figure perhaps 2a). These similar channels to become a water more temple formal canals that as was they travel once stood on the Terrace Platform.beneath bridges and along the streets north and west of Villa de Leyva’s 16th century 14,000 m2 cobble-stone Plaza Mayor, one of the largest in Colombia (Figure 13a–d). The surrounding area produced ceramic evidence for substantial human settlement during Late Muisca and Early Colonial times documented in a 1998 regional survey of the Leiva Valley by archaeologist Carl Langebeak [8] (pp. 55–58). It is interesting to note that the 16th century Muisca populations living adjacent to the Quebrada San Agustín who greatly outnumbered the Spanish must have provided a labor base for constructing the Early Colonial city [48] (p. 77) as well as any hydraulic works before and after the founding of Villa de Leyva. Moreover, the Quebrada San Agustín, a slow flowing waterway during most of the year, can effectively dry-up during extreme droughts. These conditions, especially in pre- Colonial times, required water-control systems of check dams, sluice ways, and reservoirs constructed at strategic upland locations to help insure a steady flow of water during dry periods (Figure 14a,b). Flash flooding events, however, can displace large boulders and accumulate debris disrupting hydraulic works, something of major concern today, that would have required organized labor to maintain adequate water volume for irrigation systems downriver near El Infiernito.

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Mountain stream channels (quebradas) empty into the Rio Leyva but must first pass through the Colonial heart of Villa de Leyva (Figure2a). These channels become more formal canals as they travel beneath bridges and along the streets north and west of Villa de Leyva’s 16th century 14,000 m2 cobble-stone Plaza Mayor, one of the largest in Colombia (Figure 13a–d). The surrounding area produced ceramic evidence for substantial human settlement during Late Muisca and Early Colonial times documented in a 1998 regional survey of the Leiva Valley by archaeologist Carl Langebeak [8] (pp. 55–58). It is interesting to note that the 16th century Muisca populations living adjacent to the Quebrada San Agustín who greatly outnumbered the Spanish must have provided a labor base for constructing the Early Colonial city [48] (p. 77) as well as any hydraulic works before and after the founding of Villa de Leyva. Moreover, the Quebrada San Agustín, a slow flowing waterway during most of the year, can effectively dry-up during extreme droughts. These conditions, especially in pre-Colonial times, required water-control systems of check dams, sluice ways, and reservoirs constructed at strategic upland locations to help insure a steady flow of water during dry periods (Figure 14a,b). Flash flooding events, however, can displace large boulders and accumulate debris disrupting hydraulic works, something of major concern today, that would have required organized labor to maintain adequate water volume for irrigation systems downriver near El Infiernito. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 18 of 26

(a)

(b)

Figure 13. Cont.

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(c)

(d)

Figure 13. (a) East view of the Colonia heart of Villa de Leyva showing the Plaza Mayor and the Figure 13. (a)Parroquial East view de Nuestra of the Señora Colonia Santa Maria heart de Le ofyva Villa with the de Cerro Leyva Santo showing in the background. the Plaza (b) West Mayor and the Parroquial deview Nuestra of a Colonial Señora bridge Santa (El Puente Maria de deSan LeyvaAgustín)with at Carrera the 10 Cerro where Santothe Quebrada in the San background; Agustin (b) West view of a Colonialflows through bridge Villa (El de Puente Leyva byde the SanIglesia Agust El Carmen.ín) at(c) An Carrera east view 10 of wherethe Quedrada the QuebradaSan Agustín San Agustin flowing through canals parallel to the streets of Villa de Leyva. (d) The Quebrada San Agustín flowing flows throughout Villa of Villa de de Leyva Leyva bybefore the joining Iglesia with Elthe Carmen;Rio Leyva on (c the) An way east to the view Infiernito of theObservatory. Quedrada San Agustín flowing through canals parallel to the streets of Villa de Leyva; (d) The Quebrada San Agustín flowing out of Villa de Leyva before joining with the Rio Leyva on the way to the Infiernito Observatory. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 20 of 26

(a)

Figure 14. Cont.

(b)

Figure 14. (a) Stone-lined stream channel of the Quebrada San Agustín located downstream from the Terrace Platform that may have been artificially altered in Muisca times. Modern, Colonial, and Prehispanic potsherds were seen eroding from the stream banks. (b) Upstream water pool of the Quebrada San Agustín just west of the Terrace Platform showing debris from recent flooding events; the limestone outcrop in the background appears to have been worked suggesting an anthropogenic construction.

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(a)

(b)

Figure 14. (a) Stone-lined stream channel of the Quebrada San Agustín located downstream from the Figure 14.Terrace(a) Stone-lined Platform that stream may have channel been artificially of the Quebrada altered in Muisca San Agust times. í Modern,n located Colonial, downstream and from the TerracePrehispanic Platform potsherds that may were have seen eroding been artificially from the stream altered banks. in (b Muisca) Upstream times. water pool Modern, of the Colonial, and PrehispanicQuebrada potsherds San Agustín were just west seen of the eroding Terrace fromPlatform the showing stream debris banks; from (recentb) Upstream flooding events; water pool of the limestone outcrop in the background appears to have been worked suggesting an anthropogenic the Quebrada San Agustín just west of the Terrace Platform showing debris from recent flooding construction. events; the limestone outcrop in the background appears to have been worked suggesting an anthropogenic construction.

3.3. Raised-Fields The observatory alignment on the Winter Solstice sunrise also extends westward towards the sunset crossing an area where multiple rivers converge in a broad alluvial floodplain optimal for raised-field agriculture. This labor intensive agriculture required landscape modifications such as elevating alluvial fields above the natural ground surface and interconnecting planting beds with feeder and drainage canals in a system designed to protect crops from river flooding, maintain soil moisture, and mitigate the effects of frosts [4,20,42]. Though raised fields have not yet been archaeologically identified in this area, circumstantial and ethohistoric evidence indicate that they did exist where the largest industrial agricultural enterprises in the valley are now located (Figure 15a). Bordered by the Rio Sutamarchan, the southern extension of the Rio Moniquirá, a major north-south running waterway that carries melt waters from the Cocuy glaciers some 160 km to the northeast, the river connects with the Rio Sáchica and Rio Leyva on the territories of the former chiefdoms of Monquirá and Zaquencipá. This convergence zone of rivers contains some of the best agricultural soils (Class I) in the valley characterized by alluvial sediments with high fertility if well-drained but limited by moisture content and the accumulation of transported alluvial silts [1,49,50]. Requiring irrigation for long-term cultivation, these soils are also subject to inundations (flash floods) requiring water-control systems [2]. The construction of river levees along the Rio Leyva are a recent hydraulic innovation designed to protect alluvial fields during flooding events (Figure 15b). In the past, raised-fields served a similar protective purpose but also helped regulate the air temperature protecting plants from frosts while canals helped to retain soil moisture during extended dry periods. Though labor intensive, Early Colonial sources from the Valley of Zaquenzipá (Leiva) clearly indicate that Muisca chiefs organized the construction and maintenance of raised-field agriculture and canal irrigation both in Prehispanic and Early Colonial times [3,24,29,44–46]. Heritage 2018, 2, x FOR PEER REVIEW 21 of 26

3.3. Raised-Fields The observatory alignment on the Winter Solstice sunrise also extends westward towards the sunset crossing an area where multiple rivers converge in a broad alluvial floodplain optimal for raised-field agriculture. This labor intensive agriculture required landscape modifications such as elevating alluvial fields above the natural ground surface and interconnecting planting beds with feeder and drainage canals in a system designed to protect crops from river flooding, maintain soil moisture, and mitigate the effects of frosts [4,20,42]. Though raised fields have not yet been archaeologically identified in this area, circumstantial and ethohistoric evidence indicate that they did exist where the largest industrial agricultural enterprises in the valley are now located (Figure 15a). Bordered by the Rio Sutamarchan, the southern extension of the Rio Moniquirá, a major north- south running waterway that carries melt waters from the Cocuy glaciers some 160 km to the northeast, the river connects with the Rio Sáchica and Rio Leyva on the territories of the former chiefdoms of Monquirá and Zaquencipá. This convergence zone of rivers contains some of the best agricultural soils (Class I) in the valley characterized by alluvial sediments with high fertility if well- drained but limited by moisture content and the accumulation of transported alluvial silts [1,49,50]. Requiring irrigation for long-term cultivation, these soils are also subject to inundations (flash floods) requiring water-control systems [2]. The construction of river levees along the Rio Leyva are a recent hydraulic innovation designed to protect alluvial fields during flooding events (Figure 15b). In the past, raised-fields served a similar protective purpose but also helped regulate the air temperature protecting plants from frosts while canals helped to retain soil moisture during extended dry periods. Though labor intensive, Early Colonial sources from the Valley of Zaquenzipá (Leiva) clearly indicate Heritagethat2018 Muisca, 1 chiefs organized the construction and maintenance of raised-field agriculture and canal 117 irrigation both in Prehispanic and Early Colonial times [3,24,29,44–46].

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(b)

Figure 15. (a) Google Earth satellite image showing the confluence of the Rios Sáchica, Sutamarchan, Figureand 15. Leyva(a) Google near Monquirá Earth satellite where Muisca image raised-field showing the agriculture confluence is argued of the to Rios have S beenáchica, practiced Sutamarchan, on and Leyvathe same near alluvial Monquir plain áwherewhere industrial-scale Muisca raised-field agriculture agriculture (San Vicente) is argued occurs today. to have (b) been Levees practiced along on the samethe Rio alluvial Leyva plainnear Monquirá. where industrial-scale agriculture (San Vicente) occurs today; (b) Levees along the Rio Leyva near Monquirá. 4. Discussion 4. DiscussionHeritage in the Leiva Valley is closely tied to environmental factors such as dual wet and dry seasons, periodic drought cycles, and farming without irrigation that is marginal at best. A multi- Heritage in the Leiva Valley is closely tied to environmental factors such as dual wet and method approach demonstrates the importance of studying human–environment interactions dry seasons, periodic drought cycles, and farming without irrigation that is marginal at best. complementary to archaeological research. Indeed, investigation of chiefdom ecodynamics has begun A multi-methodto contributeapproach new evidence demonstrates for intensive the agricult importanceure, water of studying management, human–environment and the effects of interactionsvalley complementaryerosion past and to archaeologicalpresent [35]. In addition, research. it is argu Indeed,ed that investigation hydraulic systems of chiefdom in the Leiva ecodynamics Valley were has begunclosely to contribute tied to religious new cosmology evidence forassociated intensive with agriculture, a mountain water water temple management, and the astronomical- and the effects of valleymeteorological erosion pastobservatory and present at El [Infiernito.35]. In addition,By Colonial it istimes, argued Muisca that religious hydraulic ideology systems was in the Leivareplaced Valley by were Spanish closely Catholicism tied to religiousat a time when cosmology wheat production associated became with economically a mountain important water temple and thein the astronomical-meteorological valley. Unpredictable environmental observatory condit ations, El Infiernito. including recorded By Colonial droughts times, between Muisca 1587 religious and 1632 interrupted by periods of heavy rainfall [24] (18), were undoubtedly factors in the 1621 wheat plague. Contributing to this disaster was the failure to recognize indigenous conservation measures such as traditional systems of land rotation practiced for centuries by Muisca peoples. Moreover, current economic development in the valley is seemingly unaware of the magnitude of unpredictable water availability and past impacts of climatic extremes at a time when current land- use practices are accelerating erosion in the valley [35,38–40]. Indeed, rapid housing development and unsustainable commercial agriculture are pressuring the land and water resources as never before in spite of the potential negative long-term environmental consequences. The observatory at Infiernito is a focal point of heritage tourism but public attention has been misguided by some amateur archaeoastronomy conjecture. Non-scholarly interpretations prevail because so little is known about the ancient community and its hinterland which are keys for interpreting the stone monuments; it was not until the 1980s that the archaeological establishment recognized any community associated with the observatory. Our preliminary data suggest that El Infiernito Observatory and water temple were integral Muisca settlement features inspired by an

Heritage 2018, 1 118 ideology was replaced by Spanish Catholicism at a time when wheat production became economically important in the valley. Unpredictable environmental conditions, including recorded droughts between 1587 and 1632 interrupted by periods of heavy rainfall [24] (18), were undoubtedly factors in the 1621 wheat plague. Contributing to this disaster was the failure to recognize indigenous conservation measures such as traditional systems of land rotation practiced for centuries by Muisca peoples. Moreover, current economic development in the valley is seemingly unaware of the magnitude of unpredictable water availability and past impacts of climatic extremes at a time when current land-use practices are accelerating erosion in the valley [35,38–40]. Indeed, rapid housing development and unsustainable commercial agriculture are pressuring the land and water resources as never before in spite of the potential negative long-term environmental consequences. The observatory at Infiernito is a focal point of heritage tourism but public attention has been misguided by some amateur archaeoastronomy conjecture. Non-scholarly interpretations prevail because so little is known about the ancient community and its hinterland which are keys for interpreting the stone monuments; it was not until the 1980s that the archaeological establishment recognized any community associated with the observatory. Our preliminary data suggest that El Infiernito Observatory and water temple were integral Muisca settlement features inspired by an observed cosmological relationship between the sun and water in both real and ritual terms. The precise diagonal alignment of stone columns connected to a water-related temple on the winter solstice undoubtedly signaled a most significant time marking the start of the solar year and renewal of the agricultural cycle [51]. Born from a sacred mountain, holy waters journeyed to the Rio Leyva, then to the observatory; a symbol of fertility and solar power, and ultimately were harnessed via hydraulic agriculture (raised-fields and canals) like those aligned with the western path of the Winter Solstice sunset. After the founding of Villa de Leyva, Muisca rituals and ceremonies performed at the mountain water temple were undoubtedly prohibited by ecclesiastical authorities, though some rituals may have continued clandestinely at other locations [51]. Muisca water features (canals, check dams, and reservoirs) and hydraulic works, conversely, would have been preserved and even expanded as Spanish engineers began planning new urban infrastructure including paved streets, stone bridges, the enormous cobble-stone Plaza Mayor, religious buildings including the Convent of San Agustín and the Parroquial de Nuestra Señora Santa Maria de Leyva, as well as various water-wheel grist mills for making bread flour [23,48]. The same is true of hydraulic features outside of Villa de Leyva, especially raised-fields and canal systems documented by 16th century Spanish chroniclers. Rituals associated with the Infiernito Observatory were apparently no longer being practiced. Subsequently, many stone monoliths fell into disuse while others were removed by collectors or scavenged for construction purposes elsewhere. Housing development and agricultural intensification contributing to acute water shortages are increasing social tensions between town and country residents. The complexities of heritage in a valley subject to erosion and long history of hydraulic chiefdoms reminds us of the vulnerability to unpredictable environmental downturns. In fact, research in the Leiva valley shows that environmental degradation, particularly erosion, and climate extremes are closely related and not just recent phenomena that posed challenges for human populations since Prehispanic times. Such heritage issues of risk assessment and mitigation of natural and cultural resources, however, require acknowledging that ultimately nature is in control. Sustainable development is only possible when long-term planners begin to prepare for a landscape that is inherently unpredictable especially when it comes to water and, additionally, begin to learn from the past in this regard. Heritage in the Valley of Leiva also involves solar events and water mountains that reflect cosmic ontogeny and ancestral origin. For the Muisca, the cosmology and environment of water were largely inseparable in that they recognized no clear distinction between the physical and spiritual realms or actual or perceived aspects of their world. In effect, people were doing everything possible to mitigate the effects of water shortages even employing a cosmological system as a means for ideological control. Heritage 2018, 1 119

Drought, flood, famine, and hunger required all manner of responses both tangible and intangible for confronting the realities posed by their natural environment. In these regards, ecodynamic study explores the full-range of human adaptive responses by intermediate-level societies or chiefdoms under diverse environmental conditions; a research question that remains to be comprehensively addressed in the archaeology of the Eastern Andean highlands.

Funding: This research was funded by a grant from the National Geographic-Waitt Foundation (W352-14), contributions to the Foundation for Americas Research, Inc., and support from the University of Texas at Austin. Acknowledgments: I would like to thank the Awazako Family for their assistance in beginning this preliminary project. I greatly appreciate the expertise and valuable services of Timothy Beach, Eric Weaver, Luisa Aebersold, Greta Wells, Beth Cortwright, Nikki Woodward, Pedro Luis Suárez, Pilar Suárez Smyth, and Martha Esperanza Suárez. This paper benefited by the critical comments of two anonymous reviewers. Also, the people of the beautiful Leiva Valley and City of Villa de Leyva, especially the Palacio Vargas family of the Hotel Villa Parva, were most helpful and cordial making our time there memorable and enjoyable. Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.

References

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