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Issue 1 Fall 2018 A Letter from the Department of Political Science at Colorado State University

It is with great pleasure that we are publishing the fi rst issue of the Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy, a journal produced by the Political Science community at Colorado State University. Th e goal of this journal is to include research articles and overviews of research agendas and projects by anyone in our community – faculty, graduate and undergraduate students and alumni, as well as students who produce research papers in political science courses.

Th e Journal was coordinated by an editorial committee consisting, in alphabetical order, of: Gamze Cavdar, faculty, Karli Hansen, Academic Success Coordinator in Political Science, Matt Hitt, faculty and Undergraduate Coordinator, Sam Houghteling, Program Manager of the John Straayer Center for Public Service Leadership, Brad MacDonald, faculty, Ryan Scott, faculty, and Dimitris Stevis, faculty. Jennifer Hitt, Communications and Alumni Coordinator, has provided valuable publicity amd promotion support and advice. Katie Brown, Editor in Chief of the Journal of Undergraduate Research, did the layout of the Journal, and Hannah Haberecht designed the Journal cover. We want to thank the Chair of our Depart- ment, Dr. Michele Betsill, for her personal support and for the support of the Department.

Each submission went through a double blind review process and was accepted only once revisions were satisfactory. We would like to thank the following reviewers: Timea Bailogh, Michele Betsill, Seth Crew, Gamze Cavdar, Courtenay Daum, Peter Harris, Sam Houghteling, Rachel Lentz, David McIvor, Morgann Means, Trenten Robinson, Erin Statz, Madison Taylor, Maura Williams, Mary Witlacil.

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 2 Author Biographies

R  L Rachel Lentz is a fourth year undergraduate at Colorado State University. She will receive her bachelor of arts in December of 2018 in Political Science with a concentration in Environmental Politics and Policy. As part of her undergraduate experience, Rachel had the opportunity to intern in the British Parliament for a Member of the House of Commons representing the Scottish National Party. Here, she was exposed to the advanced environmental policies of Scotland that eff ectively inspired her and encouraged her to pursue environmental politics.

M  P  Megan was born and raised in Anchorage, Alaska, and is currently fi nishing her senior project for Colorado State University. While attending Colorado State University she majored in Health and Exercise Science with a concentration in Health Promotion and minored in Business Administration. Long-term she hopes to go into ministry, counseling, or humanitarian relief. Her article is a revised version of a paper she wrote for POLS232 (International Relations) that she took in the Fall of 2017 with Dr. Betsill.

C  D  Courtenay W. Daum is a Professor of Political Science at Colorado State University and she is affi liate faculty with the Center for Women’s Studies and Gender Research. Her research interests include organized interest mobilization and litigation in the courts, feminist legal theory, critical legal studies and gender and politics. Currently, Daum is completing a book on trans identities and interests, governmentality and the limitations of rights. At CSU, Professor Daum teaches a variety of classes including Gender and the Law, American Constitutional Law and U.S. Civil Rights and Liberties.

D  W. MI David W. McIvor is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Colorado State University. His research interests are in democratic theory, critical theory, and psychoanalysis. His fi rst book—Mourning in America: Race and the Politics of Loss—was published by Cornell University Press in 2016.

P H  Peter Harris is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Colorado State University, where his teaching and research focus on international security, US foreign policy, and International Relations theory. He is available to advise students on these topics and more. He is a regular contributor to the online edition of Th e National Interest.

S  O Susan Opp is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Colorado State University. Dr. Opp’s research focuses on the intersection of economic development and sustainability in American cities. She teaches courses in public policy, public administration, and research methods.

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 3 Table of Contents

Title Author Page

Scotland: Green, But How Just? By Rachel Lentz 5

A Fictional Application of International Relations Th eory: Th e Game of Th rones White By Megan Parish 13 Walker Invasion

What’s Next? A Critical Analysis of Institutionalized White Supremecy By Courtenay Daum 17

Death and Democracy By David W. McIvor 21

How Does China Matter? A Research Agenda for International Relations By Peter Harris 25

Sustainable Economic Development and the Maker Movement in American Cities By Susan M. Opp 30

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 4 Scotland: Green, But How Just? B R  L

Introduction is Scotland’s environmental/climate policy? dimensions, the authors identify three Sustainable development, green Based on the quality of green transition, main categorizations to help guide the economy, and green transitions all sit high is a just transition held to the same level? debate. Hopwood et al. (2005) explain that at the top of many economists, political Scotland is chosen as a means of analysis “overlaid on this map are three broad views scientists, and political representatives list of because they are leading in green transition on the nature of the changes necessary in relatively recent, yet incredibly vital concepts policies, but further examination of their just society’s political and economic structures for the future. As cities, states, countries, transition reveals that their green policies are and human–environment relationships intergovernmental organizations, civil not representative of their just policies. to achieve sustainable development” society organizations, and even multinational In order to answer these questions (42). The authors (2005) claim that they corporations begin to more seriously this article proceeds as follows. First, generated this typology so that it creates a address the concept of climate change, it this article will address the ideals of green “broad conceptual framework” and that the is not only important to monitor the level transitions, what they mean, and how to classifi cation into groups aims to simplify of “green” policies being promoted, but visualize their effectiveness. Additionally, the analytical process (42). Essentially, those to juxtapose these green policies against the added dimension of just transitions guidelines are a tool to assist the readers by the socioeconomic implications of their will be discussed in relation to the policies allowing for a simplifi cation of the process implementation, in order to ascertain carried out by the state in question. Once of identifying and visualizing differing types whether these policies are also “just.” it is clear that an institution is partaking in of green transitions. However, they remain There is a number of varying ideological a green transition, what methods, steps, or loose guidelines, allowing for the fl uidity of preferences revolving around the concept solutions have they employed to protect the typology to remain intact. of sustainable development. Some those being harmed by the aggressive climate The fi rst of the three categories that organizations will wholeheartedly back their policy being carried out? And fi nally, how Hopwood et al. present is Status Quo. Those economic well being above environmental can their legislation be amended to include a who follow a status quo ideology “recognize regulations, while others will argue that the signifi cant just transition? the need for change but see neither the environment must take precedence over environment nor society as facing insuperable every other socioeconomic need. So, how Interpreting Green and Just Transitions problems” (Hopwood et al. 2005, 42). This can one differentiate amongst competing Green Transitions approach is generally the dominant view of interpretations and practices in terms of There are various typologies that can business and governmental entities as they how green and how just they are? In the fi rst be used to interpret and compare green argue that business “is the driver toward part of this article I discuss the analytical transitions, (e.g., Clapp and Dauvergne (2011), sustainability” (Hopwood et al. 2005, 42). scheme and concepts employed to interpret Tienhaara (2013), Jacobs (2012), or Connelly The entities that operate under status quo and differentiate amongst green transitions, (2007)). For reasons discussed below, this support economic wellbeing as a means such as Scotland’s green transition. paper argues that the typology of Hopwood of environmental protection and market By using the fl uid typology presented by et al. (2005) is the most useful. Hopwood strategies are assumed to be the solution to Hopwood et al. (2005) this article will identify et al. present an analytical scheme for the environmental crisis. a theoretical means of categorizing green distinguishing amongst various sustainable The second approach, and the category transitions using sustainable development development approaches, which allows for which represents the middle ground, is classifi cations presented by Hopwood et al. more comprehensive interpretation and Reform. Unlike those who adhere to status It will further utilize such categorizations mapping that addresses both greenness and quo, reformists are much more likely to accept by presenting and analyzing one instance justice. Though Hopwood et al. discusses that there mounting problems, which must of green transition, Scotland. This paper various sustainable development approaches, be addressed, but because they are centrist in will focus mostly on Scotland’s, as a state, this paper utilizes their arguments to discuss their beliefs, they are less likely to argue that green transition policies. A successful green transitions. This is due to the ideal that there is in imminent “ecological or social” implementation of a green transition cannot sustainable development is a culmination of collapse. (Hopwood et al. 2005, 43). Rather be complete without a level of justice green transition policies. than address deep or systemic environmental provided to the workers and communities The analytical scheme that Hopwood et and social obstacles, they are more likely to being displaced through de-carbonization al. use has two axes. Each axis represents introduce reforms based on “technology, processes. Strict evaluation of policies a concern in the sustainable development good science and information, modifi cations in place to address the socioeconomic debate. The x-axis is labeled “increasing to the market and reform of government” implications of green transitions must also environmental concerns.” As an institution (Hopwood et al. 2005, 43). Thus, reformists be utilized to fully understand the success places more emphasis on environmental will be likely emphasize the importance of or failure of green transitions. Based on regulation, they will move farther right along increased reliance on renewable energy and, not only the green policies of a country, the x-axis. The y-axis addresses “increasing therefore, advocate the introduction of organization, or city, but on the level of socioeconomic well-being and equality policies that will systematically allow for a justice to workers and communities which concerns.” Similarly, as an institution clean energy transition, most likely through they provide, the Hopwood typology allows a addresses the socioeconomic well-being as governmental interference. They might also comprehensive understanding of how green well as equality, they move higher up the address market institutions by implementing and just a transition is. As a result, this article y-axis (Hopwood et al. 2005, 42) reforms to create “taxes and subsidies employs two research questions. How green On the basis of these two axes, or [changes]” (Hopwood et al. 2005, 44).

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Finally, rounding out their typology are Transformative ideologies that strongly support the notion of anthropogenic liability for mounting environmental problems. In the words of Hopwood et al. (2005), “transformationists see mounting problems in the environment and/or society as rooted in fundamental features of society today” (45). Ideally, a transfomationist would prioritize the solution of environmental and social issues over economic gain and growth. According to Hopwood et al. (2005), an extreme example of a transfomationist ideology would be eco-feminist movements due to their beliefs in equality tied to environmental protection. It is important to note, however, that the authors recognize that there are Status Quo, Reformist, and Transformative ideologies that do not pay attention to equity over environmental concerns or environmental concerns over equity. As a result, they identify an area within their analytical scheme that includes those approaches that seek to combine the two in some fashion, which they refer to as Sustainable Development. Strategies which culminate such a scheme Figure 1: Hopwood et al. Typology with an end goal of sustainable development can be referred to as green transitions. Other scholars have also sought environmental protection and regulation, selection of defi nitions are provided that to categorize types of sustainable versus their focus on socioeconomic well support the most a fl uid hybrid between development. For example, Steve Connelly being and equality. By plotting these differing Hopwood et al.’s most proactive category, (2007) presents two extreme levels of approaches of sustainable development, Transformative and the center category, sustainable development, which happen green growth and transitions in the Hopwood Reformist. The Organisation for Economic to mirror Hopwood’s. On one end of the et al. typology, it provides an example for Cooperation and Development (OECD) continuum he places weak sustainable how to analyze various instances of green claims, “transformation is not only about development while, on the other, he places transitions, such as Scotland. Moreover, phasing out polluting sectors, it is also strong sustainable development. Weak SD their typology also allows us to physically about new jobs, new industries, new skills, represents “a more economic approach to place various approaches to just transitions. new investment and the opportunity to sustainable development, choosing to focus create a more equal and resilient economy” greater attention on economic growth” and Not Only Green, But Just (International Trade Union Confederation under strong SD the goals of environmental As Hopwood et al. suggest the 2017). They suggest that there needs to protection and/or social equality are “top environmental dimension is not the only be a deliberate and conscious effort by the priority” (Connelly 2007). one to be considered when evaluating institution to ensure a transition into more Similarly, Jacobs (2012) begins with a sustainable development or a green “environmentally and socially sustainable categorization of standard green growth transition. Theorists must identify the jobs” (ITUC 2017). This particular approach which is an assertion that economic quality of the socioeconomic factors that lays in the reform category. Additionally, the growth can continue and help decrease may be effected by the decision to go Labor Network For Sustainability (LNS) environmental impacts simultaneously. green. For example, both workers and (2016) likens the idea of a just transition Focusing mainly on economic growth, the community which they inhabit must to Superfund programs and claim that Jacobs’ strong version is not profound be considered and provided with proper it is necessary to offer fi nancial support, enough to be considered Transformative. transitional plans in order for a transition education, and opportunity to the workers Rather, his understanding of strong green to be truly just. What kinds of policies that have been displaced by environmental growth falls in the reform category of may be implemented to protect those most regulation and protection (Labor Network Hopwood, suggesting “environmental effected by, for example, the closing of a For Sustainability, 2016). Similarly, Lipsitz protection [is] not just compatible with coal fi red power plant? Essentially, just and Newberry (2017) claim, “a Just continued economic growth; it could transition is the notion that when a state Transition does not destroy jobs, it creates possibly promote it” (Jacobs 2012, 8). employs techniques to positively remedy the hundreds of thousands of new ones; it helps Overall, then, the Hopwood et al. effects of environmental degradation, they communities keep services and schools, it typology is the most comprehensive must also consider how such strategies will doesn’t gut them… it fosters public/private because of the fl uidity it allows. Each of negatively affect the people whom inhabit partnerships” (1). This particular approach the above sets of approaches can be placed the state. is more transformative. within its analytical parameters, based on The defi nition of a just transition However, it is important to note, their understanding of the importance of is also a contested subject. Therefore, a according to Zabin et al. (2016), that not

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 6 Lentz all jobs classified as “green” and that have does such instances of categorization apply ‘devolved’ to mean, “The transfer of powers been created by environmentally conscious to research concerning Scotland’s green from a central to a regional authority” (The institutions, are “good” jobs. Zabin et al. transition? How does Hopwood et al.’s Scottish Parliament: Visit and Learn). The (2016) insists that in order for a transition approach help us to interpret whether its setup can very easily be juxtaposed to the to be just, it must allow for the production green transition is both green and just? In United States’ system of federalism, in of a sufficient amount of good jobs. Good the words of Hopwood et al. (2005), “The which the states are granted sovereign rights jobs focus on the quality of the job and concept of sustainable development is the within their borders and possess their own that includes livable wages, good working result of the growing awareness of the global governments. conditions, benefits, and effectively outline a links between mounting environmental Under such an arrangement, the Scottish possible career path for the worker. (Zabin et problems, socio-economic issues to do with government is “allowed to debate and pass al. 2016) Attention needs to be paid to the poverty and inequality and concerns about a legislation that controls all of Scotland, demographics of those receiving the jobs, healthy future for humanity… strongly links but only on certain matters including, with specific focus given to disadvantaged environmental and socio-economic issues” but not limited to: education, healthcare, communities. Additionally, communities (39). The question to be addressed is, how environmental regulation, transport, tourism, need to be taken care of. Money to protect much? How green and how just are the etc.” (The Scottish Parliament: Visit and Learn). workers cannot be taken from other transitions being seen today? This paper will However, what is excluded from their reign institutions such as education. For example, see that Scotland is very successful in their are issues of immigration, social security, in a case study outlined by Lipsitz and green transition. In fact, they are ahead of defense and foreign policy. Such powers are Newberry (2017), the closure of a power the curve. However, they are behind in their exclusively reserved for the jurisdiction of plant was met with plans to help rehabilitate justice aspects. Different types of growth, the United Kingdom’s Parliament. the workers being most affected. However, different policies, ideological beliefs and For the purpose of environmental in order to do so, their education systems means are going to be at odds with each regulation, it is essential to identify the lost a significant portion of their funding. other. This is why sustainable development function and jurisdiction of the devolved Therefore, comprehensive transitional and green transitions are such an important government. Issues of environmental programs must be created to address the research target. Identifying what is working regulation and other affairs which affect the entirety of the community. and what is not is a valuable means of environment, such as transportation, are Though each definition of what a just growth and hope for effective environmental under the control of the Scottish Parliament. transition entails may vary slightly, most policies. Therefore, it is important to study Such a fact is not often fully comprehended accept the notion that there needs to be leaders in green transitions such as Scotland, by scholars or the general public alike, but community discourse and social dialogue in while also critiquing them so as to hopefully is important to understanding why Scotland order to drum up the best possible solution improve means of green transitions in the leads the world in climate policy. While to supporting communities effected by future. Scotland is often grouped with the UK on climate change and environmental regulation. To evaluate such questions, this article matters of the environment, it has committed Zabin et al. (2016) goes as far as to describe will use original legislation passed by the to environmental regulation at a much higher the creation of a “social contract” in order Scottish Government to identify and further standard than the United Kingdom alone, to “manage a transition to a low-carbon evaluate the steps they have been taking in making them a very interesting subject to economy that both maximizes the benefits their green transitions. It will make use of study. of low-carbon economic development draft legislation to identify the steps Scotland and minimizes the risks to working people plans to take in the future as they continue Scotland’s Climate Policy and disadvantaged communities” (6). along their green transition trajectory. To Scotland’s main environmental Each institution that may be effected by counter the governmental proceedings, regulation initiative began in 2009 with an environmental policy to a low-carbon this article will use outside research and the passage of their Climate Change Act economy, such as the closure of a power comments from third party interest which is a sovereign act of Scotland and, plant, must be directly involved, therefore groups, more specifically environmental thus, different from any other regulations directly heard. Lipsitz and Newberry (2017) organizations invested in the Scottish green previously being adhered to by the UK discusses that community discourse is transition. government. This particular act outlines “the key” to creating mass environmental various ways of beginning to decarbonize movements (2). The ITUC (2017) claims Scotland: A Leader in Climate Policy Scotland all together. However, most notable there needs to be a significant collaboration Devolution are its targets for emissions reduction which between social partners such as unions and Though technically a member of have been set to be at least 80% lower than governments. This collaboration allows for the United Kingdom, Scotland retains the baseline by 2050 (The National Archives all groups being directly affected by state led significant self-governance through their of the UK). They define the baseline as, net energy transitions to have an equal say in the own Parliament and Executive. Despite their Scottish emissions from the year 1990, which creation of governmental policies to help membership in the UK, a majority of social are estimated to be just under 80 MtCO 2e transition into a cleaner world. These types welfare issues within its borders are under (“Scottish Greenhouse Gas Emissions”). of collaborative measures have been proven the control and sovereignty of the Scottish Scotland’s ambitious 2050 reduction to be successful for small town communities, Parliament. The technical term for such target has served as a driver for all reductions such as the Huntley Power Plant that Lipsitz an arrangement is “devolved government.” in Scotland to this date. Also outlined in the and Newberry describe. However, they must The other members of the United Kingdom, original legislation in an interim target to be addressed at larger scales, such as those of besides England, also retain similar powers serve as a guiding point on the way to the Scotland, one of the most ambitious green and provisions under specific acts of the 2050 Target. By 2020, the Scottish ministers transitions at this point in time. UK Parliament which grant them devolved must have successfully completed the How Does It Apply? powers. The Scotland Act of 1998, which necessary policy to ensure a 42% reduction Therefore, the question becomes, how grants these powers to Scotland defines in Scottish emissions (The National Archives

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• By 2020, the use of landfi lls for biodegradable municipal waste will be phased out, • By 2020, Scotland will work with farmers so that they know the pH of the soil on a third of their improved land to help increase the effi cient use of nitrogen fertilizer, • By 2030, Scotland’s electricity system will be entirely de- carbonized, • By 2030, Scotland will be in sync with the UN Sustainable Development Goal of reducing food waste by 50%, • By 2032, Scotland’s woodland cover will increase from around 18% to 21% (The Scottish Government, 2017). Figure 2: Scottish Greenhouse Gas Emissions, 1990 to 2015. Values in MtCO2e (“Scottish Greenhouse Gas Emissions”) The Scottish plan is far-reaching of the UK). The section on the interim until 2032 (The Scottish Government and applies to various sectors such as the target allows for modifi cations to be made 2017). Before this publication, Scotland generation of electricity, transportation, with proper advice and consultation between had already impressed the world by meeting forest regulation, waste, and agriculture. law makers and scientists, engineers, and their interim target of 42% by 2020, six economists to address the likelihood of years early in 2014. Now, Scotland has a Means and Strategies successful changing the goals (The National higher goal of 66% reduction by 2032 and There are many proposed means and Archives of the UK). are well on their way to meeting that target strategies to ensure their green transition The Climate Change Act of 2009 also (The Scottish Government 2017). continues along the successful lines it already comprehensively provides instructions, Other, more specifi c goals include, but has. Some examples of strategies to fulfi ll guidelines, and suggestions for how to meet are not limited to, their plans include, such steep goals. Each section of the act discusses important considerations such as advisory functions of professionals in Scotland, the reporting duties of both the private and public realms, and how public bodies must fulfi ll their duties under the Act in order to decrease emissions (The Scottish Government 2017). Additionally, means of fulfi lling these goals are outlined, including ways to increase energy effi ciency, a reliance on effi cient and clean energy, as well as decreases in waste (The Scottish Government 2017). However, perhaps most notably, under the Climate Change Act of 2009, Ministers are required to release reports setting out policy improvements before the Scottish Parliament, stating whether annual targets have been met and setting new targets. The most recent was published in January 2017. The new draft (RPP3) is in place to allow Scotland to continue to develop their environmentally friendly transition. The newest publication, though still a draft, has been created to update Scotland’s goals to match those of the Paris Climate Accord. Operating under the slogan of “A Low Carbon Scotland is a Better Scotland,” the new draft plan proposes 170 pages worth of new and improved strategies to continue to decrease carbon emissions in Scotland Figure 3: Annual Target 2017-2032 (The Scottish Government, 2017)

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to capture the main characteristics of an and even the UK Committee on Climate • Scrutiny through the requirement energy system and the inter-linkages within Change (CCC) acknowledges this fact of publishing regular updates to it.” (“New Climate Change Plan” 2017). (“Reducing Emissions in Scotland” 2017). the plan, The model supposedly combines a technical The CCC continuously releases progress • Deployment of Carbon Capture engineering approach and an economic reports to Parliament as Scotland continues and Storage, approach to identify the main characteristics to release new draft plans. In their most • Required to set out policies and which are effecting the progress of the green recent report, the CCC speculates about the proposals for energy efficiency, transition (“New Climate Change Plan” promise of the RPP3 because it proposes energy generation, land use and 2017). The Scottish version of TIMES little progress past de-carbonization. The transport, actually interacts with non-energy sectors CCC is calling for greater policy regarding • Cross governmental approaches such as land use and waste, making it more other environmental barriers, such as the with local government as well as comprehensive, and inherently more green. inefficiency of transportation industry. third party interest groups, It is hoped that the new model will show Additionally, they believe that there can be • Mandatory reporting from all public “investments to be made at any given point improvements in agriculture and heat as bodies to track public sector action in time which represent the lowest overall well. They are concerned that the Scottish and to make policy improvements, cost solution to meet demand subject to Parliament is focusing too narrowly on de- • Participation in the EU Cap-and- the constraint of delivering this within the carbonization and should therefore expand Trade program for the trader sector emissions permitted by Scotland’s Climate their interests to other environmental threats. in Scotland, Change targets” (Environment, Climate Change, The Committee (“Reducing Emissions in • Consumption emissions, and Land Reform Committee 2017). Scotland” 2017) claims in their report, • Strict monitoring systems, • Policy output indicators, Scrutinizing Green Transitions There have not been significant • Phase out diesel and petrol cars However, despite covering a wide emission reductions in most sectors completely, spectrum, the program seems to be focused outside electricity generation in • Establishing 60 million pounds first and foremost on decreasing carbon recent years. More needs to be done, toward low-carbon infrastructure, emissions in Scotland. especially in sectors such as transport, • Restoration of 250,000 acres of peat When scrutinizing green transitions, agriculture and heat for nonresidential land (The Scottish Government it is important to identify the actual green buildings in which little progress is 2017) quality of the goals. For example, based currently being made. Otherwise, on Hopwood et al.’s spectrum, how Scotland’s ambitious targets will be at Perhaps the most notable change environmentally focused are the goals risk (7). to occur from previous plans is the new compared to economic priorities? There employment of the TIMES model for are definitely pros and cons to the quality It is vital to continue to refer to the measuring the differing aspects of their green of Scotland’s environmental transformation. original legislation set forth in 2009 to transition. The model, “was developed by So far, Scotland has been extremely understand that Scotland really is performing the International Energy Agency – Energy successful and is regarded across the UK well. Based on this, it is rather clear that the Technology System Analysis Programme as being a leader in climate action. Their quality of their goals are inherently green. (IEA-ETSAP) and is a Whole System interim goal, set out in 2009, was met easily Scotland outperforms everyone else in the Energy Model (WSEM). Such models aim through the process of de-carbonization energy sector but their goals are so ambitious that they have led outside representatives, like the CCC, to argue that they will not be able to continuously meet their goals. However, the RPP3 is not the final plan so the policy changes that organizations such as the CCC are presenting can be considered and implemented. The outside scrutiny is important for the Scottish government to address and knowing their record, they will. The CCC (“Reducing Emissions in Scotland 2017”) suggests that the policies proposed do not hold-up and contain much besides past policy, claiming The draft Climate Change Plan contains little beyond existing policy and commitments, although there have been some subsequent high-level announcements. Without firm new policies, the reductions in Scottish emissions seen in recent years are unlikely to continue in the 2020s (8). There does need to be more ambition Figure 4: Times Model in other sectors beside energy and carbon (The Scottish Government, 2017)

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 9 Lentz reduction. However, Scotland’s current When the term “training” is used to search make strides in de-carbonization, this much ambition in energy must remain strong, within the 170-page plan, there are only 11 is evident by how successful they already because they want to eventually increase matches, with only one instance of actual job are. However, are they going to rely on their emission reduction goal to 90%. The training mentioned. The others were about institutions such as the forest product CCC (“Reducing Emissions in Scotland” providing training to residential drivers to be industry to invest in them in order to create 2017) claims, “Actual Scottish emissions in green and fuel efficient. Therefore, it is clear new jobs for future industry? 2015 were 48 MtCO2e, a 38% reduction on that there is a gap in providing education So how just is Scotland’s transition? 1990 levels. Anticipating a further significant and job training to those most effected by Certainly, there are many provisional and drop in power emissions in 2016 due to environmental regulations. The Scottish general propositions for a just transition. the closure of Longannet, the proposed Parliament mentions that they want to boost This is more so than many other countries 2020 target is in reach but requires greater their economy in order to create high value because, at least, Scotland is identifying reductions in sectors other than power” jobs. The only mention of job training is the problem. However, civil society (12). One thought is that as long as the through their Climate Challenge Fund organizations, such as Friends of the Earth, Scottish National Party (SNP) dominates the (CCF) which invests in communities to assist Scotland and Communication Workers Parliament – which will probably be awhile with social and health issues while creating Union are taking a stand to suggest that since Scottish independence is no where near employment and training opportunities (The maybe Scotland is not as successful as they completion – climate policy will remain at Scottish Government 2017). Unfortunately, would like to assume. the forefront. For example, a quote directly discussion of this program is minimal and from the SNP page states, “We will now the assistance is very narrowly tailored. The The need for action is urgent in seek to continue this progress and maintain CCF is operated as a grant that communities order to avert the environmental and Scotland’s reputation as a global leader on can apply for. However, the main mission economic costs of climate change and tackling climate change” (Furby 2017). of the CCF is to provide funding to to rebalance the economy to one which communities to help assist Scotland in provides enough decent jobs making Just Transition their de-carbonization process, rather than things in clean ways… Workers, if As displayed in the above figure of the to assist in job training and community losing their job in these sectors, should TIMES model which Scotland has recently revitalization (“Climate Challenge Fund” be able to redeploy to new sectors and employed, it is clear that there are some 2017). Additionally, communities most opportunities for retraining must be missing pieces concerning the economy and effected by Scotland’s commitment to de- expanded (“Submission from the Just society section. Energy Service Demands, carbonization will probably be least likely to Transition Partnership” 2016). the social component, does not encompass apply for the assistance. the status of workers and communities that This particular transition will inevitably They go on to claim that, “There has may be effected by such a transition. For require workers with new skills. Suggesting been little planning to ensure the protection the purpose of evaluating Scotland’s just that a country in full de-carbonization mode of the people most affected, in particular transitions, both their provisions for workers will be able to sustain an economy of coal those who work in sectors reliant on left behind and communities left behind will miners and oil rig workers is unrealistic. So, fossil fuels” (“Submission from the Just be addressed. obviously those workers are going to need a Transition Partnership” 2016). Accordingly, When examining the new green place to go. Additionally, the RPP3 outlines “Scotland has the opportunity to create an transition plans outlined in 2017, there are an extensive investment in economic example which other nations might follow. very minimal mentions of concrete plans development across Scotland, meaning there However fine words and targets are not to assist the working class. Every mention will need to be technological development sufficient on their own and experience to of creating green jobs for displaced workers as well. The draft climate plan is claiming date shows that the growth of renewable in the legislation is extremely vague, only that the “Scottish Government analysis energy generation does not necessarily identifying the need to create jobs, but suggests that for every £100 million spent result in the creation of new manufacturing omitting an explicit plan to do so. For on energy efficiency improvements in 2017, and engineering capacity and employment example, the draft plan calls for “setting a approximately 1,000 full-time equivalent jobs in Scotland” (“Submission from the Just course that will modernize and transform the are supported across the Scottish economy” Transition Partnership” 2016). This is a economy over the next 15 years while setting (The Scottish Government 2017). succinct summary of the argument being us up for almost complete decarbonisation However, the question remains, what made in this paper. The existing provisions by 2050. This long-term approach enables are those new jobs being created? This is for workers left behind are absolutely not investors, businesses, communities and where Scotland is especially weak. They are evidence of just transitions, but they should households to plan changes well in advance, extremely optimistic concerning their climate be. In fact, Aitken et al. (2016) criticize the while realising other important benefits” regulation, but they are short on concrete Scottish government’s choice to support (The Scottish Government 2017). As the plans of action to support their communities international climate justice before fully and above quote indicates, it seems as though and workers in a just transition. For example, significantly implementing it at home. They the proposers know there will be changes the RPP3 claims that, “By 2032, Scotland’s claim that discussions of justice in Scotland occurring in the next 15 years, but the only woodland cover will increase from around have largely focused on international issues, mention of communities adapting is that 18% to 21% of the Scottish land area. These omitting the important local issues at hand they will have time to plan for it. There is a new woodlands will absorb greenhouse (Aiyken et al. 2016). The Just Transition limited discussion of long term innovation gas emissions and provide confidence for Partnership (the partnership of third party and creation of new jobs in the new energy the forest products industry to continue to interests) is calling for Scotland to establish a sectors, but again, it is not specifically invest in Scotland and create new jobs” (The Just Transition Commission as part of their outlined. Additionally, it is not coupled with Scottish Government 2017). updated plan in order to concretely address investment in training programs to assist in This seems to be an extremely the just transition problems facing Scotland the transition. hypothetical situation. They are going to (“Submission from the Just Transition

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 10 L 

Partnership” 2016). justice aspect is slightly lost on them. They in the current Scottish government, is calling Like workers, it is obvious that there have managed to invest more in international for “collaboration between workers, trade will be communities left behind by the green justice than justice at home. It is clear that unions, industry and governments to manage transition. The most recent example is the third party organizations are unsatisfi ed with a shift towards lasting jobs” and claiming, closure of the Longannet power plant. It Scotland’s attempt at a just transition. For “individuals, communities and the wider is projected that “over 230 direct jobs and example, Friends of Our Earth (2017) are Scottish economy are not helped by simply an estimated 1,000 indirect ones could be investing a lot of effort and claim that, hoping for a return to the past” (Scottish hit” (Macalister 2016). Clearly, there are Greens 2016). A very strong statement by the communities which are reliant on such a We also know that the transition Greens claims, “we need to start measuring plant and the closure could be detrimental won’t be successful unless it is fair to the success of our economy not just by to their survival. Though the closure of the workers and communities currently looking at GDP but by considering tangible plant marks a step in the right direction for dependent on jobs in oil and gas, and issues such as job security, good health and climate protection, it is of great concern other high carbon sectors… Much of skills” (Scottish Greens 2016). for those reliant on the employment in our progress in reducing emissions has such a plant. Potential provisions include been as a result of de-industrialisation, Concluding Comments And Suggestions increasing the scope of the Climate and policies to deliver the low carbon for Future Research Challenge Fund, which is “fully funded by economy have failed to create new Overall, Scotland is not being as proactive the Scottish Government, [and] supports manufacturing jobs in Scotland. as necessary in creating a fully functional communities across Scotland to run Meanwhile, job losses as a result of low green and just transition. However, it is locally-led projects that reduce local carbon oil prices are hurting the communities conceivable that the Parliament will react emissions” (The Scottish Government in the North East. If the transition well and form organization and coalitions to 2017). Since the launch of the fund in 2008, to a low carbon economy is left to solve these issues. All the literature reviewed the Scottish Government has granted £75.7 market forces, we risk a repeat of the that concerns just transitions claim coalitions million to 588 communities but the Climate devastating social dislocation and high of different interest groups are necessary for Challenge Fund’s focus remains narrowly unemployment experienced as a result a successful just transition. This is exactly tailored to local green transition initiatives, of de-industrialisation and coal mine what third party organizations such as FOE rather than just transition initiatives (The closures. Scotland and the Communication Workers Scottish Government 2017). The only other Additionally, the Green Party in Scotland, Union are calling for in future negotiations statement about communities is rather a small party that only has 6 representatives for Scotland, especially with the idea of broad and calls for, “a strong, low carbon economy – sharing the benefi ts across our communities, reducing social inequalities and creating a vibrant climate for innovation, investment and high value jobs” (The Scottish Government 2017). The Climate Challenge Fund represents a more concrete example of transitional provisions for the communities. It clearly funnels money into the communities affected most by the changing environmental regulations. However, it is clear that a lot of that money goes into green projects rather than supporting the community in their transition. The grant is awarded in fi ve environmental categories including, Energy, Travel, Food, Waste, and an overall panel choice for best project (“Climate Challenge Fund” 2017). For example, the most recent winner of the Energy Grant is an organization that plans to work with ethnic minorities in Edinburgh to increase their home energy effi ciency (“Climate Challenge Fund” 2017). Though an honorable initiative, there seem to be few rewards actually given for community revitalization. The fund should consider adding a category specifi cally for just transition and socioeconomic policies.

Very Green, Perhaps Not So Just Scotland is leading the world in environmental regulations, which is admirable. However, it is clear that they have Figure 5: Where Scotland Sits been signifi cantly infl uenced by their wish to be environmentally just, that the social

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 11 Lentz creating a committee specifically for such a and resources to educating the public about Huntley, a Case Study: Building Strategic Alliances for Real cause. the benefits of a green transition in their Change. At http://www.labor4sustainability.org/wp- content/uploads/2016/09/The-Huntley-Experiment. However, Scotland is reacting well to community and their plans for justice to the pdf. (February 13, 2018). such criticisms. For example, in September workers. Macalister, Terry (2016) “Longannet power station of 2017 the First Minister of Scotland called For example, the LNS (2016) suggests closes ending coal power use in Scotland.” The Guardian. to establish a National Investment Bank education about green transitions will make At https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2016/ mar/24/longannet-power-station-closes-coal-coal- which is stipulated to have the potential them much more successful. They claim, power-scotland. (January 8, 2018). to produce thousands of green jobs in a “It’s no easy task to talk about transition with “New Climate Change Plan.” Climate Change, more concrete manner. As a matter of the workers and communities impacted… The Scottish Government, Sept. 2017, www.gov.scot/ fact, the current director of Friends of the it is critical to have these conversations” Topics/Environment/climatechange/climate-change- plan. (January 8, 2018). Earth Scotland claimed, “The new Scottish (Labor Network For Sustainability 2016). “Reducing Emissions in Scotland: 2017 Progress National Investment Bank could work to They further build their argument by Report to Parliament.” The Committee on Climate Change, help fund the investment that moves us to a suggesting, “When it is contextualized for Sep. 2017, pp. 1–79. low-carbon economy.” Additionally, “if the people it works: ‘People will embrace the “Scotland can build a just transition to a secure sustainable economy” (2016) Scottish Greens, At: https:// bank develops the right remit, it could create frame if it’s meaningful to them’” (Labor greens.scot/news/scotland-can-build-a-just-transition- thousands of green jobs by transforming our Network For Sustainability 2016). Such a to-a-secure-sustainable-economy. (January 8, 2018). transport, heating, housing and electricity” statement supports the understanding that “Scottish Greenhouse Gas Emissions: 1990-2015” (Cairns 2017). transparency and communication will be (2017) The Scottish Government, https://beta.gov.scot/ publications/scottish-greenhouse-gas-emissions-2015/. This is a much more concrete response vital to ensuring Scotland implements proper (January 8, 2018). previous attempts to how to address a strategies for a green, and just transition. “Submission from the Just Transition Partnership: green transition in Scotland than what The Draft Climate Change Plan (RPP3).” (2016) Rural was originally outlined in their provisions. References Economy And Connectivity Committee. Therefore, it is clear that they are a proactive Aitken, Mhairi, Ben Christman, Mike Bonaventura, The National Archives of the United Kingdom Dan van der Horst and Julian Holbrook (2016) “Climate (2009) Climate Change (Scotland) Act 2009 At. http:// government. So, as a response, it is possible Justice Begins at Home: Conceptual, Pragmatic and www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2009/12/contents. to place Scotland on the typology discussed Transformative Approaches to Climate Justice in (January 8, 2018). in the first section of this paper. They Scotland.” Scottish Affairs, Vo. 25: 2. pp. 225-252 At: The Scottish Government (2017) Draft Climate belong in the Reform category seeing as http://www.euppublishing.com/doi/full/10.3366/ Change Plan: A Draft Third Report on Policies and Proposals. scot.2016.0128. (January 8, 2018). At http://www.gov.scot/Resource/0051/00513102. their environmental goals are off the charts, Cairns, Craig (2017) “Scotland’s National pdf though their social goals are lacking. Investment Bank could create thousands of green “What Are the Powers of the Scottish Parliament?” There is evidence to suggest that jobs and ‘drive transition to a low-carbon economy.’” The Scottish Parliament: Visit and Learn. At http://www. Scotland will take the initiative to address The National. At http://www.thenational.scot/ parliament.scot/visitandlearn/12506.aspx. (January 8, news/15612412.Scotland_s_National_Investment 2018). the concerns that societal organizations have _Bank_could_create_thousands_of_green_jobs_ Zabin, Carol et al. (2016) Advancing Equity in suggested. They have been very responsive and__drive _transition_to_a_low_carbon_economy_/ California Climate Policy: A New Social Contract for Low- in the past, as displayed by their significant (January 8, 2018). Carbon Transition. At http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/ increase in green policies. Therefore, further “Climate Challenge Fund” (2017) Keep Scotland pdf/2016/Advancing-Equity-Executive-Summary.pdf. Beautiful” At https://www.keepscotlandbeautiful.org/ (February 13, 2018). research could follow the progression of the sustainability-climate-change/climate-challenge-fund, Scottish environmental state throughout the (January 8, 2018). final publication of this current plan as well Connelly, Steve (2007). Mapping Sustainable as when new, updated drafts are released in Development as a Contested Concept. Local Environment 12(3): 259-278. (March 10, 2018). the future. As for the research questions for Environment, Climate Change, and Land Reform this paper, it is clear that Scotland’s goals are Committee Briefing on the TIMES Model. 31 Oct. 2016. very environmentally based, but they lack the Furby, Liam . “Maintaining Scotland’s Global balance needed for a successful green and Leadership on Climate Change.” Scottish National Party: Updates, SNP, Jan. 19ADAD, 2017, www.snp.org/ just state. The just transition is clearly not scotland_global_leadership_climate_change, (January held to the same level of importance of the 8, 2018). green, de-carbonization policies. There are Hopwood, Bill, Mary Mellor and Geoff O’Brien many ways their legislation can be amended (2005) Sustainable Development: Mapping Different Approaches. Sustainable Development 13(1): 38-52. to increase their just transition policies. (January 1, 2018). Some ideas include adding a sector of International Trade Union Confederation, Just the Climate Challenge Fund specifically for Transition Center (2017) Just Transition: A report for the community revitalization after the effect OECD. At https://www.oecd.org/environment/cc/ g20-climate/collapsecontents/Just-Transition-Centre- of a Scottish de-carbonization policy. It report-just-transition.pdf. (October 24, 2017) could be beneficial to replace the “Awards Jacobs, Michael (2012) Green Growth: Economic Panel Choice” category of the grant with Theory and Political Discourse. Center for Climate Change a focus of environmental justice. Also, as Economic and Policy, WP 108 and Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment WP third parties have suggested, the Scottish 92. (March 10, 2018) Government should implement a committee “Just Transition: A Fair And Just Transition For for climate justice that includes individuals All” (2017) Friends of the Earth: Scotland” At: https://foe. from all sectors of Scottish interest scot/campaign/just-transition/. (January 8, 2018). Labor Network for Sustainability and Strategic groups. Such a committee would allow for Practice (2016) “Just Transition” – Just What is It? An community involvement in the process of Analysis of Language, Strategies and Projects. URL: de-carbonization that might serve to protect http://www.labor4sustainability.org/uncategorized/ the interests of those being directly affected. just-transition-just-what-is-it/. (February 13, 2018). Such a committee may also commit time Lipsitz, Richard and Rebecca Newberry (2017)

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 12 A Fictional Application of International Relations eory: e Game of rones White Walker Invasion B M  P 

Background George R.R. Martin’s A Song of Ice and Fire is one of the most celebrated book and television series of our generation, and possibly in all of history. As the show approaches its nal season, fans are yearning to know how it will end. Up until this point in the books and season six of the show, the focus has been on which leader, and house, will ultimately assume the Iron  rone, making them the supreme authority over Westeros. Each competing house represents a state, which has seen many pursued alliances, succumbed to betrayals and scandals, and engaged in military battles.  ough the show started out with a handful of top houses, each with a leader that was seemingly a worthy contender for the Iron  rone, it is now down to three: 1. House Stark led by Jon Snow, who currently has control of the North. 2. House Lannister led by Queen Cersei who currently holds the Iron  rone. 3. House Targar yen led by Daenerys Targaryen, who has support from many houses in Essos in her e ort to take the Iron  rones from Cersei.

However, as the show has progressed, the viewers have also watched a threat evolve that has the potential to obliterate the entire realm regardless of one’s house a liation—the white walker army and their ruler, the Night King. By real world terms they can be thought of as an army of zombies, but stronger and harder to kill, that were created and are controlled by the Night King. Normally, these beings dwell in the Game of  rones equivalent of the Arctic Circle and are separated from the rest of civilization by a large wall of ice, but as their army has grown and the Night King acquired one of Daenerys’ dragons, they broke down the wall and are now starting to march on the living world. Jon Snow is the only person in the realm to know the extent of this threat, as he was head of the Night’s Watch, a group of men that defends the northern Wall, and has traveled north and seen the white walker’s army many times.

A map of Westeros and Essos (Werthead 2012)

Introduction though they are at war; in a 2017 interview, concern than the current war between states. In the seventh season of Game of Director Jeremy Podeswa stated that this The result of this meeting was that Cersei Thrones, the focus shifted to the undead meeting served as, “the equivalent of a essentially deceived Jon and the other leaders white walker army, which now presents a “Game of Thrones G8 Summit.” During this into believing that she will work together real threat to the entire realm and the lives high-tension meeting, Jon Snow presents a with them to defeat the Night King, which of the citizens within it, though they were captured white walker before the leaders, to the viewer later learns that she has no intent thought to be a myth (Martin, Garcilia, and discuss the impending threat (Weiss, Benioff, of following through on (Weiss, Benioff, and Antonsson 2014). In the fi nal episode of the and Martin 2017). His goal is to convince Martin 2017). series’ penultimate season, Jon Snow calls a the tyrannical Queen Cersei that the threat Though it has always been obvious in meeting of all the great houses, or “states,” is real, and that it should be of greater Game of Thrones that these two leaders have

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 13 Parish radically different views on how to lead, by David Ricardo in 1817, directly reflects is enhanced by the security dilemma (Lamy these events crystalized the extent of their this concept in the context of international et. al. 2016). This is the concept that in an differences. No matter if the Night King ends trade, in asserting that if states specialize anarchic world where states are in constant up annihilating the entire realm or not, at the production and cooperate with other competition for limited resources, when one end of the day either Jon or Cersei’s states will states, it will reap greater benefits for all state gains power and security, another loses be in the fight for longer. This may cause the (Ricardo 1817). Like realist theory, liberalism it; if self-help is a support pillar of realism, viewer to question why are their approaches also has key elements, which include the security dilemma can be thought of as its so different, and furthermore, which one parliamentary democracy, multilateralism, concrete base. Self-help is one explanation will prove victorious? International Relations and functionalism. Parliamentary democracy for why Cersei did not offer aid even before provides scholars with a systematic way to is defined by Encyclopedia Britannica as a, discovering Jon’s loyalty to Daenerys—the analyze the world and its conflicts through “democratic form of government in which citizens of other states are not her concern. different lenses, and it can explain why Jon the party (or coalition of parties) with the Though many lives in the northern territories and Cersei have such different agendas as greatest representation in the parliament are currently at risk, as they are in much closer leaders, and specifically why they have such (legislature) forms the government, its leader proximity to the white walkers, the houses different views on the value of collaborating becoming prime minister or chancellor” in this region are loyal to Jon and therefore, against the white walker threat. By analyzing (2018); it is important to note that each they are not members of the Lannister’s Cersei’s reaction to Jon’s proposition and Member of Parliament is elected in a general state. Cersei alludes to this idea when she the white walker threat through the lens election (The Editors of Encyclopaedia is explaining her deceitful behaviors to of realism, specifically with the elements Britannica 2018). Multilateralism occurs her brother, Jamie Lannister, stating, “The of statism, survival, and self-help in mind, when three or more states cooperate to solve Starks and Targaryens have united against we can gain a better understanding of her a common issue (Lamy et. al. 2016), and was us and you want to fight alongside them?... motives. Similarly, if we investigate Jon’s exemplified by former President Woodrow Let the Stark boy and his new queen defend approach to leadership and the white Wilson in his Fourteen Points statement at the the North, we will stay here where we have walkers through the lens of liberalism and its end of World War I, which called for peace always been” (Weiss, Benioff, and Martin elements of democracy, multilateralism, and among the nations (1918). Functionalism 2017). As stated earlier, the security dilemma functionalism, it becomes evident as to why can be thought of as a product of successful also applies to this situation because not his leadership approach is vastly different multilateralism; it is the notion that when only did Cersei lose power when she lost from Cersei’s. states cooperate on large matters, it will also the North, but additionally when learning spill over into smaller matters and other that Daenerys possesses three, full-sized, Realism vs. Liberalism policy areas (Lamy et. al. 2016). fire breathing dragons, the Game of Thrones A scholar analyzing International equivalent of nuclear weapons (Owen 2017). Relations with realist theory assumes that all Realism and the State of Cersei Lannister Another essential component of states are in conflict through their pursuit of Statism is one of the core tenets of realist realism is survival, which Lamy et al. (2016) power in an anarchic world with no central theory. According to Lamy et al. (2016), states, “is a precondition for attaining all authority (Lamy et. al); it is every man for realism assumes “the state is the main actor, other goals” (p. 76). The element of survival himself. Realist International Relations and sovereignty is its distinguishing trait,” assumes that a state’s key concern above all theory has three main pillars, survival, (p. 74). Cersei’s one condition for providing else, even above global threats such as white statism, and self-help. In order for a state to military aid to Jon in the fight against the walkers, is security against the threats of other thrive, it must first be able to survive, which white walkers was that Jon pledge his loyalty states. This aspect of realism may have been the realist would argue is made possible to Cersei, and renounce his title as King in the Cersei’s primary motive for constructing her through autonomy and conquest. The North. This proposition highlights Cersei’s deceitful plan because when Jaime questions element of statism asserts that the state is main concern of sovereignty because if Jon her reasoning, she responds with, “I will say the primary actor in International Relations, were to agree to this, Cersei would regain whatever I need to say to ensure the survival and sovereignty, or having control over its land and control of the northern state; of our house” (Weiss, Benioff, and Martin territory, is its defining characteristic (Lamy However, Jon had already pledged loyalty to 2017). Daenerys’ dragons are the primary et. al.); furthermore, the more territory a state Daenerys. Cersei’s visible frustration over threat to her state through this element of possesses, the more power it holds. Because this was absolutely justified from the realist realism, because Cersei believes that once there is limited land on earth, states are in perspective because she had now lost her the war against the white walkers is won, constant competition and cannot assume supreme authority over a significant amount Daenerys will turn to destroy Cersei and her that other states will come to their rescue in of territory, thereby decreasing the power of state. the case of disaster, illustrating the element her state. To counteract this, she purchased Looking at Cersei’s abhorrence to of self-help. Italian diplomat Machiavelli, a 20,000 men from the Golden Company in the alliance from a realist perspective, her prominent early realist thinker, describes the Essos (Malitz 2017; Benioff, Weiss, and motives are completely justifiable. The qualities of a realist leader in his book The Martin 2017) and intends to send them to realist element of statism can be seen in Prince, asserting the idea that because leader’s regain the lost land while the other houses, her concern for sovereignty and regaining top priority should be to attain power, they including Jon and Daenerys, are absorbed control of Jon’s northern lands. The element must be masters of deception (2016). in the fight against the white walkers. If her of self-help is especially evident, because Liberal International Relations theory plan unfolds as intended and she reclaims it is obvious that the safety of other states takes a vastly different approach to foreign the land, she will not only regain sovereignty is not her concern. The unease that the affairs; they assume that humans are over the territory, she will also regain her lost knowledge of Jon’s loyalty, and Daenerys’ inherently good, so states will be inclined power. dragons, creates for Cersei is justified to cooperate and help one another, thereby The realist element of self-help maintains through the security dilemma. Furthermore, avoiding conflict. The economic theory that states will look out for themselves first Daenerys and her dragons, especially if of comparative advantage, first cultivated because they cannot trust one another, which the Night King is defeated, pose a very

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 14 Parish real threat to the survival of Cersei’s state. his great understanding for the idea of Conclusion Thus, the International Relations theory of interdependence, or the idea that states are Through International Relations realism provides an excellent framework for affected by the decisions of other states theories, scholars can analyze and view understanding Cersei’s motives. (Lamy et. al. 2016). the world through different perspectives, Functionalism, or the concept that, which reveal details that might not have Liberalism and Jon Snow’s Democracy “cooperation should begin with efforts aimed been apparent before. Consequently, these One of the cornerstones of a at resolving specific regional or transnational theories provide the ability to better evaluate democratic state is that its leaders are problems…and will lead to cooperation, or a leader’s decisions (Lamy et. al. 2016). In selected by the citizens through free and fair spillover, in other policy areas,” (Lamy et. al. the penultimate season of Game of Thrones, elections (Diamond 2004). This principle 2016, p. 90) is a key concept in liberalism that the white walker invasion became a very applies directly to Jon’s current leadership is best illustrated through Jon’s interactions real threat that can no longer be avoided. role because, unlike Queen Cersei who with the wildlings. In Season 5, Episode 8, Leading up to, and during, a meeting acquired the Throne through conquest, he Jon travels to the wildling’s stronghold called between the realm’s states, visible differences was elected through a democratic process. Hardhome, where he meets with the leaders can be seen between Jon Snow and Cersei This occurred in Season 6, Episode 10, when of the tribes north of the Wall (Benioff and Lannister’s leadership and attitudes towards Jon and his sister, Sansa Stark, held a meeting Weiss 2015). His purpose for assembling this the impending invasion. Jon’s actions and at Winterfell to discuss the impending meeting was to attempt to convince wildlings leadership style can be justified through threat of the white walkers (Benioff and to move south of the Wall, which would not the lens of liberalism and its elements Weiss 2016). At first, many of the houses only provide Jon with more fighters, but also of democracy, multilateralism, and refused to support Jon in his cause, but this save their lives. This meeting is unfortunately functionalism. In contrast, Cersei’s actions sentiment changes when Lyanna Mormont, interrupted by a white walker attack. can be explained through the lens of realism head of House Mormont and avid supporter However, the wildlings that did survive, and its elements of statism, self-help, and of Jon, concludes a compelling speech, “We agree to fight with Jon. survival. know no king in the North besides the one Though the agreement between Jon and Though the actions of both leaders whose last name is Stark…he is my king the wildlings only binds them to fighting can be explained with the application of from this day, until his last day” (Benioff and by Jon’s side against the white walkers, the different International Relations theories Weiss 2016). This prompts all the Stark’s audience sees this support spilling over into and their elements, Jon’s approach appears allied houses, also known as bannermen, to several other areas as time progresses. The more advantageous. Through his democratic collectively chant, “the King in the North,” best examples of this are when they fight leadership and success in uniting many and to bend their knee to him, signifying alongside Jon in the battle against Ramsay houses and groups that were previously their loyalty to him instead of Queen Cersei. Bolton (Benioff and Weiss 2016), and when enemies, his state will not only have a much Though this is not a conventional election, the wildlings patrol the Eastwatch castle on larger and more loyal army to fight the white it is a wonderful example of parliamentary the Wall when the white walkers finally invade walkers (and possibly Cersei) but the realm democracy because the representatives for (Weiss, Benioff, and Martin 2017). In the will be more stable in the long run. If the each northern house unanimously appointed future, if the white walkers are defeated and liberal element of functionalism holds true, him as their leader. cooperation between Jon and the wildlings assuming the white walkers are defeated, it The aforementioned meeting of the continues, another potential spillover area is possible that Jon’s cooperation with the northern houses also exemplifies Jon’s would be free trade. This would provide both wildings will spill over into even more areas affinity for the liberal cornerstone of sides with a much wider variety of resources, such as free trade, which in return would multilateralism. The liberal element of will become especially important as the mean more access to goods during the multilateralism is defined as, “the process realm is approaching a long winter that will upcoming long winter. by which states work together to solve a significantly increase scarcity in consumer Though it can be amusing to analyze common problem” (Lamy et. al. 2016, p. 84); goods (Benioff and Weiss 2016). the motives of our favorite fictional it is centered on cooperation. Evidence of The foundations of liberal characters through International Relations Jon’s adherence to multilateralism is found International Relations theory include the theories, it is important to remember that not only in his success in forming an alliance elements democracy, multilateralism, and these frameworks are rooted in real-world with the wildlings, the inhabitants north functionalism, which are all directly reflected situations. Early International Relations of the Wall, but also in his determination in Jon Snow’s leadership. A great example of scholars such as Thucydides, Nicollo to unite the entire realm to fight together his democratic leadership is seen when the Machiavelli, John Locke, Woodrow Wilson, against the white walkers. Believing that the northern bannermen elect him King in the and more, constructed these theories to white walkers are a fairy tale, many of the North during a meeting in the Winterfell enable us to better analyze and understand other prominent figures in Westeros initially castle. Jon’s affinity for multilateralism was the world around us (Lamy. et. al., 2016). If assume Jon is insane, and thus, continue to demonstrated through his initial motive for more scholars began to analyze the decisions focus more on the competition for the Iron calling the meeting of all houses, which was of both foreign and domestic leaders Throne. These perceptions, and Jon’s hope to collectively discuss the common threat through International Relations theories, as for collective security, are what prompted of the white walkers before creating a plan done with Jon Snow and Cersei Lannister, him to call the meeting with Cersei and of action. This element is also seen through new outlooks would emerge. Not only the other leaders in Westeros. Jon knows his relentless desire to form an alliance with would we gain a completely new perspective that if they do not cooperate, the potential the wildings. Finally, the liberal element of on conflicts and resolutions, but we would casualties will be significant; however, if functionalism is illustrated when Jon’s initial be better able to understand those who hold they do cooperate everyone will be better cooperation with the wildlings spill over into different opinions than ours. off, consistent with the liberal approach to other areas, namely his state’s battle against the Prisoner’s Dilemma. Jon’s eagerness Ramsey Bolton, and help in patrolling the for Cersei’s cooperation also illustrates Wall.

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 15 Parish

References Benioff, David, and D.B. Weiss. 2015. “Hardhome.” Game of Thrones 5(8). Benioff, David, and D.B. Weiss. 2016. “Battle of the Bastards.” Game of Thrones 6(9). Benioff, David, and D.B. Weiss. 2016. “The Winds of Winter.” Game of Thrones 6(10). Benioff, David, D.B. Weiss, and George R.R. Martin. 2017. “Beyond the Wall.” Game of Thrones 7(6). Benioff, David, D.B. Weiss, and George R.R. Martin. 2017. “The Dragon and the Wolf.” Game of Thrones 7(7). Diamond, Larry. 2004. “What Is Democracy?” Stanford University. Babylon, Hilla University for Humanistic Studies. https://web.stanford. edu/~ldiamond/iraq/WhaIsDemocracy012004.htm The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2018. “Parliamentary Democracy.” Encyclopædia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/parliamentary- democracy (April 19, 2018). HBO Staff. 2018. “Game of Thrones - Season 8 Returns in 2019.” Home Box Office, Inc. https://www.hbo.com/game-of-thrones/season- 8-returning-2019. Lamy, Steven L. et al. 2016. Introduction to Global Politics. 4th ed. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Machiavelli Niccolò, and W. K. Marriott. 2016. The Prince. Project Gutenberg. Malitz, David. 2017. “Review | ‘Game of Thrones’ Recap: ‘The Dragon and the Wolf’ and the Inescapable Family Ties.” The Washington Post. https://www. washingtonpost.com/news/arts-and-entertainment/ wp/2017/08/28/game-of-thrones-recap-the-dragon- and-the-wolf-and-the-inescapable-family-ties/?utm_ term=.e39bd71dc141 (September 30, 2017). Martin, George R. R., Elio M. Garcilia, and Linda Antonsson. 2014. The World of Ice & Fire: The Untold History of Westeros and the Game of Thrones. New York: Bantam Books. Martin, George R.R. 2017. “A Game of Thrones (A Song of Ice and Fire, Book One) | George R.R. Martin.” George R.R. Martin. http://www. georgerrmartin.com/grrm_book/a-game-of-thrones-a- song-of-ice-and-fire-book-one/ (September 30, 2017). Martin, George R.R. 2017. “Bibliography | George R.R. Martin.” George R.R. Martin. http://www. georgerrmartin.com/bibliography/ (September 30, 2017). Owen, Paul. 2017. “Ice and Fire: What Game of Thrones Can Teach Us about Power Politics.” The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and- radio/2017/aug/29/game-of-thrones-hbo-cato- institute-politics (September 29, 2017). Podeswa, Jeremy. 2017. “The Game Revealed: Episode 7.” Game of Thrones. Ricardo, David. 1817. On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation. John Murray. Werthead. 2012. Game of Thrones Wiki. A map of Westeros and Essos. Wikia, Inc. http://www. gameofthrones.wikia.com/wiki/File:Westeros_and_ Essos.jpg?title=File%3AWesteros_and_Essos.jpg (March 7, 2018). Wilson, Woodrow. 1918. “Fourteen Points.”

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 16 What’s Next? A Critical Analysis of Institutionalized White Supremecy B C  D 

Introduction Policing as a Tool to Control Transgender that liberal democratic norms are fair and Critical race and critical legal scholars Populations,” I examined how transwomen equitable, while forces of governmentality have produced prolifi c scholarship that of color are regularly profi led as sex workers ensure the maintenance of the status quo interrogates the mutually constitutive by law enforcement—a practice that is so and mitigate against threats to White power. relationships among “neutral” laws, policies common it is referred to as “walking while The discussion below briefl y reviews and discourses, and construction and trans” akin to “driving while Black”—and the arguments I intend to develop in the maintenance of racial hierarchies in the US explained that the selective enforcement book including a more nuanced discussion (e.g. Alexander 2012; Bell 1980; Cole 2000; of solicitation laws on transwomen of of how liberal democratic norms governing Crenshaw 1989; Delgado and Stefancic color goes beyond law enforcement’s abuse public discourse and public deliberation 2012; Matsuda 1987). For example, in The of its discretionary power to implicate work to constrain the critical discourses New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age myriad informal and extra-institutional of marginalized populations in order to of Colorblindness, Michelle Alexander (2012) actors who are active or complicit in the mitigate against the disruption of the status demonstrates how criminal laws that make sanctioning of these police practices (Daum quo and extant power arrangements. Then, no mention of race or ethnicity have been 2015). In this way, transprofi ling is both an I explain and demonstrate how radical constructed and implemented in such a way abuse of formal state power and a tool of democratic practices may provide racial that they have facilitated the construction governmentality that enables and empowers and ethnic minorities with the capacity to of the “blackmancriminal” and mass average citizens to police public spaces in disrupt the dominant discourse in pursuit of incarceration of Black individuals. She argues tandem with institutional actors in order transformative change. that the criminalization and incarceration to remove individuals who deviate from of Black males is not an unintended side the dominant populations’ expectations of Institutionalized White Supremacy: effect of aggressive drug laws, but rather normalcy (Daum 2015). These forces of Liberal Democracy, Governmentality is the intended consequence of policies governmentality are signifi cant because they and White Power in the United States designed to perpetuate racial segregation are mechanisms for dominant populations to In Institutionalized White Supremacy: Liberal and the maintenance of a permanent Black build and maintain their own power on the Democracy, Governmentality and White Power in underclass; hence, the title The New Jim Crow. backs of people of color, LGBTQ individuals, the United States, I will pose and answer three Alexander (2012) writes: “The temptation the socioeconomically marginalized and the primary questions: is to insist that black men ‘choose’ to be intersectionally-subjected among others. criminals…The myth of choice here is Currently, I am embarking on a 1) What is institutionalized White seductive, but it should be resisted. African new book project—tentatively titled supremacy? Americans are not signifi cantly more likely to Institutionalized White Supremacy: Liberal 2) How do liberal democratic use or sell prohibited drugs than whites, but Democracy, Governmentality and White Power in institutions, processes and they are made criminals at drastically higher the United States—that examines how liberal norms work in tandem with rates for precisely the same conduct…And democratic institutions, practices and norms forces of governmentality to the process of making them criminals has in the US work in tandem with forces of sustain White power and produced racial stigma” (197). governmentality to facilitate institutionalized contribute to institutionalized In my own work as a critical legal scholar, White supremacy. This project draws on the White supremacy? I interrogate how formal laws and policies aforementioned work of critical legal and 3) How might radical democratic intersect with dominant populations’ power, race theorists as well as my own prior research tools enable racial and ethnic privileges and prejudices to enable selective on governmentality as a tool of disciplinary minorities to disrupt liberal and/or problematic enforcements of power to critically interrogate how liberal democratic practices and neutral laws in order to criminalize certain democracy enables institutionalized White discourses in order to introduce populations while simultaneously privileging supremacy. While liberal democracy is their interests into governing others (Daum 2015; Daum and Boux 2015). premised on equal opportunity to participate institutions and dominant Specifi cally, I argue that government laws in democratic institutions, elections and the discourses in the pursuit of and policies are supplemented by forces marketplace of ideas, in practice dominant transformative change? of governmentality—the “art of managing populations are able to utilize multiple things and persons, concerned with tactics, strategies that undermine access, mitigate Institutionalized White Supremacy not laws, or as that which uses laws as part of critical discourse, and privilege their own Part One of the book will focus on a broader scheme of tactics to achieve certain interests and power at the expense of racial answering the fi rst question and introduce, policy aims” (Butler 2004, 94)—which and ethnic minorities and other marginalized defi ne and explore the concept of enable dominant populations to exercise populations via both formal and informal institutionalized White supremacy. To be disciplinary power over and on others as outcomes. Extant racial and economic clear here, institutionalized White supremacy mechanisms of governing (Foucault 2007). hierarchies and distributions of political and is not to be confused with White Power For example, in “The War on Solicitation economic power are insulated from critique movements or activists such as the Ku Klux and Intersectional Subjection: Quality-of-life by the widely promulgated consensus Klan, Aryan Brotherhood, etc. While these

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 17 Daum entities are one facet of institutionalized and expenses by providing individuals with public interest and public space, and then White supremacy, the myriad forces that expert support and resources, these groups utilize a variety of strategies to undermine any work to maintain White power in the US in are still constrained by the limitations of speech that is deemed to run counter to their the twenty-first century include both formal liberal democratic institutions themselves interests (Daum 2017). Thus, when Black legal, political and economic institutions and (e.g. Barclay and Fisher 2006; Sarat and Lives Matter activists state that Black lives socio-cultural norms and practices that go far Scheingold 2006; Tushnet 1987). Alleged matter, many White Americans often counter beyond the actions of a few fringe groups to civil rights and/or liberty violations must be that all lives matter. This discursive maneuver implicate the full apparatuses of government located in existing constitutional principles decenters the interests and concerns of and society. White Americans regularly benefit or laws, and these textual guarantees are quite Black Americans in the discourse in favor of from the extant distributions of political and ambiguous and require interpretation by elite, an “all” that privileges White interests, and economic power, and while many individuals predominantly white, judges (Stubbs 2016). in doing so works to undermine the goals of are resistant to acknowledging the extent to As such, many “wrongs” are located outside Black Lives Matter activists one of which is which they are the beneficiaries of systems of the protections of the Constitution to attract attention to police brutality against that privilege and sustain White power it is and federal and state laws, and may not be Black individuals (Daum 2017, 530). As this well past time to critically interrogate and remedied via litigation at all. These instances example illustrates, when racial and ethnic expose how and why institutionalized White of discrimination and mistreatment are minorities attempt to challenge the existing supremacy functions in the contemporary operationalized as unfortunate but not illegal, distributions of power, policies, and norms US. Specifically, while many scholars have and subsequent attempts to get injustices that perpetuate the ongoing and systemic examined how certain policies and norms against marginalized populations codified in marginalization of people color, they disadvantage racial and ethnic minorities, local, state and federal laws or constitutional often find that the dominant public utilizes more attention needs to be focused on amendments are regularly defeated by expectations about appropriate discursive how White individuals benefit from these predominantly white pluralities or majorities strategies to mitigate against any challenges same policies and norms. To that end, this in popular referendums and legislatures. Yet, to their power. In this way, the discourse section of the book will expand on the work the fact that these are plurality/majority of marginalized populations is managed by of various critical theorists and scholars decisions consistent with the requirements dominant populations in order to undermine contributing to Critical White Studies (e.g. of liberal democracy casts these instances its potency or potential for instigating Ahmed 2007; Kaufman 2002; Leonardo of discrimination as legitimate public transformative change. 2004; Mills 1997, 1998; Young 1990). deliberations and liberal democracy at work as opposed to institutional and intentional Radical Democratic Discourse and The Role of the State and Governmentality impediments to the equitable treatment Strategies as Tools of Resistance in Sustaining White Power of racial and ethnic minorities, the poor, Finally, Part Three of the book presents Part Two of the book will examine women, LGBTQ individuals, and others. and analyzes radical democratic practices as how racism and White power in the US are Thus, for example, while activists work mechanisms for advancing the interests of institutionalized and sustained via liberal to persuade democratic majorities and racial and ethnic minorities and facilitating democratic institutions and processes to governing elites to support equal rights for transformative institutional changes. In include the rules governing access and LGBTQ individuals, members of these response to the limitations embedded in participation, majority and plurality rule, and communities continue to be vulnerable to liberal democratic institutions, processes, the legislative and policymaking processes, myriad forms of discrimination because and norms that work to disadvantage racial and then proceed to an analysis of how the courts and many legislatures have not and ethnic minorities, critical theorists forces of governmentality supplement prohibited discrimination based on one’s and activists have promulgated multiple these institutional constraints. Together, sexual orientation or gender identity. alternative sites and means of resistance these practices work to maintain the status At the same time, institutional (e.g. Fraser 1990, Laclau and Mouffe quo where White power is cast as an constraints are supplemented by forces of 2015, Warner 2002, 2005). Institutionalized invisible norm, and make it difficult for governmentality to include liberal democratic White Supremacy will explore how radical minority interests to change the system norms governing public discourse. As such, democratic practices disrupt extant norms and the associated distributions of power Part Two of Institutionalized White Supremacy and power arrangements and introduce and privilege. For example, institutional will examine how the policing of public the interests of racial and ethnic minorities constraints include the fact that all citizens spaces and discourses by dominant whites into dominant discourse as articulated are legally entitled to bring their grievances works to mitigate against challenges to the and enacted by affected populations. For to the courts, but the ability to actually do extant governing power structures and example, in response to limitations on public so is undermined for many individuals by paradigms. While the First Amendment discourse, critical theorists have argued that the exorbitant resources that are required guarantees of free speech and expression counterpublics are important alternative to initiate, sustain and win litigation in the are universally recognized as essential to self- spaces in which marginalized groups can courts. As a result, it is the “haves”—those governance and key facets of any democratic cultivate their own power and discourses intersectionally-privileged individuals and system, dominant populations regularly (Fraser 1990; Warner 2002, 2005). Research institutions to include wealthy whites and police public discourse and space in order demonstrates that when counterpublics corporations—that are better positioned to undermine at best and exclude at worst seek to engage the dominant discourse in to engage as “repeat players” and manifest critical viewpoints and speech that they do pursuit of transformative change in the as winners in the courts (Galanter 1974). not want to see widely disseminated (Daum public, radical democratic strategies that While extant research has demonstrated 2017). In “Counterpublics and Intersectional favor agitation over persuasion and counter- how the development of civil rights Radical Resistance: Agitation as a Mechanism positioning over consensus building may be organizations such as the NAACP, ACLU, for Transforming the Dominant Discourse,” more effective because they make difference and Lambda Legal Defense and Education I argue that dominant interests wield their visible and disrupt the status quo (Daum Fund are able to offset these limitations power and privilege to constitute both the 2017). Recognizing that “the master’s tools

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 18 Daum will never dismantle the master’s house,” able to make visible those differences that of governmentality in order to respond “indecorous” discourse and behaviors that dominant populations would like to remain to threats to their power. In particular, the reject liberal democratic discursive strategies hidden. While it is challenging to overcome growing economization of politics may predicated on persuasion and the values of or workaround liberal democratic norms, foreclose opportunities for radical democratic public deliberation and consensus as the radical activists have been able to disseminate imaginaries and/or provide dominant publics means for articulating one’s discontents their messages by explicitly challenging and elites with new mechanisms by which to directly challenge the ability of dominant dominant expectations and norms. silence and remove antagonistic individuals populations to control the public sphere Guiterrez’s outburst at the White House from public spaces (Brown 2015). Recently, (Daum 2017; Lorde 2007; Warner 2002, 86). is but one example of the many instances Wendy Brown (2015) argued that the Because the disruption of the status quo in U.S. history—from the Greensboro sit- growth of neoliberal reason “is converting attracts more attention to one’s message ins of 1960 to Tommie Smith and John the distinctly political character, meaning than operating within the confines of elite- Carlos’ Black power salute at the 1968 and operation of democracy’s constituent sanctioned norms of public decorum, the Olympics to Black Lives Matter activists’ elements into economic ones” (17), and she decision to flout dominant expectations about refusal to engage in discussions about how warns that “neoliberalism’s hollowing out of “appropriate” discourses in “legitimate” all lives matter in order to maintain their contemporary liberal democracy” will imperil public spaces gives marginalized populations distinctive message that Black lives matter “more radical democratic imaginaries” (18). the opportunity to raise the saliency of and subsequently keep the focus on the In this way, “neoliberalism’s ‘economization’ their discontents precisely because they are state’s mistreatment and violence against of political life and of other heretofore rejecting governing norms and challenging Black people—in which racial and ethnic noneconomic spheres and activities” the dominant population’s construction of minorities have utilized radical democratic may create new challenges for racial and discourse and space. While these disruptions practices and protests to include indecorous ethnic minorities seeking to challenge the are criticized by governing elites, they are speech and behavior to disrupt and challenge governing paradigms and distributions of intended to attract the attention of dominant liberal democratic norms, discourses and power (Brown 2015, 17). interests and introduce the discontents of spaces. While many Americans reject the marginalized populations into the dominant messages, strategies and goals of racial and Works Cited discourse. ethnic minority activists no matter how they Ahmed, Sara. 2007. “A Phenomenology of Whiteness.” Feminist Studies 8(2): 149-168. For example, in a recently published articulate their discontents, others are unable Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass article titled “Putting the T back in LGBTQ? to dodge or ignore these potent critiques and Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York, NY: Trans Activism and Interests after Marriage may respond by taking steps to acknowledge The New Press, 2012. Equality,” I discuss the experiences of and understand their own complicity in the Barclay, Scott and Shauna Fisher. 2006. “Cause Lawyers in the First Wave of Same Sex Marriage Jennicet Gutiérrez a transwoman of color maintenance of White power in the US. As Litigation.” In Cause Lawyers and Social Movements, edited who disrupted a Gay Pride event at the such, recognizing that dominant interests are by Austin Sarat and Stuart Scheingold, 84-100. Stanford, White House in order to bring attention to able to undermine the solvency of critical CA: Stanford University Press. undocumented LGBTQ individuals being discourses via the imposition of norms of Bell, Derrick. 1980. “Brown v. Board of Education and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma.” Harvard Law held in US detention centers (Daum 2018). participation created and promulgated by Review 93: 518-533. When she was able to procure a ticket to a elites, counterpublics that maintain their Brown, Wendy. 2015. Undoing the Demos: gay pride celebration at the Obama White counter-positioning and refuse to negotiate Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution. Zone Books. House, Gutiérrez, a leader of Familia: the content or means of their expression in Butler, Judith. 2004. Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York, NY: Verso. Trans Queer Liberation Movement, decided order to gain access to public discourses and Cole, David. 2000. No Equal Justice: Race and Class in to take the opportunity to bring national spaces are positioned to disrupt the status the American Criminal Justice System. New York, NY: New attention to the organization’s issues. During quo and attract attention to one’s messages Press. President Obama’s remarks, Gutiérrez thereby increasing the likelihood that one will Crenshaw Kimberle. 1989. “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique loudly interrupted him to speak out about be able to facilitate change (Daum 2017). The of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and the presence of LGBTQ individuals in decision to reject the dominant expectations Antiracist Politics.” The University of Chicago Legal Forum immigration detention centers. Fellow about appropriate discourse and behavior in 1(1989): 139–167. attendees at the event rapidly turned on her public spaces gives marginalized populations Daum, Courtenay. 2015. “The War on Solicitation and Intersectional Subjection: Quality-of-life Policing to boo and shush her, and the President the opportunity to raise the saliency of as a Tool to Control Transgender Populations.” New himself responded that he would not tolerate their discontents precisely because they are Political Science 37(4): 562-581. hecklers interrupting him when he is “up in disrupting and rejecting governing norms, Daum, Courtenay. 2017. “Counterpublics the house” to loud cheers from the audience and this is how they gain the attention of and Intersectional Radical Resistance: Agitation as a Mechanism for Transforming the Dominant (Democracy Now! 2015). Gutiérrez was then dominant interests and introduce their Discourse.” New Political Science 39(4): 523-537. removed from the event by security. In this grievances into the dominant discourse. Daum, Courtenay. 2018. “Putting the T back in example, Gutiérrez was reprimanded by the Finally, I will conclude Institutionalized LGBTQ? Trans Activism and Interests after Marriage President and other attendees for acting in White Supremacy by examining the viability of Equality.” In Queer Activism after Marriage Equality, eds. Joseph DeFilippis, Angela Jones, and Michael an indecorous manner, and both she and her radical democratic practices for facilitating Yarbrough. Oxfordshire: Routledge Press. speech were removed from the venue because actual change in the twenty-first century. Daum Courtenay W. and Holly Boux. 2015. they constituted a violation of traditional While these strategies have disrupted “Stuck between a Rock and a Meth Cooking Husband: norms of discourse and behavior. At the dominant discourse, this does not mean that What Breaking Bad’s Skyler White Teaches Us About How the War on Drugs and Public Antipathy Constrain same time, however, Gutiérrez’s disruption radical democratic discourse and protest Women of Circumstance’s Choices.” New Mexico Law got the President’s attention and attracted are capable of dismantling and eradicating Review 45(Spring 2015): 567-609. national media coverage to her cause, and institutionalized White supremacy in the Delgado, Richard and Jean Stefancic. 2012. Critical none of this would have been likely if she had US. As such, the book will conclude with an Race Theory. New York: New York University Press. Democracy Now! 2015. “Undocumented Trans adhered to traditional norms for discourse. examination of how dominant populations Activist Jennicet Gutiérrez Challenges Obama on In this way, radical democratic discourses are adapt their strategies and evolve forces

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 19 Daum

Deportations at White House Event.” Democracy Now! June 25. Retrieved https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=ER9_M002aQY. Foucault, Michel. 2007. Security, Territory, Population, Lectures at the College de France, 1978-1979. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Fraser, Nancy. 1990. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” Social Text 25/26: 56-80. Galanter, Marc. 1974. “Why the ‘Haves’ Come Out Ahead: Speculations on the Limits of Legal Change.” Law and Society Review 9:1, 165-230. Laclau, Ernesto and Chantal Mouffe. 1985. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics. New York, NY: Verso. Leonardo, Zeus. 2004. “The Color of Supremacy: Beyond the Discourse of ‘White Privilege.’” Educational Philosophy and Theory 36(2):137-152. Kaufman, Cynthia. 2002. “A User’s Guide to White Privilege.” Radical Philosophy Review 4(12): 30-8. Matsuda, Mari. 1987. “Looking to the Bottom: Critical Legal Studies and Reparations.” Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review 22 (Spring): 323-399. Mills, Charles W. 1997. The Racial Contract. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press Mills, Charles W. 1998. Blackness Visible. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Sarat, Austin and Stuart Scheingold. 2006. Cause Lawyers and Social Movements. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press. Stubbs, Jonathan K. 2016. “A Demographic History of Federal Judicial Appointments by Sex and Race: 1789–2016.” Berkeley La Raza Law Journal. 26(92). Available at: http://scholarship.law.berkeley.edu/blrlj/ vol26/iss1/4 Tushnet, Mark. 1987. The NAACP’s Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925-1950. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. Warner, Michael. 2002. “Publics and Counterpublics.” Public Culture 14(1): 49-90. Warner, Michael. 2005. Publics and Counterpublics. New York: Zone Books. Young, Iris Marion. 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 20 Death and Democracy B D  W. MI

“The dead are alive in the American polity.”

--Simon Stow

In an age of intensifying political Communities in Hungary condemned the contested ways in which democratic societies polarization, it might be worthwhile to statue and boycotted a planned series of live up these stated ideals of equality, revisit the relationship between democracy national events commemorating the 70th inclusion, and respect. and death. By this, I do not mean the anniversary of the Nazi invasion. However, public contestation over increasing scholarly attention being paid to Yet this story—and the politics of memorials such as the statue in Budapest how democracy itself can die, although that mourning—has even more layers, because is, by itself, insuffi cient for attending is certainly an important topic in its own soon after the erection of the stone to and helping to address struggles for right (Levitsky and Ziblatt, 2018). Instead I monument in Liberty Square a spontaneous democratic recognition. This is due to the have in mind the complex question of how public memorial appeared at the base of tension between acknowledging specifi c democratic societies mourn or memorialize the statue. Survivors and family members injuries or losses while also attending to a death, suffering, and trauma—and in of Holocaust victims placed small stones broader, common project that provides a particular whose losses are honored by whom near the monument, each with the name necessary holding space in which particular and how and where public mourning takes of someone who was sent to concentration claims can be located or heard in the place. The question of how democratic camps from Hungary during the German fi rst place. Hence there is a signifi cant societies mourn is a vexing normative occupation. Photographs and other need for what I have called elsewhere the and political issue that has accompanied mementos of the victims line the fence “democratic work of mourning” (McIvor, democracy since its origins (Loraux, 1986). around the statue, and at one point a cracked 2016). The democratic work of mourning However, it seems even more important to mirror was placed directly opposite the is a normative framework that attempts to refl ect on this question at a time when both statue of Gabriel—representing either a plea capture labors of recognition and repair by hate crimes and participation in hate groups for Hungary to look itself in the mirror or which citizens might take a fuller measure are on the rise (Heim, 2018). a bitter acknowledgment that governments of the complexities of public history and A recent example of the politics of and citizens often prefer a distorted—and identity. The term attempts to capture both mourning might help illustrate the relevance purifi ed—image of themselves. the essential procedures of democracy—the of this topic. In 2014 the newly re-elected The politics of mourning then, “work” of citizens and government agents— government of Victor Orban in Hungary involves the state and its offi cial acts of but also the values at stake in democratic commissioned a memorial statue to be memorialization, but it also involves the societies—not merely participation but also placed in “Liberty Square” in Budapest.1 creative rejoinders and responses of citizens equal respect; not merely a commitment to The statue depicts the Archangel Gabriel—a themselves engaged in practices of counter- open-ended deliberation but also practices symbol of Hungary—being circled overhead memorialization. The back-and-forth refl ects of non-domination. The democratic work by a large eagle resembling the image on the what scholars have referred to as the politics of mourning is important both for the German coat of arms. On the eagle’s ankle of recognition, whereby societies engage in a sake of approaching a fuller realization of is the date “1944” and the inscription at the struggle over which lives and whose losses democratic ideals, but also for the ways in base of the statue reads “In memory of the will be honored and publicly remembered which it can empower ordinary citizens— victims.” The symbolism is both striking and (Honneth, 1997). Recognition involves such as those Hungarians who crafted the obvious—the statue depicts an innocent and both general forms of acknowledgement counter-memorials in Liberty Square—to defenseless Hungary being preyed upon by (such as “citizenship”) and particular forms contest the always imperfect realization the overpowering might of the Nazi regime, that speak to differences in experience and of those ideals. Counter-memorials can which invaded Hungary in March of 1944. social position. In this respect, recognition empower citizens while ensuring that offi cial However, memorials—unlike the depiction is both a quest for democratic equality— discourses of loss do not represent the only of the Archangel—are rarely innocent, and such as “one person one vote”—and for the account of the past. Each of these political their oft-times stark simplicity fails to match acknowledgement of specifi c differences. In motions—towards consensus or towards up to the complexity and ambivalence of the case of the statue in Liberty Square, the contestation—are necessarily implicated in their subject matter. In this instance, the specifi c experiences of disenfranchisement the other. At best they are held in active and purported innocence of Hungarians in the and violence to which Hungarian Jews productive tension, and at worst one pole crimes of the Nazis such as the Holocaust were exposed is obscured when the mantle is honored (equality or acknowledgment; does not refl ect the fact that the Hungarian of victim is assumed to apply equally to commonality or difference) to the exclusion government itself passed laws that persecuted all Hungarians. Social movements such of the other. and disenfranchised its Jewish population in as the Civil Rights Movement or the more Here, I would like to examine the idea the years preceding the German invasion. recent Black Lives Matter movement have of the democratic work of mourning in light For this reason, the Federation of Jewish been motivated in part by the uneven and of recent examples such as the Hungarian

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 21 McIvor memorial and the ongoing contestations of rightness at the expense of demonizing The Problems with the Politics of over Confederate memorial statues in the any who might raise a contrarian perspective. Mourning southern states of the U.S. To do so I would The paranoid-schizoid position can be If political societies have always been like to discuss the background framework illustrated with an example from the classical accompanied by discourses and practices of that shows how political struggles in this vein tragic trilogy of Aeschylus—The Oresteia. In mourning—funeral orations, monuments or are also psychological in nature. Some scholars the plays, characters such as Agamemnon memorials to the dead, etc.—this does not of mourning eschew psychological accounts and Clytemnestra protect their sense of necessarily mean that there is a proper politics of of loss and focus on the contested politics by innocence—despite their violent deeds—by mourning. In fact many scholars have argued which some events are memorialized (Stow, splitting their actions and the broader world that mourning is essentially anti-political 2017). Yet I contend that psychological into a dichotomy of good and evil. In this because—by its very nature—it occludes tendencies and possibilities run across position of mourning, there is no room for the ongoing contestations and struggles for the politics of mourning, meaning that regret or shame, and hence no reason for power that make up the political as such the latter cannot be properly interpreted repair. (Honig, 2013). The language of mourning, it without some attention being paid to the To this style of mourning—rigid has been argued, frames political struggles in former. Second, I will sketch out some of and defensive—Klein compares a mode apolitical, humanistic terms. Death is often the difficulties facing the democratic work of mourning in what she refers to as the seen as a unifying and universal experience, of mourning, before concluding with some “depressive position.” In the depressive and public mourning cynically uses this guiding principles for these labors. Because position, Klein argues that the subject is able perceptual tendency by deploying tropes of the politics of mourning is both ongoing to face down and accept the ambivalence “unity” and “togetherness” in the wake of and consequential—especially in a time in of the lost object—who is neither an angel tragedy (Stow, 2017). Yet the very language which democratic norms and practices are nor a demon but rather, in Nietzsche’s of unity is problematic from the perspective under increasing strain—scholars of politics words, “human, all too human.” Depressive of pluralistic democracies, and mourning ought to pay closer attention to how these forms of mourning represent a mitigation discourses can all too easily exclude basic struggles are waged. of cognitive and affective dogmatism, and political questions of whose losses matter and the overcoming of the defenses through whose losses do not. The Different Ways We Mourn which the subject keeps the complexity These objections have merit, but Death—and hence mourning—is a and ambivalence of self and other out they are shortsighted. They obscure the necessary part of life, but why does the of conscious awareness. In this respect, possibility of more democratic forms of politics of mourning elicit such intense and depressive mourning opens up a space mourning that acknowledge nuance and painful struggles? To address this question, of potential mediation and a willingness ambivalence, and they miss all the ways I have found the object relations school to deal with the complexities attendant in which citizens—such as the Hungarian of psychoanalysis—and in particular the to our lived experience. Rather than an citizens in Budapest—can and do participate work of Melanie Klein—to be particularly insistence on purified or pristine objects of in the politics of mourning in order to create useful. For Klein, mourning is a repeated admiration, we are better able to face up to a fuller and more complex accounting of developmental challenge or “crossroads” the complex realities of personal identity public history and identity. The latter work that individuals and groups have to confront and social history. In the Oresteia, the son of creates potential space for mediation and “again and again” (Klein, 1975, 288). To Agamemnon and Clytemnestra—Orestes— negotiation, which can advance a democratic briefly summarize, Klein argues that there is able to face down the complexity of his project of recognition despite the obvious are two primary forms that mourning own violent action, acknowledging, painfully, obstacles set against this project. can take. In the first, subjects employ “the victory is soiled, and has no pride.” Another set of objections to the framing psychological defenses such as idealization Although Klein’s theory is largely of democratic politics in terms of the work or omnipotence in order to create a purified focused on personal dramas of loss and of mourning has to do with the implicit or sanitized picture of the lost object (Klein’s mourning, I argue that we should see it values of that work, and the ways in which use of “object” implies that mourning can as the kernel of a socio-political account those values exclude broader and more occur for something besides a person). This of mourning suitable for democratic systemic critiques of existing constitutional image, in turn, then protects the subject societies characterized by pluralism and democracies. The scholar Robert Meister from dealing with any ambivalence of the complexity. Klein shows how deep-seated (2011), for instance, has argued that lost object or the complexities attendant to human tendencies towards purification and the liberal, human-rights discourse that their death. Klein sees this style of mourning demonization can be mobilized politically— has accompanied the so-called “age of as rooted in the early defenses of the young often for un-democratic or anti-democratic apology”—in which dozens of countries child or infant, but these defenses linger and purposes. Yet Klein also shows that humans transitioned from authoritarian regimes and shape adult mourning as well. To admit the have the capacity to overcome rigid binaries commissioned Truth and Reconciliation ambivalence of the lost object—or to admit of angels and demons, in-group and out- Commissions to investigate episodes of state any legitimate conflicts over the character of group, in ways that are fundamentally violence—represents a problematic embrace that object—is seen as a persecutory attack constructive for the democratic politics of neoliberal versions of capitalism. Meister on the subject, which has to be warded of recognition. The question then turns to argues that the more basic division between off by any means necessary. Klein labels the means and measures of this democratic workers and owners, for instance, has been this approach to mourning as “paranoid- work of mourning, which I discuss at length obscured by a human-rights discourse schizoid,” as its bifurcations between elsewhere (McIvor, 2016). Here, again, I want that emphasizes the protection of existing innocence and corruption—or good and to take on some objections to this idea of property relations along with the protection evil—reflect a persecutory and schizophrenic democratic mourning, while also outlining of individual bodies. framing of loss. These bifurcations comprise some its guiding principles. Meister’s argument resembles similar a consolatory narrative of demons and scholarship in political science that argues angels that reinforces our subjective sense that power politics—rather than normative

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 22 McIvor concerns—are what matter in moments of whereas advocates of preservation frame of mourning into their own hands, in social uncertainty or transition. For instance, opponents as enemies of tradition. Yet ways that can have significant effects. The Truth and Reconciliation Commissions racism is a broad—and often unconscious— philosopher John Dewey once argued that are often derided as vehicles for elite structural force that reaches far beyond democracy should be envisioned less as a compromise rather than actual mechanisms individual racists. And tradition is a layered form of government and more as a form of of accountability or justice (Snyder and and complex thing that never speaks in a life (1939). Like any form of life, democracy Vinjamuri, 2003/2004). No doubt this can monotone. The current media framing—and involves suffering, struggle, and occasions be the case, but it ignores that other forms subsequent shouting matches—about these for grief, yet the framing of democracy as of transition are often purely instances of monuments do little to build civic capacity an ongoing, creative activity also implies elite bargaining, whereas transitions that for dealing with the complex issues of race, that the work of attending to suffering and include a truth and reconciliation focus memory, and tradition. For this reason, it grief rests primarily in the hands of ordinary create a public scaffolding for recognition seems encouraging that the City of Durham, citizens who can collectively make and and repair that can take place months—or North Carolina has apparently learned from remake democracy over time. even years—after the transition. Norms the example of its neighbor Greensboro, of recognition can also be forced upon and is creating a public Commission on Conclusion elites—as the case of the Greensboro Truth Confederate Monuments and Memorials, To see mourning as a necessary part and Reconciliation Commission (GTRC) whose membership will be drawn from of democracy—and to see democracy in demonstrates. The GTRC was a grassroots- interested citizens and which will be charged terms of an ongoing, creative struggle for organized truth commission in Greensboro, with gathering public input and a list of recognition—requires some reframing of North Carolina that operated from 2004- recommendations for what to do with familiar ideas, including the idea that grief 2006 in order to investigate the so-called existing symbols of the Confederacy in the is a purely private affair or that democracy “Greensboro Massacre” of 1979. Although City and County of Durham (Willets, 2018). is primarily the business of the state or its the Greensboro City Council initially refused This Commission, by necessity, will have representatives. I have tried to indicate some to participate in or endorse the process, to deal with the complex attachments and of the stakes of this conversation and some over a decade later the Council issued a grievances surrounding the uneven politics common objections to this reframing, along public apology for the City’s actions (and of racial recognition and respect in North with some guiding principles for future study inactions) that led to the Massacre and that Carolina. of the politics of mourning and for better, delegitimized public grievances surrounding and more democratic, practices of the race and racism in the city. Without the 2. Identify and affirm basic democratic values. latter. In moments of heightened violence highly publicized work of the GTRC and Although many binaries feed persecutory and tension, it is important to emphasize subsequent organizing around the themes cycles of reaction and, even, revenge, there both the struggles and suffering inherent to of its final report, such actions would have is a basic conflict at stake in the politics of political life alongside an emphasis on the been unthinkable. Framing politics in terms mourning between democratic and non- mechanisms and meaning of mourning and of a democratic work of mourning, then, democratic forms of life. The ideals of reparation. provides signposts for how the (endless) democracy—non-domination, equal respect, struggle for recognition can take place. and critical responsiveness—set the terms Footnotes by which instances of public mourning 1. Liberty Square is a richly layered place Guiding Principles for a Democratic can be evaluated. Klein’s depiction of the of political memorialization, dating from its Politics of Mourning “depressive position” highlights a socio- history as the site of a prison built by the There is an inevitable and complex psychological orientation that can—under Austrian empire. The prison was where many politics of mourning in every society. the right conditions—reinforce democratic Hungarian nationalists were imprisoned Democracies bear an additional normative ideals, and the pursuit of the latter can also or executed during the 19th century revolts burden of mourning insofar as the facilitate the former. It may seem paradoxical against the Hapsburg dynasty. For some tendencies to sanctify or purify lost objects to affirm this binary while eroding others. sense of the many memorial layers in the can create barriers for the pluralistic work The resolution—if one can call it that— park, there are also statues honoring both of democratic recognition. In a time of of this paradox is that democratic values soldiers from the Soviet Union and the increased nostalgia for a “lost” America, for provide a holding space that itself must American President Ronald Reagan. instance, persecutory mourning tendencies be honored in order for contestation to take can serve to intensify polarization and place over the realization or the meaning of make civic collaboration an unlikely—and those values (McIvor, 2016, 27). Something References perhaps even threatening—possibility. If has to be idealized—Klein calls it the “good Dewey, John. 1939. “Creative Democracy—The Task Before Us.” John Dewey, The Later Works, 1925-1953, democracies are going to mourn in a more object”—in order for the skeptical work of Vol. 14. Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University generative or productive way, then, some challenging ideals to get off the ground. Press. principles seem worth recommendation. Heim, Joe. 2018. “Hate groups in the U.S. remain 3. Reframe mourning—and democracy— on the rise, according to new study.” Washington Post. 21 February. 1. Erode binaries that prevent collaboration. as a creative activity. The counter-memorial Honig, Bonnie. 2013. Antigone Interrupted. The work of Melanie Klein reminds us that in Budapest’s Liberty Square reminds us Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. individuals and groups are highly susceptible of an important fact—namely, that public Honneth, Axel. 1997. The Struggle for Recognition. to simplistic binaries in the face of loss. One mourning—or democracy for that matter— Cambridge, MIT Press. Klein, Melanie. 1975. Love, Guilt, and Reparation and sees these binaries operating in the struggle is not the exclusive purview of state agencies Other Works 1921-1945. London: Free Press. to remove (or preserve) Confederate or representatives. Other examples such as Levitsky, Steven and Daniel Ziblatt. 2018. How monuments in the southern United States. the Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Democracies Die. New York: Crown Publishing. Advocates of removal frame opponents Commission show that citizens in local Loraux, Nicole. 1986. The Invention of Athens: as unrepentant racists or relics (or both), communities can take the democratic work The Funeral Oration in the Classical City. Cambridge:

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 23 McIvor

MIT Press. McIvor, David W. 2016. Mourning in America: Race and the Politics of Loss. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Meister, Robert. 2011. After Evil. New York: Columbia University Press. Snyder, Jack and Leslie Vinjamuri. 2003/2004. “Trials and Errors: Principle and Pragmatism in Strategies of International Justice.” International Security. 28, 3 (Winter), pp. 5-44. Stow, Simon. 2017. American Mourning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Willets, Sarah. 2018. “Durham Confederate Monument Committee Has Its Leaders.” Indyweek. com. 6 March. https://www.indyweek.com/news/ archives/2018/03/06/durham-confederate- monument-committee-has-its-leaders (accessed 12 March 2018).

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 24 How Does China Matter? A Research Agenda for International Relations B P H 

Abstract Who cares about the rise of China? Most International Relations scholarship treats China’s rise as something of paramount interest to foreign policy-makers inside powerful states. From this view, China poses a potential threat to regional stability in East Asia, the international balance of power more broadly, and the supposedly “liberal” character of the present international order. In this article, I argue that these dominant strategic frames for considering China’s rise, while not wrong, lead to an incomplete understanding of how China “matters” in international politics, and for whom. In particular, I suggest the need for an expanded research agenda that pays attention to some underexplored facets of China’s rise for citizens inside China, the government and politics of developed nations, and with regards to the future of international law and organization.

Introduction change, China’s rise often is regarded as the China’s Rise: The Conventional View Nearly twenty years ago, Gerald Segal— defi ning international development of the For the most part, scholars of one of his generation’s most prolifi c and present world-historical era. international security have focused on three well-respected commentators on Asian In this article, I argue for a reformulation (related) aspects of China’s rise: (1) regional affairs—penned his controversial Foreign and restatement of Segal’s provocative security in East Asia; (2) the future of great Affairs article, “Does China Matter?” “No, question: not “does China matter?” but rather power relations on the global stage; and it is not a silly question,” he began, “merely “how does China matter, and for whom?” In (3) implications for the confi guration of one that is not asked enough” (Segal 1999, the fi eld of International Relations, China’s international order. First, analysts expect 24). Segal’s ambition was to dispel the rise has mostly been couched alongside the that China’s rise will upset the geopolitical notion that China was a truly transformative presumed (relative) decline of the United balance that currently exists in East Asia. power in world politics, insisting instead States and framed in terms of an impending In particular, the rise of China is thought to that Beijing’s leaders were in charge of a power-transition between two potential pose a threat to the hub-and-spoke system middling power at best, with little potential hegemonic powers. In public policy circles, of alliances put in place by the US during to reshape the fundamental contours of too, foreign-policy elites tend to view China’s the early Cold War period (Goh 2008). It the international system. Western nations rise as a geopolitical contest between the is possible, for example, that some regional were doing themselves a huge disservice by world’s most powerful states, with the focus powers will decide to break with the US infl ating China’s geopolitical signifi cance, being on how China’s interactions with its and instead “bandwagon” with China (Ross Segal argued, because treating China with supposed rivals—especially the US and its 2006; Chung 2009/2010), thereby creating undeserved reverence could only serve to allies—will affect international security, the a dangerous zero-sum contest between complicate the task of integrating China global balance of power, and the future Beijing and Washington reminiscent of into the extant international community.1 of international organization. Of course, the US-Soviet competition for allies and Although discussion of China’s rise has these are understandable preoccupations for subordinates during the Cold War era. continued without abatement since Segal’s those charged with making foreign policy. Alternatively, a Chinese bid for hegemony time of writing, conventional wisdom in But they are not the only—or even the in East Asia could provoke an aggressive academia and most national foreign policy most important—dimensions along which “balancing” response from Japan, South establishments has solidifi ed against his China’s rise will “matter” to most people Korea, and other US-aligned governments, central contention. China has continued the world over. On the contrary, these with the potential for a military showdown to grow in economic and military clout dominant framings of China’s rise miss over contested territory in the East or South to the point where Beijing is now almost some highly signifi cant empirical realities China Seas (Christensen 1999; Ross 2006; universally deemed to “matter” an awful that should properly be considered integral Chung 2009/2010). Neither outcome bodes lot in world politics. Even if China is a to major shifts in power between states, and well for the future of regional stability and “fragile” or “partial” power along some which might be of keen interest to a range so, viewed in this light, the issue of China’s dimensions (Shirk 2008; Shambaugh 2013), of international actors even if not Western rise is best understood as a problem of the country seems destined to attain bona national security practitioners: social justice how to avoid a major confl agration in the fi de great power status—indeed, superpower activists, aid and development workers, and Western Pacifi c; China is a country that must status—in the coming decades. This is true others. In what follows, I canvass some of be “managed,” “contained,” or otherwise both in terms of traditional measures of these under-explored implications of China’s controlled lest it be allowed to drag the rest state power such as military spending and rise and suggest ways in which the academic of East Asia towards war.2 in terms of China’s visible infl uence—that study of International Relations could and Then there is the question of how China’s is, its concrete diplomatic achievements on should help bring them to light. rise will impact US-China relations beyond the world stage. Indeed, along with climate the East Asian theatre. Often, this topic is

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 25 Harris discussed in terms of an impending power- Chinese world order—arguing that rising some avenues via which International transition between the US (as a declining states always, without exception, move to Relations scholars might explore them. hegemon) and China (as a rising power). institute international rules and organizations The first way to refocus attention on Even according to optimists, international that fit with their own interests (Jacques China’s rise is to consider the human security history records precious few instances of a 2012; Mearsheimer 2014). Others argue of Chinese themselves. It is common rising state enjoying peaceful relations with that the liberal world order is robust enough knowledge that China’s meteoric economic existing world powers but is replete with to withstand the challenge of China’s rise growth has resulted in increased levels of instances of rising and established states (Ikenberry 2018). Still others contend that we human security for many inside China. descending into conflict, including world are in for a decentralized, multipolar world Because of the country’s long period of war. Can leaders in the 21st century avoid in which no single version of international sustained economic growth, millions of this trap? Can declining states like the US order is able to prevail (Kupchan 2012). people have been lifted out of poverty with and rising powers like China be made to “get While the precise fate of international order all of the benefits that this means for human along” in international politics? And even if in the shadow of China’s rise remains to be health, happiness, and material comfort. so, how can relations be kept on a peaceful seen, China has already revealed itself to be Begun under the leadership of Deng footing? Scholars have attempted to answer something of an “institution-builder” and Xiaoping in the 1980s, this upward trajectory these questions by debating whether China not just an “institution-joiner” (Ren 2016). for China was more recently encapsulated is a “revisionist” or “status quo” power The implications of its future order-building by President Xi Jinping as the “Chinese (e.g., Johnston 2003), interrogating China’s will be watched with great interest by China- Dream” ( ), a phrase meant to capture stated intentions for “peaceful rise” (e.g., watchers in Washington, DC and other the aspiration of China becoming a fully Buzan 2010), and exploring the mechanisms Western capitals. developed nation by 2049—the centennial that might exist to diffuse tensions between of the founding of the People’s Republic the US and China (Goldstein 2015; Glaser Reframing China’s Rise of China (Wang 2014). Beyond improving 2015; Allison 2017). Conceptualizing Combined, these three mainstream living standards, China’s increase in power— the rise of China in terms of a power- framings of China’s rise contribute to especially its political unification under the transition between the US and China shifts particular strategic ideas held by international Chinese Communist Party in 1949 and its the focus away from the Asia-Pacific as a public policymakers about geopolitical subsequent military consolidation—also put discrete geopolitical theater and towards the change. Most importantly, states such as to an end to the long and ignoble history international system as a whole. In doing so, China are thought to “matter” insofar of foreign interventions in Chinese affairs, the stakes get much higher: viewed in the as they have the potential to clash with which had occurred continuously since the context of a global power-transition, it is just extant powers. By extension, shifts in the mid-1800s and had resulted in egregious not the security of the Western Pacific that is distribution of power between leading states transgressions against Chinese sovereignty at risk from a potential conflict between the are considered potentially dangerous—and and independence (Callahan 2006). For the US and China, but so too is the security of ought to command the utmost attention of most part, these aspects of China’s rise— the entire international community. Indeed, national security experts—because they have the economic prosperity and the political the problem of China’s rise is nothing less the potential to push great powers towards independence—are celebrated by Chinese as than the problem of how to prevent World war or otherwise usher in radical changes positive domestic outcomes of a favourable War III. to international order. Commensurate with international shift in power. And instead of Finally, there is the question of how this focus on the interests of powerful treating China’s rise as an unalloyed danger China’s rise will affect international rules states, most scholars of and commentators to humanity, International Relations scholars and institutions even if relations with the on China’s rise regard the international would do well to recognize the normative US do remain largely peaceful. For the past system—and, in particular, the core of the benefits of Beijing becoming a government 70 years, the US has served as the world’s international system—as the primary site more capable of defending and providing most important creator and guarantor upon which rising and established powers for its own people. of international order—underpinning take aim at one another. In sum: China’s That said, the benefits of China’s rise are organizations such as the United Nations, rise is a “contest for supremacy” (Friedberg not being felt equally within China. In fact, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, 2011). There is nothing inherently wrong with it is not an exaggeration to say that some and NATO; coordinating multilateral efforts these dominant frames for viewing China’s Chinese have seen their living standards to establish rules and institutions to deal with rise. Indeed, if International Relations get worse as their country has ascended common problems; and policing the global scholars and public policy-makers were not the international league tables. Workers commons (Ikenberry 2011; Kagan 2013). To drawing attention to the implications of and peasants alike have suffered the effects be sure, America’s commitment to a rules- China’s rise for war, peace, and international of economic dislocation as China’s leaders based international order has been uneven organization then they would be guilty of have pushed an economic policy based on to say the least. But even withstanding great negligence. Even so, the conventional industrialization and urbanization (Hart- the myriad examples of US disregard for ways of thinking about China offer only Landsburg and Burkett 2005; Shirk 1981). international law and organization, it is still a partial view of the coming global turn, China’s economic development has led to true that the US has been the indispensable leaving several dimensions of shifting soil erosion and food insecurity for millions linchpin of the “liberal” international order. power overlooked. In particular, mainstream of people (Chen 2007). Meanwhile, ethnic Assuming that China one day becomes perspectives on China’s rise have mostly and religious minorities in provinces such dominant in international affairs, will Beijing neglected to consider the interests of actors as Tibet and Xinjiang—in addition to the simply accept the panoply of rules and in world politics other than those of powerful Special Administrative Regions of Hong institutions put in place by the US? Or will states. In what follows, I canvass some of Kong and Macau—have amassed significant China’s leaders seek to change the global these overlooked implications of China’s grievances against the central government, rulebook to suit its own needs and wants, just rise—inside China, abroad, and in terms of proving that China’s political unification as the US did after 1945? Some predict a new the structure of world order—and suggest and consolidation has not been a panacea

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 26 Harris for all who dwell within its border.3 And becomes more and more readily apparent destroyed after the League was shown to be while China-watchers in the West pore in the everyday affairs of Western nations, impotent after Italy’s invasion of Abyssinia over Beijing’s burgeoning defense budgets it will become more difficult to sustain and Japan’s conquest of Manchuria. for evidence of a blue-water navy or “A2/ the fiction that China’s rise is something Indeed, of all the features of international AD” capabilities, the reality is that much happening in the international ether, above order at risk from China’s rise, international of China’s military spending goes toward the heads of ordinary people, or else in law is perhaps the most vulnerable—even as internal security, counter-insurgency, and distant geographic locales. In the real world, it is one of the most understudied features of counter-terrorism operations—programs the question of how to engage with China international order among political scientists, aimed at controlling the bodies of Chinese, is already becoming a major dividing line who too often scoff at the notion that not foreigners (Wayne 2007). Viewed in this in the politics of several Western countries, international law can have an independent light, the international rise of China betrays including Australia, New Zealand, the UK, constraining effect on the behavior of states serious social, political, and economic and US. On the one side are politicians who (regarding it instead as epiphenomenal transformations at the domestic level. see advantage in engaging China—usually to powerful states’ interests or else an These transformations directly affect the in the economic sphere—and so are willing instrument of Euro-American hegemony). lives and human security of over 1.3 billion to make concessions to China in political, The reason that China’s rise poses such a Chinese (roughly 20 percent of the world’s diplomatic, and sometimes cultural terms.5 mortal threat to the vast corpus of public population) but attract scant attention from On the other side are those who view China international law is that international laws are either Western decision-makers or scholars with distrust, or who cynically recognize not made via democratic processes. Some of of International Relations. opportunities to profit from peddling today’s most important international treaties Outside of China, the country’s xenophobic, alarmist scaremongering about were put in place before a majority of the influence is also having mixed effects that Beijing’s intrigues. In Australia, for example, world’s nations even existed as independent are often overlooked by the mainstream the public discourse over China’s growing countries, and many more were instigated International Relations literature. It is influence in domestic affairs has taken on by the powerful states (and international becoming increasingly obvious that China’s an unfortunately alarmist and xenophobic non-governmental organizations) of the rise is exerting a magnetic pull that reorients tone (e.g., Hamilton 2018) while, in the US, Global North and pushed upon the less and reorganizes the domestic balance one need look no further than President powerful governments of the Global South. of forces within states not just along its Trump to find evidence of political leaders Some customary international laws—that periphery but also further afield. Much of politicizing (or “weaponizing”) China in is, binding rules of international behavior these developments are warmly welcomed order to score points at the expense of their that emerge through convention and not by governments eager to reap the benefits opponents.6 As yet, however, serious scholars via a treaty-making process—have existed of cooperation with China, especially in the of International Relations scholars have been for centuries yet have never been voted on economic sphere. China’s insatiable appetite slow to recognize the growing presence that even once, even if others have since been for raw materials, for example, drives China exerts in the domestic politics of the codified into written treaties. To be blunt, economic growth in a lot of countries— West beyond just the outsourcing of jobs. this fundamentally undemocratic nature of as does its status as a potential market for The sooner this lacuna is filled with balanced public international law means that much of goods and a destination for investment. But research on China’s multifaceted presence in contemporary international law is European while the impact of China upon the relatively Western politics—some of it solicited, some and colonial in origin. It is not Chinese, poor countries of Central Asia, Southeast of it unwanted—the better. Asian, or post-colonial. All of this raises Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa is fairly well- Finally, mainstream scholarship has some complex normative questions about documented in the field of political science been correct to highlight the implications whether China should be expected to uphold (e.g. Taylor 2006; Ong 2005; Yu 2017; Pan of China’s rise for international order but a corpus of public international laws that and Lo 2017), comparatively few studies have it has stopped short of explaining just are undemocratic, imperial, and often racist shed light on the role of China in disrupting how far-reaching these changes to the in tone and content. Would it not be better the politics and societies of wealthy Western normative character of international society for China to lead a wholesale revision of states, despite the fact that several—Australia, will be, and how the consequences will international law in the name of equality? for example—have enjoyed considerable cascade downwards to effect some of the Reasonable people can disagree on this economic growth thanks to Chinese demand world’s most vulnerable and marginalized question. But the prospect of international for its raw materials.4 In a recent study, I populations. China’s building of new islands law’s future is of critical importance to argued that the persistent Eurocentrism in the South China Sea, for example, is widely marginalized actors the world over. For of International Relations scholarship is recognized as posing a grave challenge to while Eurocentric international law is far partly to blame for this inattentiveness the rule of international law in East Asia from perfect, it is not clear that international to China’s role in the domestic affairs of and the wider world. Beijing has been rules put in place by the current leadership developed nations (Harris 2017); too often, roundly criticized, for example, for ignoring of Beijing would be any better from the International Relations scholars reflexively an unfavorable ruling by the Permanent perspective of the powerless. As just one treat Western powers as the players in the Court of Arbitration in The Hague and telling example, consider the fate of the game of international politics instead of for continuing to undertake actions that international human rights regime, the germs the pawns, despite mounting evidence that most governments regard as in violation of of which can be found in the nineteenth Western nations increasingly resemble international rules. But if a powerful state century but which experienced a significant— supplicants in the shadow of China’s rise. like China is able to ignore international if punctuated—period of expansion during Whatever the reason for ignoring law and international courts with impunity the twentieth century as Western-based non- China’s impact upon the domestic politics then this has the potential to undo the entire governmental organizations entered into of Western nations, it is a serious omission system of international organization that is alliance with the powerful states of Western that demands remedy. Such redress will have currently in place—much in the same way Europe and North America, especially the to come sooner or later: as China’s influence that the League of Nations system was US post-1945 (Hopgood 2013). Although

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 27 Harris the contemporary human rights regime is knowledge that is of direct relevance to References riddled with Eurocentric biases and imperial the broadest possible audience. Of course, Allison, Graham. 2017. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape Thucydides’s Trap? New York: hangovers (and is certainly witness to it will not be easy to shift the attention of Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2017. flagrant instances of hypocrisy and double- China-watchers away from the cynosure of Buzan, Barry. 2010. “China in International standards from leading Western nations), it great power conflict. But as China comes to Society: Is ‘Peaceful Rise’ Possible?” The Chinese Journal nevertheless has had major positive benefits affect the international, domestic, and local of International Politics 3 (March): 5-36. Buzan, Barry, and Rosemary Foot, eds. 2004. Does for people around the globe—especially politics of states around the world—rich China Matter? A Reassessment. London: Routledge. women, ethnic and religious minorities, and poor, North and South, developed and Chen, Jie. 2007. “Rapid Urbanization in China: LGBT people, and other historically undeveloped alike—the full extent of its A Real Challenge to Soil Protection and Food vulnerable populations. Today, there can be rise to power will be difficult to ignore. In Security,” Catena 69 (January): 1-15. Christensen, Thomas J. 1999. “China, the US- little doubt that human rights as a global time, International Relations will be forced Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma in East phenomenon is critically dependent upon to catch up to the reality that China’s rise is Asia.” International Security 23 (Spring): 49-80. American power7, which means that, as here, now, and all around us. Far better for Chung, Jae Ho. 2009/2010. “East Asia Responds American power erodes, the political space the discipline to begin grappling with those to the Rise of China: Patterns and Variations.” Pacific Affairs 82 (Winter): 657-675. for conceptions of universal human rights to new and future realities sooner rather than Clark, Ian. 2013. The Vulnerable in International exist (and be exported around the globe) will later. Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. narrow. Norms of humanitarian intervention Friedberg, Aaron L. 2011. A Contest for Supremacy: might gradually disappear from the Footnotes China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia. New York: W.W. Norton. international landscape and, as a result, lose 1. See also Buzan and Foot 2004. Ginsburg, Tom. 2010. “Eastphalia as the their force and applicability in local arenas. Perfection of Westphalia.” Indiana Journal of Global Legal Meanwhile, new (perhaps Chinese-backed) 2. It is common for International Relations Studies 17 (January): 27-45. rules of international and local behavior scholars and other commentators to compare Glaser, Charles L. 2015. “A US-China Grand Bargain? The Hard Choice between Military might emerge to take their place; already, China to past rising states such as Wilhelmine Competition and Accommodation.” International renewed support for so-called “Westphalian” Germany, with the implicit suggestion being Security 39 (Spring): 49-90. principles of non-intervention, sovereign that Beijing’s drive for growth is unjustified, Goh, Evelyn. 2008. “Hierarchy and the Role inviolability, and territorial integrity have suspicious, and dangerous. See Xiang 2001. of the United States in the East Asian Security Order.” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 8 been seen to attend the rise of the BRICS (September 2008): 353-377. (Ginsburg 2010). In short, the concept of 3. The physical security of people in Taiwan Goldstein, Lyle J. 2015. Meeting China Halfway: How universal human rights is probably less safe can also said to be jeopardized by the to Defuse the Emerging US-China Rivalry. Georgetown: in a world where Chinese power eclipses that growing imbalance in Cross-Strait relations. Georgetown University Press. Hamilton, Clive. 2018. Silent Invasion: How China Is of the US. The effects of such a change upon Turning Australia into a Puppet State. Sydney: Allen and peoples’ everyday lives will be dramatic— 4. On the other side of the globe, the UK Unwin. especially for the most vulnerable in global government has actively courted Chinese Harris, Peter. 2017. “China in British Politics: society (Clark 2011; Hopgood 2013). investment as a way to compensate for cuts Western Unexceptionalism in the Shadow of China’s Rise.” The Chinese Journal of International Politics 10 to public expenditure on infrastructure. See (Autumn): 241-267. Conclusion Harris 2017. Hart-Landsberg, Martin, and Paul Burkett. 2005. China’s rise—like all major shifts in China and Socialism: Market Reforms and Class Struggle. New power between states—is not just a question 5. Consider, for example, the UK York: Monthly Review Press. Hopgood, Stephen. 2013. The Endtimes of Human of “high politics” pertaining to the leading governments recognition of Chinese Rights. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. states of the international system. After all, “sovereignty” over Tibet in 2008 (London’s Ikenberry, G. John. 2011. Liberal Leviathan: The influence in the realm of high politics is based, official position had previously been that Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World in large part, upon a state’s ability to exert China was “suzerain” over the province), a Order. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ikenberry, G. John. 2018. “Why the Liberal World influence over the internal affairs of others. move that observers regarded as an attempt Order Will Survive.” Ethics & International Affairs 32 As such, the effects of China’s re-emergence to curry favor with Beijing. (Spring): 17-29. as a preeminent world power will spill over Jacques, Martin. 2012. When China Rules the World: to affect states, sub-state actors, non-state 6. Anti-China politics has a long history in The Rise of the Middle Kingdom and the End of the Western World. London: Penguin UK. actors, and marginalized populations the the US. See Trubowitz and Seo 2012. Johnston, Alastair Iain. 2003. “Is China a Status world over. Some of these effects will be Quo Power?” International Security 27 (Spring): 5-56. positive in nature and should be recognized 7. This is much truer of civil and political Kagan, Robert. 2013. The World America Made. and celebrated by scholars of International rights than of social and economic rights. I New York: Vintage. Kupchan, Charles A. 2012. No One’s World: The Relations. Other implications of China’s thank Dimitris Stevis for this point. West, the Rising Rest and the Coming Global Turn. Oxford: rise will spell uncertainty and perhaps even Oxford University Press. misery for particular groups, especially the Mearsheimer, John J. 2014. The Tragedy of Great already marginalized. I have been able to Power Politics. New York: W.W. Norton & Company. Ong, Russell. 2005. “China’s Security Interests in touch upon only a very few of the possible Central Asia.” Central Asian Survey 24 (December): 425- implications of China’s rise in the preceding 439. discussion. What is clear, however, is that Pan, Su-Yan, and Joe Tin-Yau Lo. “Re- the full panoply of implications of China’s Conceptualizing China’s Rise as a Global Power: A Neo- Tributary Perspective.” The Pacific Review 30 (January): rise have, so far, been under-explored by 1-25. students of International Relations. This Ren, Xiao. 2016. “China as an Institution-Builder: is not to suggest that the extant literature The Case of the AIIB.” The Pacific Review 29 (March): on China’s rise is useless, irrelevant, or ill- 435-442. Ross, Robert S. 2006. “Balance of Power Politics conceived; just that there is much more and the Rise of China: Accommodation and Balancing work to done if practitioners within the discipline are committed to producing

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in East Asia.” Security Studies 15 (Fall): 355-395. Segal, Gerald. 1999. “Does China Matter?” Foreign Affairs 78 (September/October): 24-36. Shambaugh, David L. 2013. China Goes Global: The Partial Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Shirk, Susan L. 1981. “Recent Chinese Labour Policies and the Transformation of Industrial Organization in China.” The China Quarterly 88 (December): 575-593. Shirk, Susan L. 2008. China: Fragile Superpower. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Taylor, Ian. 2006. “China’s Oil Diplomacy in Africa.” International Affairs 82 (October): 937-959. Trubowitz, Peter, and Jungkun Seo. 2012. “The China Card: Playing Politics with Sino‐American Relations.” Political Science Quarterly 127 (February): 189- 211. Wang, Zheng. 2014. “The Chinese Dream: Concept and Context.” Journal of Chinese Political Science 19 (Spring): 1-13. Wayne, Martin I. 2007. China’s War on Terrorism: Counter-Insurgency, Politics and Internal Security. New York: Routledge. Xiang, Lanxin. 2001. “Washington’s Misguided China Policy.” Survival 3 (August): 7-24. Yu, Hong. 2017. “China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Its Implications for Southeast Asia.” Asia Policy 24 (July): 117-122.

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 29 Sustainable Economic Development and the Maker Movement in American Cities B S  M. O

Sustainability is often framed as “… the traditional “smokestack chasing” style (re)locate. Dating back to at least 1982 it encompassing three interrelated dimensions economic development efforts (see for has been argued that quality of life is an of economic development, environmental example Peters and Fisher, 2004). In recent important factor for business owners when protection, and social equity/justice” years research has started to focus on the they decide where to place their business (Opp, 2017, p. 286). Cities perceived to be importance of the quality of the place for local (Koven and Lyons, 2010). Quality of life is successful in balancing these three competing economic development efforts (Koven and usually associated with some of the following and sometimes contradictory concerns Lyons, 2010; Blakely and Leigh, 2013; Opp types of amenities (Koven and Lyons, 2010; are often labeled as sustainable cities in the and Osgood, 2013). The so-called place- Glaser and Bardo, 1991): literature. Winning the title of sustainable based economic development approach is a. Entertainment options (restaurants city is generally believed to be worthy of generally categorized into a larger group and other recreational amenities) pursuit and of public investment (Portney, of strategies that are believed to be more b. Community image and spirit (festivals, 2013). Many American cities have adopted sustainable, environmentally conscious, community events) a number of policies in the quest to be and benefi cial to a community (Koven and c. City appearance more sustainable. The topic of sustainable Lyons, 2010; Opp and Osgood, 2013). From d. Housing choices and affordability cities has remained popular for academics this interdisciplinary research, we know e. Local government services (public and public offi cials to study in an attempt several specifi c strategies are associated with safety, quality K-12 education) to identify best practices and policy lessons positive outcomes for sustainable economic 3. Bottom up strategies for economic (Opp and Saunders, 2013; Portney, 2013). development goals and fi t with a place-based development include the asset-based To date, research on the so-called sustainable approach: development highlighted above, but also cities has provided compelling evidence that 1. Asset-based development is a focus include entrepreneurship efforts, cluster the social equity dimension of sustainability on the existing amenities and resources in development efforts, and broader innovation is largely missing from the policy landscape the community. This form of economic policies. and that cities usually struggle to integrate development is a bottom-up strategy that a. Entrepreneurship efforts focus on economic development concerns with their leverages unique community assets to drive creating new businesses and jobs from environmental sustainability efforts (Opp their local economic development efforts. within the community rather than and Saunders, 2013; Opp and Osgood, 2013; The key to this approach to economic focusing on attracting new fi rms to Opp, Osgood, and Rugeley, 2014). development is that it builds on the unique the community. By approaching In addition to simply struggling to nature of the community to improve from economic development through this fi nd a healthy balance between economic within while theoretically being smart about method it is believed that a community development pressures with environmental resource use and asset protection. Assets can avoid the negative consequences considerations; research also provides that are often focused on in this strategy that have been well documented with evidence that downturns in the local include: traditional “top down” business economy can lead even the most sustainable a. Natural Resources: Bodies attraction efforts (Osgood, Opp, and city to pursue unsustainable approaches to of water, mountains, gateway Bernotsky, 2012). economic development (Osgood, Opp, and into national/state parks, etc b. Cluster development efforts focus on Bernotsky, 2012; Opp, Osgood, and Rugeley, b. People: Unique education, supporting the development or 2014). This summary article will highlight specialized training, and specifi c expansion of interconnected compa- one area of interest in this tension between skillsets (language, manufacturing, nies in the community or region. It economic development and sustainability: skills, etc) is thought that although these comp- the Maker Movement. A brief overview c. History: Unique local landmark, anies may compete amongst each of one case study- Macon Georgia- is signifi cant historical event other—they also can cooperate. highlighted in this review to illustrate how d. Well-developed or unique Clusters can be made up of businesses the maker movement is believed to be related transportation infrastructure: at all ends of the supply chain and to sustainable economic development goals Access to rail/air/water, they can work together to minimize in American cities. For further details on this proximity to ports, effi cient mass and share costs as well as provide a topic, see Opp (2018). transit, unique historical close supplier and buyer of goods infrastructure (trolley, streetcars, and services. It is believed that cluster Economic Development and Sustainability etc) based strategies can provide for A growing body of research e. Local institutions: Higher sustainability through capitalizing on documents and explores the link between education institution, health care shared infrastructure needs. the environment and the economy (Koven facilities, government facilities c. Innovation focused economic and Lyons, 2010; Opp and Osgood, 2013). 2. Quality of life is a believed to be development is a generic term for Decades of evidence in the economic a signifi cant aspect of decision making an economic development strategy development literature also document the for businesses and for people looking to that focuses on developing talent shortcomings and failures associated with

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 30 Opp

and developing knowledge with the have a public institution as a key partner or Georgia Technology Authority (GTA). To goal to turn that knowledge and founder. Cities and Universities are common supplement that grant and purchase the talent into wealth creation. This is participants in makerspaces. initial equipment the founders launched a a bottom up strategy that focuses successful crowdfunding campaign (Rosario, on entrepreneurship, technology The Makers Movement as a sustain- 2014). When the makerspace finally opened development, human resources, and ability tool? in downtown Macon it was one of only 30 creativity. The oft-cited creative class Even with the limited information makerspaces in the state of Georgia and theory fits with this general approach currently available on the makers’ movement was the only one located in Central Georgia to local economic development (see and the related makerspaces, it is clear that (Thurston, 2015). Florida, 2002). some relationship between sustainability, Now that SparkMacon has been open economic development, and the makerspace for more than three years- the space has The Maker Movement exists. It is usually the makerspaces expanded to 3,000 square feet of space The maker movement aligns well with themselves and the overall focus on a small- divided into nine distinct “making” areas all three of the identified sets of strategies scale entrepreneur that leads observers ranging from a wood and metal shop to described above. This movement is to conclude the makers’ movement a music studio. To highlight associated increasingly being viewed as a potentially might be a useful sustainable economic educational and social goals, the space also lucrative area to focus on as part of a development tool for cities. Through the includes a conference area, a classroom, and sustainable economic development strategy. focus on a shared spaced, collaboration a lounge area for what they call “creative Although the actual definition of the maker across a community, and small-scale entrepreneurs” to share ideas and to movement is varied, it is a phrase that is entrepreneurship it is believed that local collaborate on projects. The current mission most often used to describe a diverse set of governments can use this movement and statement highlights the connection the individuals and communities focusing on a these spaces to encourage a better economic space is meant to have to local economic do-it-yourself (DIY) approach to product development approach while simultaneously development and entrepreneurship efforts. development. Observers believe that the investing into revitalization of downtowns The mission of SparkMacon is to maker movement can lead to potential or mainstreets. Given the lack of centralized create a collaborative workspace for income streams, jobs, and businesses or comprehensive information on the maker a wide range of creatives that meets through the sales of newly manufactured movement, a case study helps highlight how every stage of entrepreneurship, products. Given the reality that most local these makerspaces might relate to local from ideation to prototyping to economic development strategies have jobs sustainability and economic development manufacturing, by providing an and/or wealth creation as their overall goal- concerns. adaptable space for innovation, in- this outcome of the maker movement aligns house support, as well as connections well with most city economic development Making Macon Sustainable: SparkMacon to local resources that enable them efforts. The overall maker movement Macon Georgia is not the typical city to make a living doing what they love is usually traced to the publication of highlighted for being aggressive in pursuing (SparkMacon Mission, 2017). “Make Magazine” in 2005. This magazine sustainability in the United States. In fact, As mentioned previously, makerspaces profiled DIY projects for the first time being located in a state- Georgia- that is not like SparkMacon are believed to align well on a national scale and brought the topic often identified as being aggressive or even with sustainable economic development into more mainstream awareness. Later in supportive in the pursuit of sustainability approaches through the focus on 2005, Etsy emerged as an online platform makes this an even more interesting case to entrepreneurship and human resource where DIY’ers could become entrepreneurs explore. Macon is located approximately development (a key and often identified without needing to invest in a storefront or 85 miles south of Atlanta and is home to local asset). Entrepreneurship and the their own website. To date, a variety of public more than 155,000 residents, 6,000 historic local production of products are thought sector officials and groups- including former buildings and 14 historic districts (US to provide a way to focus local economic President Obama- have taken an interest in Census ACS, 2015; Historic Macon, 2017). development efforts internally towards the maker movement and the role it might The residents of the city are primarily racial current residents and local businesses. play for both economic development and for and ethnic minorities and the city suffers This internal focus stands in stark contrast sustainability goals. Many cities, nonprofits, from a high rate of poverty across all to the more traditional externally focused and institutions of higher education have populations (US Census ACS, 2015). The approach to economic development that has invested in makerspaces to help support the city has struggled to emerge from the Great been associated with negative outcomes for growth and expansion of this movement in Recession and has experienced a number many cities- including serious environmental cities across America. of employment and business losses over externalities (Koven and Lyons, 2010; Opp Makerspaces, although varied, the years that have prompted policymakers and Osgood, 2013). generally consist of a physical location to engage in some creative thinking about Entrepreneurship has been a key part that will include access to various types of economic development strategies. of economic development for decades manufacturing/creating equipment (such as and has recently expanded into the laser cutters, advanced computers, and heavy The emergence of the Makerspace: Spark- sustainable development toolkit for cities manufacturing equipment) that would be Macon across the United States by emphasizing useful to a potential maker but too expensive SparkMacon emerged from a local production activities. It is believed for any one person to purchase on their collaborative cross-sectoral effort and that entrepreneurship based on local own. The spaces are meant to be shared in opened in November 2014 in the city. To production has the potential to contribute the community and will vary in complexity, obtain the necessary resources to open the to sustainability goals through “…reduced size, and cost-sharing arrangement. Some shared maker space and to purchase the transportation needs, lower pollution, more makerspaces are developed and managed initial equipment; the participating founders local jobs, local ownership of businesses, by nonprofits while other makerspaces applied for and received a grant from the and retention of capital in the local

Mountain West Journal of Politics and Policy- Issue I 31 Opp community” (Wheeler and Beatley, 2009, p. sustainability, however, the investment and Peters, A., & Fisher, P. (2004). The failures of 233). SparkMacon is designed to provide the effort put into SparkMacon has shown economic development incentives. Journal of the American Planning Association, 70(1), 27-37. necessary space and educational support for the first hint of being able to reimagine Portney, K. E. (2013). Taking sustainable cities all stages of entrepreneurship from the idea local economic development through a seriously: Economic development, the environment, and quality of stage to the actual manufacturing process sustainability lens. Rather than engage in the life in American cities. MIT Press. and does so without incentivizing outside traditional needs-based externally focused Rosario, M. (2014). “Our Crowdfunding campaign has launched”. Available at: https://www.sparkmacon. businesses to locate to Macon (SparkMacon, approach to economic development, Macon com/our-crowdfunding-campaign-has-launched- 2017). Furthermore, as an even clearer has been able to focus their efforts internally contribute-now-and-tell-your-friends/. Retrieved relationship to sustainability, the founders and on ways that may lead to a better balance November 1, 2017. of SparkMacon strategically located the between sustainability and economic needs. SparkMacon. (2017). “SparkMacon”. Available at: https://www.sparkmacon.com/ space in downtown Macon with the goal of Although makerspaces are new to the Thurston, Meagan. “Spark Macon: A providing a mechanism to spark downtown conversations on sustainability in American Maker’s Space in Downtown Macon”. Available at: revitalization. As the Mayor says, “Our cities, these spaces are worthy of a renewed http://11thhouronline.com/2015/06/29/spark- efforts to become the Hub City of Middle look. As retail establishments continue to macon-a-makers-space-in-downtown-macon/ Retrieved October 21, 2017. Georgia- being a walkable city, attracting decline in American cities, these makerspaces United States Census Bureau (2015). American people back to Downtown, improving may very well fill a need to revitalize Community Survey. sidewalks and open spaces, encouraging downtowns and creatively reuse commercial Wheeler, S. M., & Beatley, T. (Eds.). mixed use development- are core tenants spaces. These spaces are relatively low- (2009). Sustainable urban development reader. Routledge. of revitalizing a community… and they cost, require little upfront investment, and can help lower our negative impact on the may just provide a unique economic and environment” (Floore, 2017). SparkMacon’s environmental benefit to a city. location in downtown Macon is no coincidence and fits with the desire to have a walkable and thriving downtown area- both References key concerns for sustainability goals. Blakely, E. J., & Leigh, N. G. (2013). Planning local economic development: Theory and practice Sage Publications. Economic Impact? Florida, R. (2002). The rise of the creative class: Although the economic impact of and how it’s transforming work, leisure, community and SparkMacon has not yet been formally everyday life. New York: Basic. Floore, C. (2017). “Macon-Bibb joins the Mayors assessed; several important related activities National Climate Action Agenda”. Available at: have emerged that provide some evidence http://www.maconbibb.us/climatemayors/ Retrieved of the early economic successes this space November 2, 2017. is having on the community. Perhaps the Glaser, M. A., & Bardo, J. W. (1991). The impact of quality of life on recruitment and retention most direct and traditional connection to of key personnel. The American Review of Public economic development goals are the new Administration, 21(1), 57-72. local businesses that have launched due to Historic Macon (2017). “Macon’s Historic the presence of SparkMacon. One such Districts”. Available at: http://www.historicmacon.org/ macons-historic-districts/ Retrieved November 2, 2017. business that has emerged with some help Koven, S., & Lyons, T. (2010). Economic Development: from SparkMacon is the minority-owned strategies for state and local practice. Washington DC: custom bow-tie business, BowFRESH International City/County Management Association. (Middle Georgia CEO, 2017). The owner Middle Georgia CEO. 10/10/2017. “SparkMacon Launches Collaborative Workspace”. http:// of BowFRESH clearly attributes some of middlegeorgiaceo.com/news/2017/10/sparkmacon- his success to SparkMacon saying publicly launches-collaborative-workspace/ that “The space has provided a comfortable Opp, S.M. (2018). “MakerSpaces and Sustainable atmosphere to make my handcrafted Economic Development: SparkMacon”. In Case Studies in Suburban Sustainability edited by Brinkman, R and S. bowties, as well as given me access to Garren. University of Florida Press. amazing technology resources, including Opp, S. M. (2017). The forgotten pillar: a a laser cutter and photo editing software” definition for the measurement of social sustainability (Middle Georgia CEO, 2017). As a second in American cities. Local Environment, 22(3), 286-305. Opp, S. M., & Osgood Jr, J. L. (2013). Local economic example, Georgia Artisan is an even clearer development and the environment: Finding common ground. CRC example of the economic benefit derived Press. from SparkMacon. The Founder of Georgia Opp, S. M., & Saunders, K. L. (2013). Pillar talk: Artisan got his start in SparkMacon and now local sustainability initiatives and policies in the United States—finding evidence of the “three E’s”: economic operates his own warehouse employing five development, environmental protection, and social people (Personal Communication Osman, equity. Urban Affairs Review, 49(5), 678-717. 2017). Opp, S. M., Osgood Jr, J. L., & Rugeley, C. R. (2014). City limits in a postrecessionary world: Explaining the pursuit of developmental policies Conclusions and Next Steps after the great recession. State and Local Government Makerspaces hold promise for a new Review, 46(4), 236-248. approach to local economic development Osgood Jr, J. L., Opp, S. M., & Bernotsky, R. that does not suffer from many of the same L. (2012). Yesterday’s gains versus today’s realties: Lessons from 10 years of economic development shortcomings as the traditional methods practice. Economic Development Quarterly, 26(4), 334-350. criticized by experts everywhere. Macon Personal Communication, Nadia Osman. Georgia is not a likely success story for (11/29/2017).

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