ARCTIC VOL. 63, NO. 2 (JUNE 2010) P. 131–140

Lady Lucy Barry and Evangelical Reading on the First Franklin Expedition Janice Cavell1

(Received 19 May 2009; accepted in revised form 29 July 2009)

Abstract. This article examines the relationship between Lady Lucy Barry and John Franklin. Barry has been dismissed by other writers as a fanatic who had only a passing influence on the explorer’s religious beliefs. Though their friendship ended after Franklin’s marriage to Eleanor Porden in August 1823, Barry’s Evangelical faith, as expressed through the books she presented to the members of the first Franklin expedition, had already shaped both Franklin’s own understanding of his Arctic experiences and the literary representation of them in his Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea in the Years 1819, 20, 21, and 22. In the narrative, both Franklin and his companion John Richardson affirmed the great value of religious books and practices in helping them to endure the sufferings of the journey. As a result, the public came to revere Arctic explorers as Christian heroes. Without Lady Lucy Barry and her books, Arctic exploration might never have come to hold such an important place in 19th-century British culture. Key words: Sir John Franklin, Arctic expeditions, books and reading, religion, evangelicalism

RÉSUMÉ. Cet article porte sur la relation qui a existé entre Lady Lucy Barry et John Franklin. Barry était considérée par les autres écrivains comme une fanatique qui n’a eu qu’une influence passagère sur les croyances religieuses de l’explorateur. Bien que leur amitié ait pris fin lorsque Franklin a épousé Eleanor Porden en août 1823, la foi évangélique de Barry, telle qu’exprimée dans les livres qu’elle a présentés aux membres de la première expédition de Franklin, avait déjà façonné la façon dont Franklin vivait son expérience dans l’Arctique et sa représentation littéraire de celle-ci dans son récit intitulé Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea in the Years 1819, 20, 21, and 22. Dans ce récit, Franklin et son compagnon John Richardson affirmaient la grande valeur des pratiques et livres religieux en ce sens que ces derniers les avaient aidés à endurer les souffrances découlant de leur expédition. Par conséquent, la société en général en était venue à révérer les explorateurs de l’Arctique à titre de héros chrétiens. Sans Lady Lucy Barry et ses livres, l’exploration de l’Arctique n’aurait peut-être jamais occupé une place aussi importante dans la culture britannique du XIXe siècle. Mots clés : Sir John Franklin, expéditions dans l’Arctique, livres et lecture, religion, évangélicalisme

traduit pour la revue Arctic par Nicole Giguère.

Introduction with dissenting sects like the Methodists, but who never- theless remained members of the Church of England (Gell, The role played by Lady Lucy Barry in the life of Sir John 1930:216). Methodist theology was sometimes described as Franklin was first revealed in 1930, when Edith Mary Gell “Calvinistic” because of its emphasis on human weakness published a biography of Franklin’s first wife, Eleanor and sinfulness and on the acceptance of God’s grace as the Porden. Gell printed a dramatic exchange of letters between only way to salvation. Possibly Gell, with an early 20th- Franklin and Porden that took place shortly before their century English audience in mind, felt that Franklin’s com- marriage. Porden objected to Franklin’s intensely held reli- ment provided sufficient information for readers. However, gious views, which she believed had been unduly influ- as the decades passed and religion began to play less and enced by Barry. So strong were her feelings on this point less of a role in English life, confusion arose. In his 2002 that the engagement was nearly broken off. In the end, how- biography of Franklin, English author Martyn Beardsley ever, love triumphed, and Barry was heard of no more in claimed that Barry “headed a group of Calvinists.” Beard- the book. sley noted, correctly, that Eleanor Porden regarded Barry Rather oddly, Gell did not trouble to explain who Lady as a “fanatic,” and then added that this view was “probably Lucy Barry was or exactly what her religious convictions shared by much of London society” (Beardsley, 2002:65). were. In one of his letters to Porden, Franklin described Beardsley’s assertions were readily accepted by review- Barry and her friends as “belong[ing] perhaps to what is ers, who commended his treatment of the disputes between termed the Calvinistic part of our own Church”—that is, as Franklin and Porden on the subject of religion as among the evangelical Christians who held many beliefs in common best parts of his book (see Potter, 2002; Barr, 2003).

1 Department of History, Carleton University, 1125 Colonel By Drive, Ottawa, Ontario K1S 5B6, Canada; [email protected] © The Arctic Institute of North America 132 • J. CAVELL

Had Lady Lucy actually been a Calvinist or Methodist, profoundly affect Franklin himself and his companions: she would indeed have been regarded as eccentric and fanat- they also shaped the writing of a very influential narrative, ical by the great majority of those in her aristocratic milieu, which in its turn provided reading for later expeditions. for whom membership in the state-sanctioned Church of England was a badge of social acceptability as much as (or in some cases even more than) it was a sign of reli- Who Was Lady Lucy Barry? gious faith. To be an Anglican denoted unswerving loyalty to king and country, while Dissenters were often radical in Juliana Lucy Annesley was born in October 1772. She their politics. Yet Methodism—the “religion of the heart,” was the fourth child and eldest daughter of an Anglo-Irish as it was known—held a strong appeal for many politically aristocrat, Arthur Annesley, Viscount Valentia (1744–1816), conservative members of the upper class. Members of the and his wife Lucy, the daughter of George, Lord Lyttelton. Evangelical faction within the Church of England believed In 1793 Lord Valentia would become the Earl of Mountnor- that for too many Anglicans, religion had become a mere ris (Collen, 1840:527). The writer Mary Martha Sherwood matter of outward form. The Evangelicals sought regener- described Lady Valentia as “a beautiful, delicate woman” ation and renewal through personal piety and missionary and Lord Valentia as “one of the handsomest men I ever zeal. Such changes, they believed, would transform their remember” (Kelly, 1854:37). The Annesley family owned church into the firmest possible foundation for state author- extensive estates in Kerry, Armagh, Cork, and Wexford, ity (see Brown, 1961; Bradley, 1976). Far from being a lone and another estate, inherited from the Lytteltons, at Arley in fanatic, then, Barry belonged to a strong and vocal group of Worcestershire. Religion played an important role on both wealthy men and women who had a revolutionary effect on sides of the little girl’s ancestry. The Annesleys were distant the mainstream culture of their time, becoming the parents cousins of John Wesley, the founder of Methodism, through of the Victorians in far more than the literal sense. his mother, Susanna Annesley. Juliana Lucy’s maternal Eleanor Porden’s statements about Barry cannot be taken grandfather, Lord Lyttelton (a politician and minor poet), as the full, unbiased truth, since the situation evidently was well known for his piety and exemplary life (see Dav- aroused strong emotions in Franklin’s fiancée. Franklin and ies, 1939). Lady Valentia’s character resembled her father’s. Barry corresponded, perhaps extensively, but unfortunately “Kind was her heart, and Faith, a cincture bright/ Around neither side of the correspondence seems to have survived. her soul diffus’d a heavenly light,” wrote her son’s tutor However, it is possible to glean some very interesting infor- after her death (Butt, 1793, 1:202). mation about both Barry herself and her influence on Frank- However, there were also some famous family scandals lin from other sources. The religious books with which she to be lived down. Lord Valentia’s father was a self-con- presented him before he departed on his first Arctic expedi- fessed bigamist whose marriage to the beautiful Juliana tion had a profound effect on the explorer. “To her Lady- Donovan may or may not have been valid. As a result, Lord ship ... I owe much and I trust shall ever acknowledge my Valentia’s legitimacy was called into question, and he had gratitude. From the books she put in my hands I was cer- to contend with a rival claimant to his title. (Miss Donovan tainly induced to read the Scriptures more attentively (in is variously described in the published accounts of the case fact daily) and then I received through the blessing of God as a respectable young girl of good family and as a tavern stronger grounds of hope in His divine mercy and good- keeper’s daughter.) Lady Valentia’s brother Thomas Lyt- ness,” he told Porden (in Gell, 1930:216). Reading Lady telton was among the most notorious 18th-century rakes. Lucy’s books brought about a remarkable change in Frank- Thomas’s misconduct was so flagrant and so widely known lin’s character, a change that would endure for a lifetime. that he was often simply called “the bad Lord Lyttelton” as The books also had their effect on his companions John the easiest way of distinguishing him from his father, the Richardson and Robert Hood. In one of the most famous “good” lord (see Blunt, 1936). episodes in polar history, Hood was engaged in reading one Lady Valentia died in 1783. Lord Valentia then mar- of these volumes at the very moment of his death. ried Sarah Cavendish and began a second family. In all, he When Franklin and Richardson looked back on and fathered 11 surviving children. In July 1789, Lucy Annesley wrote about their experiences, religion was essential both married John Maxwell, the oldest son of Henry Maxwell, to their own understanding of past events and to the literary Lord Bishop of Meath. The bride was only 16; her husband representations they offered their compatriots. The story of was six years older. John Maxwell inherited the estate of his Lady Lucy Barry’s books can therefore reveal much about grandmother’s family, the Barrys, at Newtown Barry (now the mental world of these British explorers and their read- called Bunclody) in County Wexford. He then changed his ing audience. The subject of books and reading on polar surname to Barry. For many years Barry—an uncompro- expeditions is an important one that has only begun to be mising Tory in his politics—was the Member of Parliament explored. As David and Deirdre Stam have pointed out, for Cavan. He was also the colonel of the Cavan militia reading was one of the chief activities available in winter and so was generally known as Colonel Barry. Barry was quarters, and many explorers also carried books with them extremely rich, and he would become still richer. In 1823 on their sledge journeys (Stam and Stam, 2002:113). Not he inherited the title Baron Farnham and the large estate in only did the books taken on the first Franklin expedition County Cavan that went with it. When he died in 1838, his LADY LUCY BARRY AND JOHN FRANKLIN • 133 income was estimated at £30,000 a year—three times the hasty choice. Webster was a hypocritical philanderer who amount enjoyed by Mr. Darcy in Jane Austen’s Pride and boasted of both his own conquests and his wife’s virtue. Prejudice (Anon, 1838). When Byron paid the couple a visit in the autumn of The marriage, though childless, seems to have been an 1813, it was not long before he began a flirtation with his exceptionally happy one. A small collection of letters from friend’s pretty, if pale and quiet, blonde wife. He observed Lady Lucy to Colonel Barry (apparently the only letters sardonically that although she was “a thorough devotee – & by her to survive) show that even after 30 years of mar- takes prayers morning and evening besides being measured ried life, she still addressed him as “My dearest Love” and for a new bible once a quarter,” Lady Frances seemed only complained of how lonely she was in “my solitary cham- too eager for his advances (Byron, 1974:137–138). Indeed, ber” when he was away (Barry, 1819a, b). Several sources she was remarkably quick to admit her feelings for the describe Lady Lucy as a beauty, and it seems that during famous poet. “[P]oor thing – she is either the most artful her twenties and thirties she happily enjoyed the pleasures or artless of her age (20) I ever encountered,” he wrote in of both society and home life. She was known for her exqui- amazement (Byron, 1974:147). The affair was never physi- site taste and her success in landscape gardening at the cally consummated, and Byron soon tired of the long, emo- Newtown Barry estate (Wakefield, 1812I:49–50) and also tionally overwrought letters in which Lady Frances both for her careful cultivation of feminine charm: the novel- declared her all-consuming love for him and affirmed that ist Maria Edgeworth wrote scornfully of how Lady Lucy she would rather die than “deviate from the paths of Honor “never mended a pen for herself ‘because the men always & Virtue” (in Stewart, 2008:61). In January 1815, he mar- like to be asked to do it for one’” (Edgeworth, 1971:358). ried Anne Isabella Milbanke. Lady Frances then entered But as she approached the age of 40, her outlook became into a far more open and reckless flirtation with the Duke of more sober. In 1811 the Evangelical writer Hannah More Wellington, carried on mainly just before and after the bat- reported to her friend Sir William Weller Pepys that Lady tle of Waterloo. This episode was the subject of widespread Lucy, formerly “a little gay,” had “become very serious.” gossip, and it was also reported in the press. However, Web- More also wrote approvingly that Lady Lucy was “lovely” ster successfully sued one of the papers that had alleged his in both “mind and person” (in Roberts, 1837, 2:183). Pepys wife was Wellington’s mistress, and no definite proof of a replied that she reminded him more than anyone else he physical affair has ever come to light. knew of lines by Milton: “When oft converse with heavenly Since there is no detailed description of Lady Lucy, Habitants/ Begins to cast a beam on th’ outward shape/ The Byron’s pen portrait of Lady Frances is of considerable unpolluted temple of the mind” (Pepys, 1904, 2:308; his interest. It certainly resembles the much briefer accounts of quotation from Milton’s Comus is not quite accurate). Lady Lucy’s appearance and manner. The two women were In early middle age, Lady Lucy was increasingly preoc- presumably raised and educated in much the same way, and cupied with charitable work. In 1812 she became a patron- so it may reasonably be taken as an indication of what the ess of the Dublin Ladies Auxiliary Bible Society; two years friend who exerted such a strong influence over young John later, she agreed to serve as vice-president of the Ladies’ Franklin was like. “As far as I can pretend to judge of her Dublin Church Missionary Association. The first of these disposition and character,” Byron wrote to his confidante organizations was affiliated with the British and Foreign Lady Melbourne, Bible Society; the second, with the Church Missionary Soci- ety (Owen, 1817; Missionary Register, 1814). Colonel Barry she is ... very handsome – & very gentle though was also strongly committed to evangelical work (Brown, sometimes decisive – fearfully romantic – & singularly 1961:280n3, 358), and it seems that such activities served as warm in her affections but I should think – of a cold a bond between them. temperament – yet I have my doubts on that point ... Shortly afterwards, one of Lady Lucy’s young half-sis- accomplished (as all decently educated women are) ters was involved in a minor scandal that may have done & clever though her style [is] a little too German [i.e., something to tarnish the family name. Indeed, there were pedantic] – no dashing ... talker – but never ... saying a two scandals, but only the second of them became known silly thing ... good tempered ... [but] jealous as myself to the public. The first, however, has proved far more inter- – the ne plus ultra of green-eyed Monstrosity – seldom esting to later generations. In 1810, Lady Frances Annesley abusing other people but listening to it with great had married James Wedderburn Webster, a friend of Lord patience – these qualifications with an unassuming and Byron. (Lady Frances’ first child, a daughter, was named sweet voice & very soft manner constitute the bust (all I Lucy; this suggests that the sisters had a close relation- can yet pretend to model) of my present Idol. ship despite the 21-year difference in their ages.) Like Lady (Byron, 1974:142–143) Lucy, Lady Frances was very young (17) at the time of her wedding. Her brother later told Byron “that she married to Though there must have been some differences in the get rid of her family—who are ill tempered—& had not temperaments of the two sisters, Lady Frances’ beauty, her been out two months so that to use a fox-hunting phrase she cleverness (and perhaps the touch of pedantry that went was ‘killed in covert’” (Byron, 1974:129). Unlike her more with it), and above all her sweet, gentle, “very soft” manner fortunate sister, Lady Frances soon had cause to regret her were qualities shared by Lady Lucy. 134 • J. CAVELL

Barry and the First Franklin Expedition and Condition of All Orders of Christians (1729) and Philip Doddridge’s The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul Among the good works to which the Barrys gave their (1745). Both of these had long been regarded as stand- patronage was the distribution of Bibles to soldiers and sail- ard works. Law’s A Serious Call had profoundly affected ors. They had a wide acquaintance among naval officers, both Samuel Johnson and John Wesley. Wesley’s popular which they sometimes used to gain midshipmen’s berths abridgement of the book was first published in 1794, and for young relatives and friends. They also did their best to it may well have been this shorter version that was given encourage piety among lieutenants and captains. “Ten thou- to the explorers. Selections from the writings of the French sand thanks for watching over H. & bringing him into the archbishop François de Salignac de la Mothe Fénelon influence of everything rational & religious. These are pre- (1651–1715) had been translated into English and published cious moments now that he is on shore, & I do trust that under the title Pious Reflections for Every Day in the Month he will lay in a large stock of Faith, Hope, & Charity, such in the late 18th century; a recent edition of this little book as shall make up for every disadvantage on board poor was also included. Fénelon was among Lady Lucy’s own Favourite both in respect to himself & to those whom God favourite authors: in a letter to Colonel Barry, she remarked has committed to his trust,” Lady Lucy wrote to her hus- that one of Fénelon’s prayers had “for the last Fortnight been band in 1819 (Barry, 1819b). As part of this interest in the almost continually on my Heart & Lips” (Barry, n.d.). Then spiritual welfare of sailors, Lady Lucy provided some reli- there were William Wilberforce’s A Practical View of the gious books for use on David Buchan’s 1818 Arctic expe- Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians, in the dition. Franklin was the commander of Buchan’s second Higher and Middle Classes of this Country, Contrasted with ship, HMS Trent. Some of the books were apparently sent Real Religion (1797) and Edward Bickersteth’s A Scripture directly to him; they were likely accompanied by a letter Help, Designed to Assist in Reading the Bible Profitably from Lady Lucy, but she and Franklin did not meet until (1816). Wilberforce was, of course, one of the most promi- the following year. It was expected that the ships might nent members of the Evangelical movement and a leader in winter in the north; as it turned out, however, the explorers the campaign against the slave trade. Bickersteth, who may returned in the autumn of 1818. There had been little if any well have been a personal friend of the Barrys, was the sec- time for reading, and neither Franklin nor anyone else on retary of the Church Missionary Society. Finally, the books board the two ships had made use of Lady Lucy’s gift. included copies of the New Testament and the Book of However, Franklin kept the books, and in April 1819, a Common Prayer, the editions likely being chosen for their few months before he set out on his first overland expedi- small size and portability. tion, he was formally introduced to Lady Lucy. “She is a Even as a child, Franklin had shown marked religious most amiable charming woman with a countenance of the tendencies. As a result, his father decided he should become utmost benignity and kindness bespeaking at once a heav- a clergyman. However, at the age of 12, young John firmly enly regard to her Maker, and the most affectionate love for rebelled against this plan and insisted on entering the navy. her fellow Creatures,” he wrote enthusiastically to his sister At some point during his teens or early twenties he had read Isabella. Clearly, even in her late forties Lady Lucy retained the books by Law and Doddridge, but he found them of lit- the characteristic attractiveness of the Annesley family. tle interest. In the winter of 1820–21, his response was very Franklin was eager to know her better. “I shall endeavour different. “Then I could find neither beauty nor force in to cultivate her friendship,” he told Isabella. Lady Lucy’s their language and reasoning; but now I think they abound motives were not purely disinterested; Franklin observed in both, and, if read with a serious desire to gain informa- that she was “desirous to send a young Friend with me.” He tion on the most important subjects of life, much fruit may was not dismayed by this aspect of the situation. Indeed, he be gathered from them. I would recommend them most ear- wrote that he was “anxious” to have the unnamed young nestly to all my dear relations,” he wrote to his sister Hen- officer as a member of the expedition, and he noted with rietta from the expedition’s winter quarters, Fort Enterprise pleasure that such an arrangement would “probably pro- (in Traill, 1896:78–79). Franklin did not record his response duce frequent communication” with Lady Lucy. Even if the to Wilberforce’s book in this letter, but its nature can be plan fell through, as it evidently did, Franklin thought that deduced from the fact that he gave the name Wilberforce Lady Lucy “would be desirous that I should occasionally Falls to one of the most impressive geographical features visit her” (in Davis, 1997:196). How far their acquaintance discovered on his expedition. developed before he left for Rupert’s Land cannot be deter- Franklin also read the Bible more carefully and systemat- mined, but it is hardly surprising that he took her books ically than he had ever done before. “To this sacred volume with him and read them carefully during the Arctic winter. I have applied for grounds of hope, comfort, and support, There is no full list of the volumes provided by Lady and never in vain ... I have been amazed at the state of igno- Lucy, but several of them are referred to in the letters writ- rance under which I laboured with respect to its blessed ten by Franklin and other members of the expedition. The contents,” he told Henrietta, adding that “our Blessed collection included both older and more recent publica- Lord’s example hath shown, and every portion of His Holy tions. Among the older works were William Law’s A Seri- Word declareth, that the Christian’s life must be a continual ous Call to a Devout and Holy Life, Adapted to the State warfare against the world, the flesh, and the devil; he must LADY LUCY BARRY AND JOHN FRANKLIN • 135 never relax his efforts, but strive continually against his evil What may befall me this day, O God, I know not. But passions and propensities, and pray constantly that he may I do know that nothing can happen to me which Thou be strengthened by the power of grace to surmount them” hast not foreseen, ruled, willed, and ordained from all (in Traill, 1896:78–79). To Henrietta’s husband, the Rever- eternity, and that suffices me. I adore Thy eternal and end Thomas Bailey Wright, Franklin expressed his convic- inscrutable designs. I submit to them with all my heart tion that religion should be a greater part of everyday life. through love to Thee. I accept all, I make unto Thee a He also denied that Lady Lucy’s brand of Christianity was sacrifice of all, and to this poor sacrifice I add that of gloomy or fanatical—a standard accusation made against my Divine Saviour. In His name, and for the sake of His Evangelicalism by more conventional Anglicans (Franklin, infinite merits, I ask of Thee that I may be endowed with 1820). The disclaimer is not entirely borne out by Franklin’s patience under suffering and with the perfect submission own earnest and rather humourless letters from this period. which is due to all which Thou willest or permittest. However, the emotional intensity so characteristic of Evan- (in McIlraith, 1868:118–119) gelical religion was to serve Franklin and his comrades well in the year to come. The prayer was written by the pious Madame Elisabeth, Among the lessons most consistently preached by these the younger sister of King Louis XVI, and frequently books was the necessity of enduring adversity and afflic- repeated by her during her imprisonment in the Temple. It tions with patience and even cheerfulness. “The body of was recorded by François Hue, the king’s servant, whose sin must be put to the torture – We must humble ourselves, recollections (published in 1806) provided the basis for we must bend and creep, and become little,” wrote Fénelon. numerous popular accounts of the French royal family’s “Woe unto us, while the world smiles upon us, and the ways sufferings, such as Authentic Memoirs of the Revolution in we are in [seem] void of troubles: difficulties and perplexi- France (Anon, 1817). ties are the surest marks of the way to heaven. Let us be Richardson’s party was soon joined by one of the expe- aware, therefore, how we follow the multitudes, who walk dition’s voyageurs, Michel Teroahauté. Though Richardson by broad and commodious ways; let us rather seek the traces and Hood could not know it, Teroahauté was not the only of the few; let us seek out the footsteps of the saints along voyageur who had turned back because he felt unable to go the rugged path of repentance.” He implored: “O suffering on. Three others—Jean-Baptiste Belanger, Ignace Perrault, and adorable Jesus! to whose sacrifice I unite myself, do and Antonio Fontano—had also done so, but none of them thou communicate to me, together with thy cross, also thy were ever seen again. Teroahauté had meat with him. He spirit of love and resignation. Make me think less of my suf- claimed it was wolf’s meat, a story that the starving men ferings, than of the happiness of suffering with thee. Make readily accepted. Strengthened by this food, Teroahauté me love thee, and I shall not fear the cross; and although my wanted to follow the main party, but he did not know how sufferings should be very great, yet they will not be greater to navigate, and Hood was “now so weak as to be scarcely than I am willing to endure” (Fénelon, 1800:5–6, 35). able to sit up at the fireside, and complained that the least When the explorers set off for the Arctic Ocean in the breeze of wind seemed to blow through his frame” (Rich- spring of 1821, at least some of Lady Lucy’s books went ardson, in Franklin, 1823:454). Soon afterwards, follow- with them. In the last stages of their desperate return march ing an argument with Teroahauté, Hood was found dead across the barren lands, they still retained a few of the of a gunshot wound. Teroahauté claimed it was suicide, smaller volumes, including Fénelon’s Pious Reflections, but the ball had entered at the back of the young officer’s Bickersteth’s Scripture Help, the New Testament, and the head. “Bickersteth’s Scripture Help was lying open beside Book of Common Prayer. When Hood became too weak to the body, as if it had fallen from his hand, and it is prob- continue, he remained behind with Richardson and seaman able, that he was reading it at the instant of his death,” Rich- John Hepburn while the rest of the party proceeded towards ardson recorded (in Franklin, 1823:456–457). Teroahauté’s the expedition’s winter quarters, Fort Enterprise. Richard- subsequent behaviour was suspicious enough to convince son later recounted that the books had “proved of incalcula- Richardson and Hepburn that they would be his next vic- ble benefit to us. We read portions of them to each other as tims. “[A]s I was thoroughly convinced of the necessity of we lay in bed, in addition to the morning and evening ser- such a dreadful act ... I put an end to his life by shooting him vice, and found that they inspired us on each perusal with through the head with a pistol,” wrote Richardson (in Frank- so strong a sense of the omnipresence of a beneficent God, lin, 1823:458; see also Cavell, 2007). According to Harriet that our situation, even in these wilds, appeared no longer Martineau (1869:234), who knew Richardson in his old age, destitute; and we conversed, not only with calmness, but “the sufferings of that fearful time, and especially the nec- with cheerfulness, detailing with unrestrained confidence essary homicide, left their traces for life on [his] counte- the past events of our lives, and dwelling with hope on our nance ... The frequent remark of strangers, to the end of his future prospects” (Richardson, 1984:148; also in Franklin, life, was that his face had the expression of a man who had 1823:449). Hood was particularly fond of repeating a prayer suffered to excess.” that had been appended to Fénelon’s book: Richardson and Hepburn then made their way to Fort Enterprise, where they expected to find supplies. There were none. Franklin and three of the voyageurs, all very 136 • J. CAVELL weak, remained at the fort; another party, led by George dignifies the most manly, as well as the mildest graces of Back, had gone to seek help from the Yellowknife, the human character. In every circumstance ... we are presented Native band hired by Franklin as hunters. At Richardson’s with a palpable and triumphant proof of the superiority of urging, Franklin began to read aloud from the New Testa- that courage, which emanates from a religious dependence ment and the prayer book each morning and evening. This upon the power and promise of God, over that which is sup- practice, as he later wrote, “serv[ed] to re-animate our hope plied by mere instinct and constitution,” declared the Brit- in the mercy of the Omnipotent, who alone could save and ish Review. After quoting Richardson’s testimony about the deliver us” (Franklin, 1823:464). Though the party tried to reading of religious books, the writer commented: “Such keep their spirits up by “conversing on common and light were the resources, such the supports, to which these brave subjects,” they also “sometimes discussed with seriousness men turned in the hour of their worst earthly extremity; and earnestness topics connected with religion” (Franklin, and from which they derived a peace, which the world can 1823:466). A week later relief arrived; unfortunately, it was neither give, nor take away” (Anon, 1824a:24–25). The too late to save the lives of voyageurs Joseph Peltier and reviewer considered the story of the expedition as part of a François Semandré. much broader story in which Britain, awakened to its spir- Both Franklin and Richardson would always remember itual responsibilities by the threat of invasion from godless, their first Arctic journey as a time of religious exaltation, secular France, first triumphed over the enemy forces and and even joy, as well as suffering. “I never experienced then carried religious truth and scientific enlightenment Such ... happiness from the comforts of religion as in the to every part of the globe. The explorers’ survival demon- moments of the greatest distress, when there scarcely strated the workings of divine providence; therefore, reli- appeared any reason to hope that my existence could be pro- gious thoughts could “cast a chastened brightness over the longed beyond a few days. It becomes us therefore to praise recollection of their common perils, miseries, friendship, the Lord for his goodness and declare the wonders that he support, and deliverance” (Anon, 1824a:5). The Christian doeth for the children of Men,” Franklin wrote to his brother Observer agreed that it was “truly delightful and edifying Willingham (in Davis, 1997:202). Richardson told his wife, to observe the steady piety of the English party.” The writer “I bless the Almighty Protector of the universe that He was unhesitatingly attributed the explorers’ fortitude to “the pleased to comfort me under every trial by the consolation operation of religious hopes, feelings, and principles, kept of religion. The consciousness of being constantly under alive by frequent acts of devotion, and displaying them- His all-seeing eye, and for ever an object of His paternal selves in a spirit of profound resignation to the will of God, care, conjoined with His glorious declaration that ‘all things attended with a cheering trust in the continued protection of work together for good to those who love Him,’ supported his good Providence.” After describing the death of Hood, me under every trial, and produced a calmness of mind and the reviewer took the opportunity to recommend a new resignation to His will, under the prospect of approaching book by Bickersteth, Practical Remarks on the Prophecies death, that I could not previously have hoped for.” He con- (Anon, 1824b:168; on the writing, publication, and reception cluded by observing: “If it were possible that any man could of the narrative, see also Cavell, 2008:98–115). remain an infidel in such a situation, how dreadful would Presumably, Lady Lucy was equally pleased with the his suffering be!” (in McIlraith, 1868:112). Elsewhere, Rich- results of her gift. She was not mentioned by name in Frank- ardson wrote that if only Hood’s life had been spared, he lin’s narrative, but the fact that she was the donor of the would look back on the time of their greatest distress “with books was likely well known in Evangelical circles. More- unalloyed delight” (Richardson, 1984:148; also in Franklin, over, Franklin had named Barry’s Island after her, though 1823:449). Hood’s father, the Reverend Richard Hood, had (perhaps feeling that a lady’s name should not be brought apparently feared before the expedition began that his son to public notice) he discreetly claimed that Colonel Barry was falling away from his faith. Though “broken-hearted” was the person he intended to honour (Franklin, 1823:394). at the loss of “[m]y dear, dear Robert, the pride of my lit- Declining the opportunity to be lionized by London society, tle family,” Reverend Hood thanked Richardson for having Franklin visited the Barrys frequently and appeared more helped to revive “those principles of religion, which I trust and more interested in the religious ideas that prevailed he had never entirely forgotten.” Robert was “lost to me for among their circle of friends. ever in this life. But ... I trust that he will not be lost in the However, Lady Lucy was far from being the only, or next” (in McIlraith, 1868:117). even the most important, woman in Franklin’s life at this time. Soon after his return to England, he had asked Eleanor Porden to marry him. Like Lady Lucy, Eleanor came into After the Expedition Franklin’s life as a result of the Buchan expedition—and interestingly, in this relationship reading also played an Amid the chorus of approval that greeted Franklin’s important part. Aged only 22 in the spring of 1818, Eleanor Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, the was already the published author of a long poem, The voices of Evangelical reviewers were particularly strong. Veils. After a visit to the Arctic ships at Deptford, she was “The expedition seems to have been conducted in the spirit inspired to write another poem, called The Arctic Expedi- of that simple and sincere devotion which hallows and tions. When Franklin read it, he immediately sought an LADY LUCY BARRY AND JOHN FRANKLIN • 137 introduction. They became better acquainted in the inter- and Wilberforce directed their eloquence to precisely such val between Buchan’s expedition and Franklin’s departure people. These writers and others like them argued that in 1819. true Christians must first acknowledge their own weak- The daughter of a successful architect, Eleanor was an ness and helplessness. They would then acutely realize that heiress, but her father was a self-made man, and her social only through Christ’s intercession could they be saved. As standing was consequently well below Lady Lucy’s. In Wilberforce indignantly wrote, nominal Christians seemed appearance, too, she was very different. By the standards of almost arrogant in their assumption that they would achieve the time, Eleanor was no beauty. She was small and grace- salvation through their own virtues, not through Christ’s ful, rather childish in appearance, with a round face, snub sacrifice. A later writer commented on how powerfully nose, and dark hair. Her archly playful ways were combined Wilberforce had drawn a contrast “between Christianity with sharp intelligence and a keen sense of humour. She did lowered, misapprehended, obscured, falsified, by the pre- not possess the “unassuming and sweet voice” and “very vailing doctrine and morals of the day, and Christianity ... soft manner” of the Annesley sisters. Instead, when she as it is loved and obeyed by those in every age, who, like could not make her points through playfulness, Eleanor was the primitive Christians, or our Reformers of the sixteenth willing to confront her fiancé directly and bluntly. Her sis- century ... live unto God by the faith of a crucified Saviour” ter Henrietta, who had more conventional notions of femi- (in Wilberforce, 1833:vii). ninity, later noted disapprovingly that Eleanor “maintained Franklin was deeply distressed by the possibility that his her own opinions too stoutly against him, when it would fiancée “did not admit ... the intercession of our Saviour.” have been more graceful to have yielded” (in Woodward, He later explained that because “this is the ground of my 1951:148). Faith ... the bare apprehension of a contrary reliance being From the time of their engagement on, Franklin and entertained by the friend with whom I had the prospect of Porden frequently sparred on the subject of religion. She passing the remaining portion of my life – gave me incon- had been raised as a conventional Anglican of the Regency ceivable pain” (in Gell, 1930:214–215). It seems clear that period, and she therefore considered it no sin to read novels, Franklin passed Eleanor’s comments on to Lady Lucy, and write letters, or socialize with her literary friends on Sun- that the latter considered it her duty to guard her new pro- days. Her father was from the north of England, where reli- tégé against the possible effects of marriage with a woman gious dissent was strong, but his professional life led him of undesirably lax doctrinal views. Almost certainly at Lady into very different circles. He rose to high favour with the Lucy’s urging, Franklin sounded Eleanor on one point after worldly Prince of Wales (later King George IV), for whom another. Though Barry’s name was not mentioned in their he built the royal stable at Brighton—a huge, ornate, glass- letters until July 1823—many months after their engage- domed building in what was described as an “Indo-Sara- ment—Eleanor had long been aware of Franklin’s visits to cenic” or “Mughal” style. William Porden viewed religious the older woman, and she knew Lady Lucy had developed a enthusiasm with suspicion. He encouraged his daughter to very intimate, “almost maternal” relationship with him (in read the Bible, but to shun books like Bickersteth’s. “[H]e Gell, 1930:199). A certain degree of apprehension, and even never admitted a comment[ary] on the Scriptures in his jealousy, may well have contributed to the zeal with which House,” Eleanor told Franklin. “I think that having wit- Porden defended her own beliefs. nessed in his youth much of the evils of Sectarianism led “I have already acquainted you with my ideas respecting him to carry his system too far, for I know I often felt in the observance of the Sabbath, on this point however I fear want of Historical notes, and am afraid you will frequently we in some degree differ, though probably not essentially. be shocked at my ignorance. But on the whole I think him It would afford me the greatest gratification to learn your right.” In Eleanor’s view, “The simpler our Religion is, the sentiments on the conversations that have passed between better. To love our God and obey his commands with cheer- us relative to these important points,” Franklin wrote rather fulness is almost the only precept we require in our duty stiffly in May 1823. No doubt anticipating the accusation toward Heaven, and to do in all as we would be done by, that he was becoming more of a Methodist than an Angli- assuredly comprizes all that can be taught of our duties to can, he was careful to assure Porden that he remained “a our fellow creatures. ... as for books of Moral Instruction, warm admirer of our most excellent Church Establishment they are generally mere dilutions of the Sacred Text. I own I and all its institutions” (in Gell, 1930:133). A week later, consider my time more profitably employed in drawing my having received no response on the subject so dear to his own deductions” (in Gell, 1930:148). heart, he asked her to “pardon my frequent introduction of Eleanor’s arguments, clear-headed and praisewor- religious subjects in my letters. I feel most solicitous that we thy though they appear to modern readers, were hardly should of all other things entirely agree on this important calculated to set Franklin’s mind at rest. By Evangelical point” (in Gell, 1930:140). She replied lightly: “I believe ... standards, she was merely a “nominal” Christian. Nomi- that no two persons ever thought exactly the same on any nal Christians were well intentioned and lived virtuous subject ... This must be particularly the case in matters of enough lives, but they lacked what the Evangelicals called religious belief, but as I trust you are neither Catholic nor vital religion—“a turning the whole mind to God,” as Han- Methodist I presume you are not bound to consider me as nah More described it (in Bradley, 1976:20). Both More eternally condemned if it should turn out that we differ on 138 • J. CAVELL some point of faith equally above the comprehension of to what she called “the prostitution of Scripture on unnec- either.” Eleanor observed pointedly that if they were “both essary occasions” and to “one passage which approaches sincere disciples of our English Church,” they could dis- to blasphemy” (in Gell, 1930:199–200). Lady Lucy had agree only on minor matters, “and such difference, should compared Franklin’s situation to the temptation of Christ. it exist, can only call on us to begin at home with some- Eleanor assumed that, by implication, her own money, her thing of that spirit of toleration which we profess towards literary fame, and her love of society placed her in the role all the world.” Then she warned him that he would never of Satan (see Gell, 1930:206). find her “over ready to discuss such subjects,” for she firmly In response, Eleanor wrote uncompromisingly that if believed they were “the bane of Society, in leading to the John expected her to follow Lady Lucy’s spiritual precepts, endless multiplication of sects” (in Gell, 1930:147). “it is my duty to tell you frankly that you are mistaken.” In response, Franklin assumed a conciliatory tone, but If he was set on complete conformity between them, then he also made it clear that he would not allow the subject to it would be better for the engagement to be broken off (in drop. “I do not, my dear friend, expect a perfect conform- Gell, 1930:200). If he wished the marriage to go ahead, he ity in our religious opinions (however desirable it would must give up his friendship with Lady Lucy. “For her sake,” have been to me) but I should hope and trust that we do not Eleanor wrote, “I deeply deplore the aberration of a mind differ on any point of faith, being as we profess both sin- which has evidently been refined and elegant – but for yours cere admirers of the excellent Liturgy and instructions of – whether I am ever anything to you or not, I conjure you to the Church of England,” he wrote. “I am far from venturing fly from her acquaintance and from those whose religious to condemn any individual who differs from me in matters feelings resemble hers.” She went on to make a moving plea: of religious faith, on the contrary I feel a high respect for “That you should be strongly and deeply impressed with a every one whom I see following the dictates of his religion sense of gratitude for deliverance from sufferings almost in meekness and humility. And in the partner whom I have unparallelled is but just and natural; you would not deserve selected to share the remaining days of my life I should the name of Christian if you were not. Do not however I wish and hope to find an union of sentiment with respect beseech you turn the Mercies of Heaven into a curse, by let- to the practical part of our duties. We certainly differ on ting the present state of your mind induce you to adopt that these points but I hope a more full expression of each oth- dark and unsocial view of human nature ... to which I feel er’s opinions will produce an accordance of sentiment” (in you are somewhat inclined” (in Gell, 1930:206–207). Gell, 1930:151–152). At first glance, this passage appears Franklin immediately backed down. “I can assure you hypocritical in the extreme: in one breath Franklin claimed my dear friend you mistake in supposing me a Method- to respect and tolerate the opinions of others, but in the next ist,” he told her. “I can by no means enter into the exclu- he expressed his conviction that, in the end, Eleanor would sive ideas and opinions which they entertain ... nor do I go conform to his beliefs. Most likely, however, the inconsist- the length which my friend Lady Lucy Barry has done in ency was the result of a conflict between Franklin’s natural the letters I submitted to your perusal” (in Gell, 1930:209– inclinations and Lady Lucy’s sterner views. Franklin con- 210). A few days later, he assured her of his “sincere affec- cluded his letter by affirming that to receive visitors on a tion” and insisted that he had “not the least disposition” to Sunday would be “unfavourable to that course of thought “judge others” (in Gell, 1930:214–215). However, Franklin and reflexion which I feel to be more congenial to my mind also cautiously affirmed that religious emotion, as opposed after having attended the worship of my God and Saviour” to controversies over religious dogma, would always be of and by defending the religious books from which he had central importance in his life. Eleanor had remarked rather “received much instruction and benefit ... having been led dismissively that there was “no nourishment in pepper” (in by them to search the Scriptures with more earnestness Gell, 1930:207). Franklin’s response was quiet but uncom- than I should probably [otherwise] have done” (in Gell, promising: “The emotions I have had [during the expedi- 1930:152–153). tion] were indeed strong, they afforded me the greatest Matters came to a crisis on 2 July, when Franklin showed consolation at the time, and thanks be to God continue to do Eleanor several letters written to him by Lady Lucy. so” (in Gell, 1930:221). Because the letters were apparently later destroyed, the only John and Eleanor were married on 6 August 1823. There hint of their contents comes from Eleanor’s response, which is no indication that Lady Lucy played any further part in can hardly have been entirely objective. “I perceive that Franklin’s life. On 24 July 1823, her husband had inherited she is a strong Methodist and very anxious for your con- his title. As a peer, he could no longer be a member of the version,” Eleanor wrote. “I have no doubt her intentions are House of Commons, and Irish peerages did not automati- good, and she appears to have more education and common cally convey membership in the House of Lords. Therefore, sense than usually fall to the share of religious enthusiasts, the Barrys likely spent less time in London than they had and is therefore but the more dangerous. I read many parts formerly done, at least for a few years. If this was the case, of her letters with unqualified pleasure and was many times it would have been all the easier for Franklin to place a dis- beginning to hope I had falsely taken up an impression tance between himself and Lady Lucy. In 1825, Lord Farn- against her, when I was again shocked and startled by the ham was selected as one of the representative Irish peers reappearance of all I feared.” In particular, Eleanor objected who sat in the House of Lords, but by that time Franklin LADY LUCY BARRY AND JOHN FRANKLIN • 139 had departed on his second expedition. Shortly after he left, and you are convinced that to gain his intercession his Eleanor (who had been in very poor health since the birth of Commandment must be obeyed. (Franklin, 1826) a daughter in June 1824) died of tuberculosis. As a representative peer, Lord Farnham became one of However, Franklin was careful to add that such spiritual the most strenuous opponents of Catholic emancipation. In practices should not lead anyone to withdraw from society, the late 1820s, his campaign to convert his Irish tenants to thus falling into “indifference to the anxieties and concerns Protestantism became notorious. The initial success of this of others.” He recounted that he had forced himself to join venture (in which several other landowners joined) was the rest of the party in their winter social pastimes, rather great enough for it to be dubbed the “second Reformation.” than indulge “in sorrow to excess” (Franklin, 1826). Lord Farnham’s supporters argued that he was an unusually Lady Lucy Barry’s books, then, had left an indelible enlightened landlord, and that the tenants were moved by mark on Franklin, even though his initial zeal was moder- his benevolent ways; his Catholic critics, on the other hand, ated by his first wife’s more conventional views. Franklin’s alleged that he made use of bribery and threats (see Anon, published narrative, in turn, had left its own mark on the 1827, 1833a; Hempton and Hill, 1992). During this episode, wider British culture of his day. The endurance of suffer- the Farnhams warmly welcomed Methodist preachers, one ing with Christian resignation was held by almost every of whom called Lady Farnham “the soul of the religious writer to be a defining, and highly desirable, characteristic movement” in Ireland (in Reilly, 1847:271). But despite the of the polar explorer. This belief grew even stronger during best efforts of the couple and their associates, the Catholic the Victorian age, as Evangelicalism gained an ever more Relief Act was passed in 1829, and many of the Irish con- influential place in British culture. In 1860, a writer in the verts soon returned to their original faith. Perhaps worn out religious magazine Good Words claimed that the narra- by these disappointments, Lady Farnham died on 10 Octo- tives of Arctic exploration had shown “how courage may go ber 1833 at the age of 61 (Anon, 1833b). She and Franklin hand in hand with Christian faith and trust in God, and win may well have been in contact between his return from the from these its strength and power” and “how the bravest of Arctic in 1827 and the time of her death, but by then Fran- our heroes have also been ... the most reliant on His hand, klin had come to prefer other, more moderate Evangelical whose wonders in the mighty deep they, most of all men, associates. For example, during the 1830s he formed a close had learnt to know and understand!” The writer declared friendship with Thomas Arnold, the headmaster of Rugby that Arctic books “should have a precious value in our eyes” School. It was through Arnold that Franklin met the Rev- because “to the believer in the faith that upheld [the explor- erend Philip Gell, who later married John and Eleanor’s ers] in their severest trials, they have bequeathed associa- daughter (Stanley, 1877:139–140). tions not soon forgotten; as with full heart he turns over the Jane Griffin, who became Franklin’s second wife in record of their wanderings; musing, it may be, on the ‘Scrip- 1828, was not unusually ardent in her religious beliefs, yet ture Help’ of Hood, preserved through all his weary jour- in this second marriage there were no such conflicts as had ney to drop from his hand in death” (Anon, 1860:113). The marked his relationship with Eleanor. Franklin’s faith was idea that Franklin and other British Arctic explorers delib- outwardly quiet and unostentatious, but inwardly it always erately sought out, and perhaps even enjoyed, martyrdom is retained the emotional intensity of his first overland jour- certainly false (see Cavell, 2009). However, the existence of ney. In February 1826, still profoundly afflicted by Elean- popular religious discourses that could transform and ide- or’s death, he wrote to Thomas Bailey Wright from Great alize suffering was of immense significance. Without the Bear Lake that the “kind attentions of friends” might “pre- image of the stoical Christian explorer-hero who would, if vent the outward expression of grieff [sic],” but he could necessary, die with a prayer on his lips and a religious book find no inner peace until in his hand, it is unlikely that the long, frustrating search for the Northwest Passage could have caught the public’s the overflowings of the heart have been poured out attention and held it for so many decades. before the Throne of Heavenly Mercy – and that relief has been imparted which the Almighty alone can bestow. The exercise of prayer under such circum- References stances is as delightful as the duty is important; and were I to search for some of the happiest moments of my Anon. 1817. Authentic memoirs of the revolution in France. life I should undoubtedly look to those in which I was London: Simpkin and Marshall. thus occupied. Then it is when the mind, bowed down, ———. 1824a. Franklin’s journey to the shores of the polar sea. pre-eminently feels its entire dependence on God, and British Review 22(44):1–25. learns duly to appreciate the inestimable value of our ———. 1824b. Review of Captain Franklin’s narrative. Christian Blessed Saviour’s mediation which hath opened a way Observer 24(266):107–118 and 24(267):163–175. of access to Him. Your weakness, your instability, must ———. 1827. The reformation in Ireland. Eclectic Review, New then appear in all their nakedness, and you feel the Series 28(2):97–120. necessity of our Redeemer’s merits to plead for you, ———. 1833a. An excursion in the county of Cavan. Dublin University Magazine 2(10):391–397. 140 • J. CAVELL

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