Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula, Russia from 1880 to 1940

Babinski and Ekostrovski: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula, Russia from 1880 to 1940

Robert P. Wheelersburg, Natalia Gutsol

Arctic Anthropology, Volume 45, Number 1, 2008, pp. 79-96 (Article)

Published by University of Wisconsin Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/arc.0.0004

For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/251551

[ This content has been declared free to read by the pubisher during the COVID-19 pandemic. ] Babinski and Ekostrovski: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula, Russia from 1880 to 1940

Robert P. Wheelersburg and Natalia Gutsol

Abstract. This multidisciplinary project focused on the Western Kola Peninsula and examined how human activities during the pre-industrial and industrial periods infl uenced changes in the environment such as pollution in the Imandra Lake watershed. The study concentrated on two Saami reindeer herding pogosty [communities] on the Western Kola Peninsula during the period from the 1880s until 1940. English, Russian, and Scandinavian ethnographies, photographs, and maps dating from the mid-nineteenth through the mid-twentieth century depicted the two pogosty, named Babinski and Ekostrovski, and recent interviews of Saami born in the 1920s and 1930s provided data concerning two decades after the Revolution. The data suggest that the two pogosty underwent signifi cant changes during the study period. These changes resulted from residents adapting to new economic circumstances or from the Soviet program involving relocation and centralization of the reindeer herding communities in the region. Both Babinski and Eko- strovski ceased to exist as Saami reindeer herding communities sometime before World War II. 1984:379; Robinson and Kassam 1998). Nineteenth Introduction century Kola Saami pogosty were called obshchina This study documents the nature of two Saami [kinship-based communities], and exploited com- pogosty [communities] on the Western Kola Pen- mon pasturage and inherited fi shing and hunting insula (Fig. 1) from the 1880s until World War II. areas within a defi ned territory through extended The early part of the study period allows an un- families as did the siida (Encyclopaedia of Saami derstanding of reindeer herding communities in Culture 2; Konstantinov 2:170; Manker 1953:13–17; the region prior to the economic and political pro- Pehrson 1957:92–93). In historical documents, cesses that led to large-scale changes in Saami so- ethnographies, and other sources the term pogost ciety during the twentieth century. The study pe- meant a village and was widely used on Kola as a riod concludes with the decades of rapid and name for Sami settlements. Besides having com- extensive modernization on the Kola Peninsula af- mon social and economic interests, pogosty partici- ter the Russian Revolution that ended with the re- pated in a shared spiritual life and ideology. location and/or abandonment of Babinski and Eko- Available sources concerning the pogosty strovski Saami pogosty. of Babinski and Ekostrovski during the study pe- The study focused on the late-nineteenth cen- riod included the writings of British, Russian, tury Saami pogost, which some consider a rem- and Scandinavian ethnographers depicting West- nant of the indigenous Saami siida [reindeer herd- ern Kola Saami culture in the late 1800s and early ing community] (Konstantinov 1997:17; Meriot 1900s, using fi rst-hand observations and secondary

Robert P. Wheelersburg, Department of Sociology-Anthropology Elizabethtown College, Elizabethtown, Pennsylvania 17022

Natalia Gutsol, Barents Centre for the Humanities, Kola Science Centre Apatity, Murmansk, Russian Federation

WW4852.indb4852.indb 7979 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2811:17:28 AAMM 80 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

Figure 1. Map of the Kola Peninsula showing population densities and cities indicating high levels of development along the former Kola Trakt. Cities are 1) Apatity; 2) Kandalaksha; 3) Kirovsk; 4) Monchegorsk; 5) Olenegorsk; 6) Polyarnye Zori; 7) Kovdor; and 8) Murmansk. Map courtesy of Lars Bromley.

sources such as census data and economic reports. itated a certain amount of freedom (Fig. 2). Yet, Maps produced by various cartographers from while the Kola Peninsula did not come under state 1860 until 1941 established pogost locations and control as early as other portions of Sápmi [Saami development of the region. Saami informants born homeland], Saami culture was shaped by Russians into Western Kola pogosty recounted social struc- for centuries. Although “the Saami lived in rela- ture and resource use during the 1920s and 1930s. tive isolation and the Tsarist regime gave them a The study period was signifi cant because it wide berth of autonomy” (Eidlitz Kuoljok 1987:74, began with Saami herding communities operat- translated by the author from the Swedish origi- ing in relative autonomy and fi nished with the So- nal) the pre-Revolutionary government, assisted viets establishing absolute control over the Kola by the Orthodox Church, infl uenced substantial Peninsula. Until the late 1930s Russian infl uence changes in Kola Saami society before the Soviets. in the region was not absolute, and both the Tsar- As happened on the Kola Peninsula, the rest ist and Soviet governments permitted some Saami of Sápmi changed rapidly in fi rst half of the twen- political, social, and economic freedoms. For ex- tieth century. For example, state imposition of po- ample, the latter allowed some private ownership litical, social, and economic policies in Norway, of reindeer herds for a time after implementing the commonly called “Norwegianization” (Lehtola kolkhoz [Soviet Farm Collective] (Konstantinov 2002:44) transformed many Saami into settled, 2005:181). Without the Russians having absolute Christian farmers fl uent in the language and cul- control over the Kola Peninsula, several nations ture of majority society. In Finland, Skolt Saami competed for control over the Saami, which facil- lost much culture as a result of rebuilding the re-

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8080 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2811:17:28 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 81

Figure 2. Photograph titled “Kola Skolt Lapps, Sasheika Village.” Unknown photographer, late 19th century (exact date unknown). Photograph courtesy of the National Museum of Finland.

gion destroyed during World War II, a process that shed. Some maintained that the inﬂ uences during involved accepting modern transportation tech- the latter part of the study period were so extreme nology and material culture during the so-called that “the fate of the Kola Saami in the 1900s was “Snowmobile Revolution” (Pelto 1987). In addi- the most tragic of all . . . [as the] traditional siida tion, many Saami were forcibly removed from the system collapsed in the decades after the Russian border region between Russia and Finland and Revolution in 1917” (Lehtola 2002:68–69). that also caused signiﬁ cant changes. Yet, perhaps The present study cannot be generalized to nowhere did Saami culture-change reach such lev- the Kola Peninsula as a whole, because it is based els as on the Kola Peninsula during the study pe- on only two western Saami pogosty, which were riod. Those changes began with the immigration of different than eastern Kola Saami communities. the reindeer-herding Komi in the late nineteenth Western and eastern Kola Saami pogosty varied in century, who established neighboring settlements, the number of permanent settlements and the size competing for resources with Saami pogosty and of their migration routes. Eastern pogosty had two ultimately causing a change in their herding meth- permanent settlements and long migration routes ods (Hallström 1911:241; Konstantinov 1997:15; between pasturage in the interior forests and tun- Sarv 1996:132). Changes continued with the de- dra on the coast. Western pogosty had one perma- velopment of the Imandra Lake region in the early nent settlement and several temporary residences, twentieth century, when telegraph wire was laid with smaller migratory routes between pastures and the railroad from Kandalaksha to present along the way (Kuropjatnik 2003:102). day Murmansk was built and the western Saami Additionally, there were several demographic pogosty adopted new economic strategies. The characteristics of Kola Saami pogosty that make changes continued in the decades following the generalization inappropriate. For example, many 1917 Revolution, as the Soviets created reindeer Kola pogosty were not exclusively Saami, but the herding collectives, began removing Saami vil- ethnic mix tended to differ between western and lages to central locations such as Lovozero, and eastern communities. For example, the eastern executed leaders who resisted. The Soviet program Kola reindeer herding village of Krasnoshchelye ultimately led to the relocation/abandonment of was founded in 1921 by Komi, not Saami residents Saami pogosty west of the Imandra Lake water- (Konakov 1993:100; Konstantinov 2000:51). It re-

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8181 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2911:17:29 AAMM 82 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

mains predominately Komi, with smaller numbers 60). Subsequently, Orthodox Cloisters on Kola be- of Saami, Nenet, Russian, and immigrants from gan to accumulate large tracts of land and water, other parts of the former Soviet Union living there acquired from the state, purchased from Saami as well. Western Kola Saami communities often and Russian families, or which they received mixed with Finnish and Norwegian populations as collateral on defaulted loans (Eidlitz Kuoljok who immigrated across the Russian border. 1987:74–76). Despite the Tsars later seizing many Finally, regional development and the sub- of these lands, the Orthodox Church continued sequent infl ux of Russians, Scandinavians, and building its infrastructure so that by the late 1800s forced laborers from other parts of the Soviet there were three churches in the town of Kola, Union into the Imandra Lake region on western along with nineteen other churches, four cha- Kola contrasted signifi cantly with the rather un- pels, and at least four parochial schools elsewhere developed and isolated eastern part of the Penin- on the Peninsula (Archangel Atlas 1890; Rae sula. Unlike other parts of the Russian Arctic, the 1881:17). The Orthodox Church spent so much ef- western Kola Peninsula was subjected to industri- fort there that in 1899 the Governor of Archangel alization and militarization “due to the proxim- Province (including the Kola Peninsula) remarked ity of Russian power centers and a longer period that to develop the region like neighboring Nor- of colonization . . . especially when added to the way, Russia would have to make infrastructure im- proximity of North European neighbors and trade provements beyond merely building churches (En- routes” (Konstantinov 2005:173–174). Regional de- gelhardt 1899:227). velopment on western Kola increased pressure for Perhaps responding to Engelhardt’s call, Rus- Saami pogosty to abandon much of their reindeer sia increased development on the western Kola herding culture for economic reasons along with Peninsula in the fi rst two decades of the twentieth being forced to change by the Soviets. century. Completion of the railroad in 1916 from Kandalaksha on the White Sea to the ice-free port of Romanov-on-Murman (renamed Murmansk af- Saami and Russian Relations ter the 1917 Revolution) and the mineral explora- Saami and Russians have interacted on the Kola tion such a move allowed “fundamentally changed Peninsula since the eleventh century (Ushakov the settlement position of the whole peninsula” 1972:31). Initially, Russia was unable to establish (Armstrong 1965:44). A Russian scientifi c expe- dominion over the Kola Peninsula despite settle- dition was sent to the western Kola Peninsula in ments established by pomors [Old Russian mari- 1920 to determine how best to exploit the region’s time communities] on the White Sea Coast in the vast natural resources. The expedition’s geochem- twelfth century. In the following centuries Tsar- ist discovered prized minerals in the Khibiny Mas- ist interests competed with those of the Scandina- sif on Lake Imandra’s eastern shore, which led to vian Crown(s), as Swedish agents taxed and traded rapid and large scale industrialization from Mur- with the Kola Saami in defi ance of Novgorod prin- mansk to Kandalaksha (Took 2003). ces (Armstrong 1965:10–11, 42; Meriot 1984:381). Industrialization created extreme demo- In 1582 the Danish king demanded tribute from graphic imbalances as the Saami, Pomor, Finn, the Kola Monastery. Although the monks subse- and Norwegian inhabitants of the western Kola quently accepted Scandinavian sovereignty, the Peninsula were dwarfed by Russian, Belorussian, Swedish king burned the monastery town in 1590 and Slavic immigrants brought in by the Soviets to killing hundreds (Rae 1881:17). After Sweden lost work on mineral extraction and processing (Luzin, a war against the Denmark-Norway Union in 1611, Pretes, and Vissliev 1994:7; Took 2003:2112–2114; it abandoned large-scale ventures on the Kola Pen- Voinov et. al. 2004:377). By 1941 the Saami were insula as a result of the Knäred (1613) and Stol- a small minority of the total Kola Peninsula popu- bova (1617) Treaties (Meriot 1984:382). Following lation consisting of 130,000 Russians, 2,100 Finns, Sweden’s war with Russia in the early nineteenth 1,900 Saami, 800 Komi, and 15,000 classifi ed as century, northern Sweden’s (now Finland’s) bor- “others” (Economic Atlas 1941: map 10). der was established in 1809 followed by the Rus- Industrialization of the western Kola Penin- sian border in 1826, when Kola Saami fi nally be- sula eventually led to severe ecological problems came Russian (Gyebel 1909:197). in the entire Barents Region, especially through The Orthodox Church helped establish Rus- construction of the Severonickel smelters in Mon- sian hegemony over western Kola. Rozhdestva chegorsk and Nikel to process nickel, copper, and Hristova [Birth of Christ] Parish baptized Saami cobalt ores along with a fertilizer manufacturing living along the mouth of the Niva River and Kan- plant in Apatity. All of these factories emitted sul- dalaksha Bay in 1526, and a monastery was built fur dioxide, which produced the so-called “For- in the town of Kola during the mid-sixteenth cen- est Death Zone” on western Kola and damaged or tury (Armstrong 1965:11; Konstantinov and Vladi- killed vegetation on one quarter of the Lapland Re- mirova 2002; Shmakov 1909:9; Ushakov 1972:58– serve (AMAP 1997; Edwards 1994:84–85; Voinov

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8282 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2911:17:29 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 83

et al. 2004:377). Pollution stretched beyond Rus- spent part of the year on the coast and the remain- sia’s borders, damaging lands in neighboring Nor- der in the interior (Rikkinen 1983:90). Despite the way and Finland (Doiban et al. 1992). Perhaps overall variety, in 1888 over half of the Kola Saami more importantly, construction of the Kola Nu- population lived in interior communities (Kihl- clear Power Plant in Polyarnie Zori and the decay man 1890:30). Although the term pogost literally of the nuclear submarine fl eet in Murmansk could meant “village,” pogosty referred to several set- result in atomic pollution affecting the entire Bar- tlements of various types (Fig. 3). Western Kola ents Region. Saami pogosty typically had only one permanent In addition to developing the Kola Penin- settlement, which normally was inhabited from sula, the Soviets instituted several programs Christmas until late April. that eventually contributed to the elimination The winter village (and the pogost itself) was of Saami reindeer herding communities west of named after the river, lake, or district where it was Imandra Lake. Initially, the post-Revolutionary situated for fi shing. In winter villages families typ- government treated the Kola Saami as one of the ically lived in a log dwelling with a slightly slop- “Small Peoples of the North” (Slezkine 1994:1–3). ing roof and a fi replace inside in one of the cor- That designation, given by the Soviets to indi- ners, similar to the Finnish Saami tupa [cabin]. genous Russian Arctic groups in the 1920s per- The older Kola Saami winter dwelling was called mitted Kola Saami pogosty to continue the self- vezha [hut], a tetrahedral pyramid made of poles governance created by mid-nineteenth century ju- and covered with bark and turf that the Scandina- dicial reforms made under the Tsar. Although it vian Saami called goahte, a style found through- took nearly two decades for regional Soviets to out Sápmi. As local resources, especially fi rewood, coalesce (Took 2003:195–196), northwestern Rus- were depleted the winter village relocated every sia was so important that Stalin sent his friend few decades to within a few kilometers of the pre- and the Communist Party’s second highest rank- vious location (Kharuzin 1890; Rae 1881:233; Rik- ing member, Sergei Kirov, to Leningrad (St. Peters- kinen 1981:205–206; Semyenov-Tyan-Shanski burg), where he introduced true repression to the 1999:43). Kola Peninsula. Although Kirov was assassinated In late spring the large winter village broke in 1934, his programs eliminated Saami commu- up into several smaller, family-based settlements nity autonomy. The city of Kirovsk on Imandra near lakes or rivers to exploit fi shing grounds. Lake bears testimony to his infl uence on the re- Saami families maintained spring and autumn gion’s modernization. camps for fi shing and hunting small game, where As part of their second wave of collectiviza- they lived in tents called kuvak (Halström 1910: tion, taking place from 1933 until 1941, the So- 295; Konstantinov 2005:178; Rae 1881:83). The viets seized Saami lands and watersheds, central- summer dwelling on fi shing sites was a vezha, ized reindeer herding, and imprisoned or killed tupa, or kuvak depending upon family needs. pogost leaders who resisted their programs (Robin- Families also maintained balagan [storage sheds], son and Kassam 1998:13, 42; Sarv 1996:134). The wooden structures set either on poles or on the Soviets also eliminated the indigenous education ground. system and destroyed Saami texts in 1937—a move Prior to the study period, pogosty engaged that decreased local profi ciency in Kola Saami di- in a variety of economic activities that depended alects and caused at least one to die out (Hein- upon land and water resources held in common apuu n.d.; Lehtola 2002:11). The fi nal piece of the by the community. Agrarian reforms in the mid- Soviet program was put in place in the 1950s and nineteenth century eliminated resources held in 1960s when many western Kola Saami pogosty common by Saami pogosty. Subsequently, the were removed and relocated to Lovozero. Along rights to use land and water became privately with the 1917 Revolution, other factors such as in- owned by individual families, and these rights dustrialization, environmental destruction, po- could be bought and sold as property. Many Saami litical repression, and fi nally the post-Soviet eco- sold their resource use rights to Orthodox par- nomic collapse particularly affected Russian’s ishes and became landless peasants, although they northern peoples (Ziker 2002), resulting in severe leased land and water rights from the Church. changes for the western Kola Saami reindeer herd- Saami who lost resource use rights completely ing communities. worked for Cloisters in their salt ovens and fi shing facilities, and performed other tasks. That change caused Saami herding pogosty to assume a struc- Pre-Soviet Kola Saami Society ture more like the Russian peasant farming com- During the study period, there were three types of munity, as both were subsumed into the feudal Kola Saami pogosty or their village groups; those state (Eidlitz Kuoljok 1987:74–76). that spent the whole year on the coast, those that The economy of the Kola Saami pogosty dur- spent the entire year in the interior, and those that ing the mid-1800s was based more upon subsis-

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8383 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2911:17:29 AAMM 84 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

Figure 3. Drawing of old Moncha Saami village (Ekostrovski Pogost) in 1935 by Sonya Sorvanova, a 15 year old Saami girl. Courtesy of the Museum of Northern Explorations, Kola Science Centre.

tence pastoralism than upon commercial reindeer portance of inland fi shing for interior pogost fam- herding (Konakov 1993:98). Yet, herding was the ilies was evident in the several fi shing grounds primary occupation of many Saami and wealth controlled by each along nearby lakes and rivers was measured by the number of reindeer house- (Rikkinen 1983:88). Key inland fi sh included holds owned. Even the poorest herders consid- trout, char, grayling, pike, perch, and burbot. In ered other sources of income only as a means to addition to eating and selling some of the fresh purchase additional reindeer (Khazanov 1983:80). catch, much of the fi sh especially pike and perch Saami reindeer herding changed when the Komi was dried for winter food. Fish were caught us- began immigrating to Kola in the late-nineteenth ing a variety of methods (Fig. 5), including seines, century. Neighboring Komi, who maintained large sweep nets, weirs, and hooks (Halström 1911; reindeer herds did not consider the Russian Saami Volkov 1996:30–31). Although reindeer pastur- very effective reindeer breeders; they tended their age was sometimes held communally by the smaller herds mostly for domestic consumption pogost, kudda [Finn. fi shing grounds on inland and transport, underutilized available pasturage, lakes and rivers] were inherited along family and seemed to concentrate on fi shing (Hallström lines (Kiselyeva 1984; Lukjancenko 1983:202; Rae 1911). As the century ended, infl uenced both by 1881:233). Each family territory was divided into Komi herding success on Kola and Tsarist poli- two kuddas, one used by the family and the other cies, Saami pogosty also began to work with larger kept in “reserve” for inheritance by the eldest son reindeer herds, while retaining many of their own (Volkov 1996:33–34). In addition to fi shing the reindeer breeding methods. family had rights to hunt and cut timber on its While much Saami family income in coastal kudda (Took 2003). pogosty came from salmon fi shing (Fig. 3), the im- Transporting people and goods along the for-

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8484 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:2911:17:29 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 85

mer Kola Trakt that ran from Kandalaksha up the dogamous marriage group, with between 50 and Niva River along the western shore of Imandra 60 percent of pre-Soviet marriages being within Lake to the town of Kola was an important source neighboring communities (Kuropjatnik 1992:2; of income for western Saami pogosty (Dergachev Lukjancenko 1971:9). Kola Saami pogosty of 15 or 1877:61). Saami herders moved freight and pas- more families were governed by a skhod [assem- sengers using boats on rivers and lakes, and over- bly] comprised of the most respected and prosper- land by draft reindeer in summer and reindeer ous elders. Pogost assemblies settled economic, sledge in winter (Fig. 6). Toward the end of the social, and family issues along with handling nineteenth century, Russia surveyed Imandra confl icts between communities (Efi menko Lake’s eastern shore to lay telegraph cable. Post 1877:55–56). and telegraph stations sprang up along the route at Winter villages were the spiritual home of distances of between 20 to 33 miles, and began at- the Saami communities, symbolized by sacred tracting Saami families who settled near the sta- sites like burial grounds and small wooden Or- tions to provide commercial transport (Fig. 7). thodox chapels (Lukjancenko 1983:202). Since In 1916 the railroad was completed on Imandra the time before Christianity was prevalent in the Lake’s eastern shore and many Saami herders be- area and continuing in later years, Saami fami- came so dependent upon money earned by trans- lies constructed seids [magic stone outlines] de- port that they relocated from the western shore. picting people and animals in large numbers near The pogost had important social functions as lakes and rivers within the pogost territory (Ko- well as economic ones. Although they were exog- maretskaya 1928; Volkov 1996:98–99). Not surpris- amous, several neighboring pogosty formed an en- ingly, fi shing played a central role in the spiritual

Figure 4. Photograph titled “Drying a seine, Imandra Lake, 1867.” Photograph by J. A. Friis, courtesy of the National Museum of Finland.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8585 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3011:17:30 AAMM 86 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

beliefs and ideology of Kola Saami pogosty. A de- strovski Pogost, recorded fi rst in 1574, included the ity was responsible for ensuring good fi shing, and territory in the central part of the watershed, while this understanding infl uenced taboos and customs Babinski Pogost, documented in 1608 occupied the to ensure a profi table catch. For example, a tradi- southwestern portion (Dergachev 1877; Platonov tional saying was that “no one can leave the house 1923). In the early seventeenth century Babinski while the hostess is taking the fi sh out of the pot. Pogost’s permanent village included seven dwell- It means that the fi sh will escape from the seine” ings with 60 inhabitants while Ekostrovski’s per- (Volkov 1996:42). manent village had six dwellings with a population of 40 (Kharuzin 1890). In 1866 the total Kola Saami population Babinski and Ekostrovski Pogosty numbered about 2,182 (1,121 men and 1,061 As part of a study about pre-industrial land and re- women). The peninsula had been divided into source use on the western Kola Peninsula, this arti- nine volosti [administrative districts], which re- cle examines how Saami reindeer herding pogosty corded Saami pogost populations. Ekostrovski operated in terms of settlement patterns, social had 101 adults (12 households, 20 dwellings) and structure, and resource use. For centuries prior to Babinski had 105 adults (eight households, 10 the large-scale industrialization of the region in the dwellings), along with smaller mixed settlements 1900s there were three Saami pogosty in the Iman- in the region including Raznovolotskaya Station, dra Lake watershed, Ekostrovski, Babinski, and Yokostrovskaya, and Zasheechnaya, each with Masel (the latter not included in this study) (Ency- less than ten Saami residents with only one or two clopaedia of Saami Culture 2004; Took 2003). Eko- dwellings (Dergachev 1877:2–3). According to the

Figure 5. Saami pogost, permanent village showing wooden houses and ﬁ shing equipment drying. Photograph by J. A. Friis, courtesy of Helsinki University.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8686 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3011:17:30 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 87

Figure 6. Photograph annotated: “Nikandr Semenitsh Briskin (a Russian telegrapher) is leaving for a tour of inspec- tion. The reindeer standing on shore were used as beasts of burden. They swam after the boat and were loaded again on the other site of the bay. Jokanga.” Photograph by T. I. Itkonen, 1914, courtesy of the National Museum of Finland, translation by the National Museum of Finland.

1868 census, 47 Saami in Ekostrovski Pogost be- winter village in Babinski Pogost was situated on longed to one of the 13 Arkhipov families (Kom- the southwestern shore of Imandra Lake where the shilov, n.d.). Around the turn of the nineteenth Peringa River enters (Lompo-Trofi mov 1930). Eko- century Kola Saami were divided by the Orthodox strovski Pogost’s winter village Jokostrov (an al- Church into seven prihody [departments]. Kanda- ternate spelling) was located south of Ekostrovski lakski prihod included Ekostrovski and Babinski Strait on the west central shore of Imandra Lake. pogosty, recording 101 parishioners (54 men and An 1890 map (Fig. 9) also showed the contempo- 47 women) and 105 (48 men and 57 women), re- rary locations of Babinski and Ekostrovski settle- spectively (Dergachev 1877:27–29). The last popu- ments (Archangel Atlas 1890). Although the map lation count during the study period, the census of was not precise, it suggested the two winter vil- 1926/27 indicated that Babinski Pogost contained lages had remained in the same general loca- 82 residents, while Ekostrovski Pogost contained tion from 1860 until 1890. The Russian Orthodox 56 members (Census 1929). Church was fi rmly established near Babinski and Ekostrovski pogosty with monasteries, chapels, churches, and parochial schools in Kandalaksha, Village Settlement Patterns showing the diocese’s infl uence on the western Maps produced at the beginning of the study pe- Kola Peninsula. In 1899 Babinski (i.e., Akkala) and riod (Fig. 8) placed Saami villages on Imandra Ekostrovski (i.e., Rasnavolokskaya) settlements Lake along with Russian settlements and Orthodox “were all in good order, tidy, and evidently just chapels (Temple 1880, cited in Rae 1881]). Akkala done up with samovars, crockery, tables, stools

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8787 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3111:17:31 AAMM 88 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

Figure 7. Saami ﬁ shing camp next to Imandra Post and Telegraph Station under construction, 1880. Photograph by Wilhelm Ramsey, courtesy of the National Museum of Finland.

Figure 9. A Russian Orthodox Church Map, 1890. At the top are Ekostrovski and Babinski pogosty. Kan- dalaksha Parish is also shown. Courtesy of Helsinki University.

Figure 8. Map showing Ekostrovski (Jokostrov) village on the western coast of Imandra Lake, and Babinski (Akkala) village at the southwestern end of the lake. Also shown is the Kola Trakt, the trail from Kandalak- sha to Kola. From Friis (1872).

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8888 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3111:17:31 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 89

and sheds to sleep in” (Englehardt 1899:100– 101). Engelhardt (1899:232–233) further described Babinski Pogost thusly: [Saami live in] Akkala, or Babinsky, an old village lying thirty versts [verst = .6629 miles] due west of Sashyéka, and the most southerly settlement of the Russian Lapps. Akka in Lapp, and Baba in Russian signify equally, old woman. The winter settlement is Akkalaver Pogost, where are three isboushki and one balagan, on the banks of the Yuni River . . . . The fi shing-places of the Lapps are looked upon as properties and are heredi- tary . . . The Lapps are known . . . from the river, lake or district where they have their winter abode . . . [they move] three or four times in the year from . . . the winter pogost to a balagan near some lake or stream, for fi shing or bird-catching; at mid July to the larger lake fi shery; in August again to fi shing and fowling, or hunting reindeer, martens, squirrel, otter, bear, etc. Finally at Christ- mas back to the pogost. Here stand their small chapels—simple wooden huts surmounted by a cross; and only when fi rewood and reindeer-moss become exhausted do they change their homes. Figure 10. Finnish map showing the railroad from Then the chapel is moved too. Kandalaksha to Kola. Babinski (Akkala) is still pres- Maps from the early 1900s also recorded ent, but Ekostrovski has moved to Imandra Station on the location of contemporary Babinski and Eko- the eastern shore of the lake. Courtesy of the National strovski settlements (Hallström 1911:240). While Library of Finland. Babinski remained in its previous location, Eko- strovski residents had moved their permanent vil- Although it was recorded near its original lo- lage north near Rasnavolokskaya on the western cation in 1924, eventually the old Babinski perma- shore of the Yokostrovski Strait, where the Piringa nent village vanished (Lompo-Trofi mov 1930:32). River enters Imandra Lake (Gyebel 1909:80; Rae In 1938 the Soviets relocated surviving Babinski 1881:236). That location was also revealed by its residents to the village of Yena as part of the pro- Saami place name. The bank of Ekostrovski Strait gram to eliminate “unpromising” reindeer herding was called Lanirent, derived from the Saami word pogosty. It is unknown whether the buildings were lann, meaning small town or village (Kazakov moved to Yena, although in many cases structures 1999:80). Ekostrovski’s summer settlements were were relocated along with the community inhabit- located on islands in White Bay and Monche Bay ants. In 2005 informants were still able to identify (Rihter 1934). the old Babinski settlement location. Conversely, In 1900 the main Ekostrovski village relo- Ekostrovski’s old permanent village changed its located to the eastern shore of the lake approxi- cation during the fi rst decade of the twentieth cen- mately two kilometers north of the newly estab- tury. In 1925–26, an expedition made a geograph- lished railroad stop called Imandra Station ical survey of the Imandra Lake region noting some (Fig. 10). The village was renamed “Polovinka” kentischa [vegetation associated with earlier hu- and contained about fi fty residents (Charnolusski man activities]. Among these kentischa were the 1972:141; Voschinin, (ed); Kartta Muurmanin locations of three former Saami settlements, in- 1918). Ekostrovski residents moved closer to the cluding one considered the old Ekostrovski pogost, station to participate in the growing transportation six kilometers west of Ekostrovski Straight be- sector as the railroad’s completion and growing tween the Ikostrovskaya Imandra-Zheleznaya and mineral exploration brought more people to the re- Pora bays, and Voche-Lambina and Kisloe lakes gion. For example, the Arhipov family moved to (Rihter 1935:map; Semyenov-Tyan-Shanski 1999: Polovinka where members established a hotel for 44). It was situated on the lake shore and was rich traders and other travelers as a winter occupation, in kentischa vegetation, and contained the remains supplementing their incomes by hunting, reindeer of houses. A Saami fairy tale, “Hero from Voche- herding, and fi shing. Conversely, the Akkala settle- Lambina,” names that location (Rihter 1927:5–6). ment remained near its 1860 location until the late There is no information about forced relocation 1930s, suggesting that Babinski residents were less of the survivors, but sometime in the 1940s Eko- dependent upon the developing transportation strovski residents moved to the industrial cities of sector than were those from Ekostrovski. Monchegorsk, Kirovsk, or Apatity.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 8989 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3211:17:32 AAMM 90 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

A 1941 map revealed that by World War II Kola Trakt, Ekostrovski Pogost residents relocated much of the old Babinski Pogost territory had been their permanent village to Imandra Station until it converted into a collective farm, with the remain- was abandoned around World War II. der classifi ed as “lands in reserve.” Much of the One question that arises from this study territory was also designated as part of collective is whether Babinski Pogost’s settlement stabil- farms, lands in reserve, and “national reserves” ity allowed its residents to retain their older cul- (Economic Atlas 1941, map 13). A second 1941 ture into the twentieth century, while Ekostrovski map, although not as detailed, also revealed the Pogost’s dependence upon increasing Russian eco- changed settlement patterns. In the former Babin- nomic and social activities caused the members to ski Pogost territory two villages “Yena” and “Up- abandon much of their older culture. Regardless, oloksha” were recorded, but the residents were by the time of the Revolution both Ekostrovski and of mixed ethnicities including Finns, Russians, Babinski pogosty had adopted many elements of and relocated Babinski Saami. There was no trace Russian and Scandinavian culture. Russian cul- of the old Ekostrovski Pogost on the west of Lake ture had left its mark on Saami groups in the re- Imandra on that map, but Polovinka remained in gion especially in the form of clothing, food, hous- the vicinity of the Imandra Railroad Station on the ing, ceremonies, and the use of vodka and of tea. lake’s eastern shore (Railroad Map 1941). Finnish culture also began infl uencing the pogosty Thus, maps revealed changes in Saami as early as the 1850s when Finns began settling pogost settlement patterns during the period, al- in their territory, building sawmills, and marrying though the extent of those changes varied be- Saami (Halström 1911: 304–305). tween villages. Babinski Pogost’s settlement pattern remained similar to its nineteenth century form until it disappeared in the late 1930s. On the Village Social Structure other hand, Ekostrovski Pogost’s settlement pat- During the study period, nearly 90% of the Babin- tern changed decades earlier, as the pogost moved ski Pogost residents were related by blood or mar- its permanent village several times during the pe- riage to other Babinski residents, with approxi- riod from 1860 to 1940; this refl ects more than the mately 65% of the inhabitants related to the Sergin normal pattern of moving every few decades for family (Table 1). Informants described how the fi rewood (Rikkinen 1981:206). Infl uenced by in- Sergin family formation process functioned within creased availability of transport work along the four spheres. The fi rst sphere involved pogost en-

Table 1. Selected Babinski Pogost family relationships, 1940.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9090 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3211:17:32 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 91

dogamy within the Sergin family, as in the mar- Ignatiy Mironovich, was a reindeer herder. Ignatiy riage between Sergin Vilen Alexandrovich and Mironovich’s father, Miron Arkhipov, became a Sergina (Sergina [maiden name]) Vera Romanova. coachman on Imandra Lake, moving in 1919 to The second sphere consisted of interfamily mar- Polovinka and later to Khibiny Station near pres- riages with pogost endogamy between members ent day Apatity. A second informant, Tyutin Py- of the Sergin and Osipov families. A third sphere etr Maksimovich was born in 1929 in Polovinka of the family formation process was pogost exog- where he lived with his mother until 1939. Py- amy between Babinski, Ekostrovski (especially the etr’s father was Russian born in 1893, while his Arkhipov family), and Notozero residents, who mother, Selivanova Natalia Dmitrievna, was Eko- lived in relatively close proximity to each other. strovski Saami. Natalia’s grandfather, Arkhipov According to some fi gures, the level of intermar- Kondrati Tikhonovich, was a small herder with riage between these three Western Kola pogosty about 30 reindeer, who also hunted and fi shed in reached 75% (Kuropjatnik 2003:105). The fourth the Imandra Lake watershed. sphere consisted of marriage between Saami and The Soviet’s presence had a profound impact other ethnic groups, primarily Finns, Russians, on Ekostrovski Pogost. Approximately fi ve of the and Komi. Together, these four family formation Ekostrovski males were arrested in the late 1930s spheres created a multiethnic pogost population by the Soviets. At least three were killed, includ- of several related members. ing Arkhipov Ignati Arkhipovich (b. 1894), a car- Three Sergin brothers—Semyen Illari- penter from Khibiny Station, and Sorvanov Pavel onovich, Prokopi Illarionovich, and Roman Petrovich (b. 1909) a private carrier with reindeer Illarionovic—lived together along with one adult (Daschinski, Voronin, and Nechushkin 1997). The son, Fyedor Romanovich in Babinski’s perma- loss of so many leading males, along with the in- nent winter settlement during the early twenti- creasing participation in the Russian economy eth century, where they cooperatively managed caused Ekostrovski Pogost to suffer the same fate their herds. Sergin males were important reindeer as Babinski and it ceased to exist around 1940. owners and Roman Illarionovich Sergin’s daughter estimated that her father owned 200 reindeer, which was a large number for Kola Saami herd- Village Resource Use ers at the time (Halstöm 1911:257). Semyen Illari- Prior to collectivization, Babinski and Ekostrovski onovich Sergin owned about 100 reindeer, accord- pogosty had mixed economies that included rein- ing to his granddaughter. Ultimately, their status deer herding, hunting wild reindeer and other as large herders doomed Babinski senior males un- game, transporting people and goods along the der the Soviet system (Lehtola 2002:68). Approxi- Kola Trakt and, most importantly, fi shing. In mately eight Babinski Pogost males were arrested the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the and killed in 1937 and 1938, including Semyen Il- Babinski and Ekostrovski reindeer herds that were larionovich; most likely for resisting collectiviza- owned by individual families varied in size from tion (Daschinski, Voronin, and Nechushkin 1997). between 20 to 300 animals (Kihlman 1890), many Combined with forced relocation, elimination of of which were used for transport (Rae 1881:232). its leaders caused Babinski Pogost to cease being a The herders hunted wild reindeer on their territo- viable Saami community. ries on the Kibinska tundra west of Lake Imandra According to the 1868 census most resi- during autumn and spring (Hallström 1911:252; dents of Ekostrovski Pogost belonged to the Arkh- 257). During the late nineteenth century, reindeer ipov family, which dominated the village similar herding acquired a dominant position in pogost to the Sergin family in Babinski Pogost (Kom- economies due to the move towards management shilov 1927). The well-known Saami family may of large herds of a commercial type, a change in- have been founded by Kalina Arkhipov, who was fl uenced by Komi immigrants to the region. Saami the ancestor of Ivan and Lyubov Arhipov, listed pogosty began to increase the size of their herds as residents of Ekostrovski Pogost in 1868 (Char- like the Komi, although they continued using nolusski 1972:108,140–141). The exact nature many of their own management principles (Beach of Ekostrovski Pogost social structure during the 1992:115). Eventually the Soviets forced all Saami study period remains relatively uncertain; how- herders to change to large scale, commercial rein- ever, informant family histories suggested that the deer production using modern techniques. Also, marriage pattern was similar to that practiced by the number of Saami involved in reindeer herding Babinski residents. decreased substantially after 1917 as collectiviza- Babinski Pogost resident Sergin Artamon tion proceeded. Semyenovich (b. 1905) was married to a Kilden While traditional pogost territories were still Saami woman Dmitrieva Anastasiya Demyanovna, used for fi shing and hunting, due to the increased and they had a daughter Olga Artamonova Ser- focus on herding these resources played a lesser gina. She married Arkhipov Konstantin Ignatevich role than in the earlier Saami mixed economy. from Ekostrovski Pogost, whose father, Arkhipov Yet, despite the increasing importance of herding

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9191 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3211:17:32 AAMM 92 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

and other economic pursuits like transportation, iad (i.e., European whitefi sh, Coregonus Lavaretus Babinski and Ekostrovski pogosty earned much of L.) that they took from Saami “fence traps” (e.g., a their income from inland fi shing, and they sold long weir). their fi sh in Russian towns like Kandalaksha and Babinski Pogost families controlled many of Kola (Alymov 1927). For example, while visiting the lands and waters on the southwestern side of Rasnavolokskaya station, Englehardt (1899:100) the Imandra Lake watershed for herding, fi shing, reported that “fi sh were plentiful.” Using towed and hunting from the late nineteenth century into lines Englehardt’s party caught trout, salmon- the Soviet period (Table 2). Pre-World War II Babin- trout, and grayling, along with salmon and gwin- ski kuddas were situated on Babinski, Chuna,

Table 2. Babinski and Ekostrovski pogosty resource use territories, circa 1940. Family (pogost) Settlement Locations Fishing/Hunting/Herding Sergin (Babinski Pogost) Semyen Illarionovich (b. 1874) Nyavka/Chuna rivers, Ohtjavr, Chunajavr Artamon Semyenovich (b. 1905) Nyavka River, Sails Bay,1 Okhto/Chuna lakes Okhto/Chuna lakes isthmus Matryena Petrovna (b. 1915) Babya/Zhaleznaya bays Denis Konstantinovich (b. 1910) Kalazhnoe Lake, Kalazhnoe/Babinski lakes Lyavaporog River2 Sergeev and Dead islands Anisim Makeevich Chalm Lake Sergei Makeevich Chumba/Pirenga/Kandos lakes Roman Illarionovich (b. 1880) Kordsu-Kord Island Rummel Lake, Ohtjavr-Oht Island, Vulich Lake Gerasim Anisimovich Avva Bay1 Chalm Lake, Geras’ka River Fyedor Romanovich (b. 1924) Akkala, Nyavka River, Chuna/Komsa/Olich lakes Maria Prokopevna (b. 1923) Komsa Lake1 Novaya Bay Sergin Andrei Chumba Lake1 Osipova (Babinski Pogost) Stepan Prokopy Stephanovich Hirvas Lake (b. 1888) Komsa Lake Taluya/Runya bays Hirvas Lake Kotbos Lake Chernykh (Babinski Pogost) Afanasiy Matryena Ivanovna Pirenga Lake (Dlinnaya Bay), Pirenga Lake, Pirenga River (b. 1915) Bab Lake, Matryena Island Zheleznaya Bay Kalozhnoe Lake, Serveev/Dead islands Arkhipov (Ekostrovski Pogost) Agafya Gavrilovna (b. 1923) Imandra Station Ostrovskoi/Pivnus lakes Ivan Kondratevich (b. 1912) Kutskol Lake1, Lumbolka Lake,3 Kondrati Tikhonovich Pulosero Station Inkis/Kutsol/Koshk/ Ostrovskoe/Seidozero/ Mechnoe/Kumuzh’e lakes Tuibolka-Volchji Tyutin (Ekostrovski Pogost) Pyetr Maksimovich (b. 1929) Polvinka, Imandra Station, Kutsol/Lumbolka/Koshk lakes, Ostrovskoi Tuibolka 1 Summer settlement. 2 Autumn and spring settlement. 3 Winter settlement.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9292 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3211:17:32 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 93

Hirvas, Kalazhnoe, Komsa, Pirenga, and Rum- altered the most as both Saami reindeer herding mel lakes, along with the Chumba, Lyavaporog, pogosty disappeared. Babinski residents were relo- Nyavka, and Pirenga rivers. The number and ex- cated to the present day village of Yena, although tent of lands and waters controlled by Babinski it is not known whether the Babinski buildings members and the location of several settlements were destroyed or moved. What happened to Eko- on bays formed by lakes and rivers illustrated the strovski is not as clear. In the early 1900s about 50 importance of fi shing in the pre-collective pogost of the residents moved their settlement on their economies. own to the eastern side of the lake near the Iman- Similar to Babinski Pogost, Ekostrovski fam- dra Lake railroad station to take advantage of job ilies utilized inherited land sites, lakes, rivers, opportunities on the railroad and in the national and islands for herding, hunting, and fi shing into parks. By 1939 there was no trace of the former the 1930s. The Arkhipov and Tyutin families con- Ekostrovski village, although a few of its surviving trolled kuddas on Imandra Lake from Ekostryovs- residents remain in the Imandra Lake region. kaya Imandra to Monche Bay, and on Pivnus, Kut- sol, Lumbolka, and Koshk lakes, along with the Acknowledgments. This article was made pos- land sites Nyark, Chuna, Monche, and Volchji tun- sible through two grants from the United States dras. Ekostrovski families also utilized Mogilny Is- National Science Foundation, Offi ce of Polar land [ Island of the Grave] in Imandra Lake near Programs, Arctic Social Science Program (OPP- present day Apatity as a cemetery prior to its de- 0095196; OPP-0353677). Mrs. Tatyana Fyedoro- struction during road and power line construc- vna Tsmykailo provided access to her personal tion in the late 1930s (Lukjancenko 1983:203; Rae information and archival materials on the former 1881:236; Semyenov-Tyan-Shanski 1988). Babinski Pogost, along with arranging for informant interviews. Ms. Vera Pepina provided similar assistance with Ekostrovski Pogost. Ms. Anastas- Conclusion sia Eremeeva served as project historian and fi eld At the beginning of the study period Babinski assistant, along with making many of the logistical and Ekostrovski pogosty were interior villages, arrangements. The Kola Science Centre provided with the residents remaining inland throughout logistical support as well, along with technical the year. In winter families moved close to forests expertise and access to collections and materials for access to fi rewood, migrating onto the tundra from the Museum of Northern Explorations. in summer and autumn for fi shing and hunting. Mr. Matti Munnukka of the National Library of Saami herding families practiced mixed econo- Finland facilitated archival research on maps, mies that relied on fi shing, hunting, and other pur- as did Ms. Marja-Leena Kaasalainen, Curator of suits to supplement income from reindeer herd- Prints and Photographs for the Finnish National ing. Yet, the last century and a half witnessed Board of Antiquities. Ms. Mira Friedman Eides, tremendous pressures on western Kola Saami Senior Library Specialist, Brown University pro- pogosty to adapt to new circumstances, some im- vided information on Russian sources. Mr. Lars posed by external forces and some the result of in- Bromley of the American Association for the Ad- ternal choices. The most important external forces vancement of Science provided logistical support during the study period were initially the Ortho- and technical expertise for mapping and other dox Church and later Soviet programs like reloca- imagery. Dr. Roger Kvist and three anonymous re- tion. Internal decisions to move settlements from viewers gave excellent comments about the piece, the western shore of Imandra Lake along the older and Dr. Susan Kaplan provided outstanding guid- Kola Trakt to the eastern shore where new eco- ance on bringing the piece to fruition. nomic opportunities were created by the railroad also resulted in changes. Internal infl uences may have refl ected periodic readjustments in socioeco- References Cited nomic activities by Saami families as their earlier Alymov, V. K. resource base of fi shing, small scale reindeer herd- 1927 Lopari Kol’skogo Poluostrova [Lapps of the ing, and transporting people shifted to increased Kola Peninsula]. Murmanskoe obschestvo krae- participation in the Russian economy facilitated vedeniia [Murmansk Society of Local History]. by the railroad and mineral exploitation. Follow- Reports and Account, Issue 1, Pp. 7–23. ing the Revolution, or more accurately after the full impacts of the Soviet program came to bear AMAP in the late 1930s, western Saami pogosty changed 1997 Arctic Pollution Issues: A State of the Arctic signifi cantly. Environment Report. Arctic Monitoring and Pogost residents lost much of their pre- Assessment Programme. Oslo: AMAP. twentieth century traditions such as social struc- Archangel Atlas ture and resource use as a result of these exter- 1890 Atlas Arkhangelskoj epacrhii, sostojashchij nal and internal forces. Settlement patterns were iz 30 ti kart [Atlas of the Archangel Eparchy

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9393 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3311:17:33 AAMM 94 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

that includes 30 maps]. Karta II Blagochiniya Edwards, Mike Kol’skogo Uezda’ [The Map of the Second De- 1994 Pollution in the Former U.S.S.R. Lethal Legacy. partment of the Diocese of the Kola District]. National Geographic Magazine 186(2):70–115. Archangel: Tipo-litografi ja V. Cherepanova. Efi menko, Aleksandra Iakovelevna Armstrong, Terence 1877 Narodnye Iuridicheskoe obychai loparei, ko- 1965 Russian Settlement in the North. Cambridge: relov i samoiedov Arkhangelskoi gubernii Cambridge University Press. [Traditional Juridicial Customs of the Lapps, Karelians, and Samoeds of Archangel Province]. Beach, Hugh St. Petersburg: Tip. V. Kirshbauma. 1992 Reindeer Herding on the Kola Peninsula: Re- port of a Visit with Saami Herders of Sovkhoz Eidlitz Kuoljok, Kerstin Tundra. In Readings in Saami History, Culture, 1987 Den samiska sitan—en utmaning [The Saami and Language III. Center for Arctic Cultural Sita—A Challenge]. Rig 1987(3): 75–76. Fören- Research, Miscellaneous Publications, No. 14, ing för Svensk kulturhistoria [Society for Swed- Roger Kvist, ed. Pp. 113–142. Umeå University. ish Culture History]. Census 1929 Encyclopaedia of Saami Culture 1926– Pokhozyaistvennaya Pripolyarnaya Perepis’ 2004 Map 46 The Saami Villages (hist.). http://www 1927 SSSR 1926/1927. [Household Prepolar Census .helsinki.fi /~sugl_smi/senc/en/index.htm. Uni- of the USSR 1926/1927.] Moscow. versity of Helsinki, Finland. Charnolusski, Vladimir Vladimirovich Engelhardt, Alexander Platonovich 1972 V Krayu Letuchego Kamnya [In the Land 1899 A Russian Province of the North. Westminster: of Flying Stone. Notes of an Ethnographer]. Archibald Constable and Company. Zapiski ethnografa. Moscow: Izd-vo Mysl’. Friis, Jens Andreas Daschinski, S. N., V. V. Voronin, and V. A. Nechushkin 1872 En sommar i Finnmarken, Ryssisk Lappland 1997 Kniga Pamiati zhertv polticheskih repressive og Norkarelen: skildringar af land och folk v Murmanskoy oblasti. [Book of Memory of the [A Summer in Finmark, Russian Lapland and Sacrifi ces from the Political Repressions in the North Karelian: Divisions of Land and People]. Murmansk Region (1920–1950)]. Murmansk. Stockholm: Huldbergs Bokhandel. Dergachev, Nikolai A. Gyebel, G. F. 1877 Russkaya Laplandiya. Statisticheskiy, geo- 1909 Nasha Laplandia. [Our Lapland.] St. Petersburg. graphicheskiy I ethnographicheskiy ocherki Hallström, Gustav [Russian Lapland Statistical, Geographical and 1911 Kolalapparnas hotade existens [The Kola Lapps’ Ethnographical Essay]. Izdanie Archangelskogo Threatened Existence]. Ymer. Tidskrift ut- Gubernckogo Statisticheskogo Komiteta. Arch- gifven af svenska sällskapet för antropologi och angel: Tipografi ya Gubernskogo Pravleniya. geografi [Ymer. Journal published by the Swed- Doiban, Vladimir A., Michael Pretes, and Alexei.V. ish Society for Anthropology and Geography.], Sekarev 1911. H. 3, Pp. 239–316. Stockholm. 1992 Economic Development in the Kola Re- Heinapuu, Andres gion, USSR: An Overview. Polar Record n.d. The Endangered Uralic Peoples. Short Refer- 28(164):7–16. ence Guide. Internet website http://www.suri Economic Atlas .ee/eup/. 1941 Ekonomicheskii Atlas Murmanskogo okruga Leningradskoi oblasti. Karta 10, Plotnost’ na- Kartta Muurmanin seleniya I preobladaiushchie narodnosti. Karta 1918 Kartta Muurmanin radasta ja Kuolan niemi- 13, Social’nye formy I vidy zemlepol’zovaniya maasta [Map of Murman Track and the Kola [Economic Atlas of the Murmansk Region of Peninsula]. Tehty Suomen armeijan yleise- the Leningrad Oblast’. Map 10, Population sikunnan sotilaskartoituksessa syyskuussa Density and Prevailing Nationalities. Map 13, 1918 [Compiled by Finnish Army Headquar- Social forms and Types of Land Management]. ters, Topographic Mapping Section in 1918]. Murmanskii Filial Geografo-ekonomicheskogo 1:1,000,000. nauchno-issledovatel’skogo instituta Lenigrad- Kazakov, A. skogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Izdanie 1999 Saamskie geografi cheskie nazvaniya v Mur- GENII LGU I Murmsnskogo okrispolkoma manskoi oblasti. [Saami Geographical Names in [Murmansk Department of the Geographic and the Murmansk Region.] Zhivaya Arktica [Lively Economic Scientifi c Research of the Leningrad Arctic], 1. Murmansk: Sever. State University] Leningrad: Izdanie GENII LGU I Murmanskogo okrispolkoma.] [Lenin- Kharuzin, Nikolai grad: GENII LGU, Murmansk Regional Execu- 1890 Russkie Lopari: Ocherki proshlogo i sovremen- tive Committee]. nogo byta [Russian Lapps: Characteristics of

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9494 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3311:17:33 AAMM Wheelersburg and Gutsol: Saami Pogosty on the Western Kola Peninsula 95

Past and Present Lifestyle]. Izvestiia imperator- Kuropjatnik, Marina skogo obshchestva liubitelei estestvoznaniia, 1992 K kharakteristke brachnoy sistemy Kol’skih antropologii and etnograffi m 66 [Proceedings Saamov, (po materialam metricheskih knig of the Imperial Society for Natural Science, XIX–nachala XXvv) [On the Characteristics of Anthropology and Ethnography, 66]. Trudy et- the Kola Saami Marriage System, (On the data nografi cheskogo otdela, 10. Moscow: Levenson. of the register of birth books XIX—beginning of the XX century)]. Journal of the Finno-ugric Khazanov, Anatoly M. Society 84:191–200. 1983 The Kola Lapps’ Reindeer Management. In Production Pastorale et Société. Bulletin de 2003 Pribaltijsko-fi nnskie narogy Rossii [Baltic- l’écologie et anthropologie des sociétes pasto- Finnish People of Russia]. Moscow: Science rals, 12. Pp. 79–84. Publishing House. Kihlman, Alfred Oswald Lehtola, Veli-Pekka 1890 Bericht einer naturwissenschaftlichen Reise 2002 The Sámi People—Traditions in Transition. durch Russisch Lappland im Jare 1889 [Report Inari: Kustannus-Puntsi. of a Scientifi c Journey through Russian Lapland in the Year 1889]. Fennia 3(6):1– 42. Lompo-Trofi mov, M. 1930 Problema Ispol’zovaniya Vnutrennih Vodoye- Kiselyeva, T. A. mov na Murmane [Problems with the Use of 1984 Voprosu o Mestah Prozhivaniya Kol’skih Saa- the Interior Reservoirs on Murman]. Karelo- mov (1917 – 1967) [On the Places of Residence Murmanskiy Kray. of the Kola Saami (1917–1967)]. Priroda I khozyaistvo Severa [Nature and Economy of the Lukjancenko, Tatjana. V. North]. Issue 12. Murmansk: Geografi cheskoe 1971 Mterial naya Kultura Saamov Kolskogo Polu- ob-vo SSSR, Severnyi fi lial. ostrova Kontsa 1920–v.v.p. [Material Culture of the Kola Peninsula Saami at the End of the 19th Komaretskaya, O. to the Beginning of the 20th Century]. Moscow: 1928 Iz loparskogo eposa. [From Lappish Epic.] Mur- Nauka (Science). manskoe obschestvo kraevedeniya Doklady I soobscheniya [Murmansk Historical Society. 1983 The Burial Customs of the Kola Saamis. Scandi- Reports and Accounts], Vol. 2. Pp. 39–43. navian Yearbook of Folklore 39:201–210. Murmansk. Luzin, Gennady P., Michael Pretes, and Vladamir Komshilov, Y.A. Vissliev 1927 Loparskie Kleima [Saami Reindeer Ear-Marks]. 1994 The Kola Peninsula: Geography, History and In Doklady I Soobscheniya Murmanskogo Ob- Resources. Arctic 47(1):1–15. schestva Kraevedeniya [Reports and Informa- tion from the Murmansk Society for the Study Manker, Ernst of Local Lore]. Pp. 46–48. Murmansk: Vypusk 1. 1953 The Nomadism of the Swedish Mountain Lapps. The Siidas and Their Migratory Routes n.d. NVF-1074. Archival Records, Museum of North- in 1945. Nordiska Museet: Acta Lapponica VII. ern Explorations, Kola Science Centre, Apatity, Stockholm: Hugo Gebers. Russia. Meriot, Christian Konakov, Nikolaj D. 1984 The Saami Peoples from the Time of the Voy- 1993 Ecological Adaptation of Komi Resettled age of Ottar to Thomas von Westen. Arctic Groups. Arctic Anthropology 30(2):92–102. 37(4):373–384. Konstantinov, Yulian Pehrson, Robert N. 1997 Memory of Lenin Ltd. Reindeer-Herding Bri- 1957 The Bilateral Network of Social Relations in gades on the Kola Peninsula. Anthropology Könkämä Lapp District. Indian University Re- Today 13(3):14–19. search Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and 2000 Pre-Soviet Pasts of Reindeer-Herding Collec- Linguistics, Publication 3. Bloomington: Indi- tives: Ethnographies of Transition in Murmansk ana University Press. Region. Acta Borealia 17(2):49–64. Pelto, Pertti J. 2005 From “Traditional” to Collectivized Reindeer 1987 Snowmobile Revolution: Technology and Social Herding on the Kola Peninsula: Continuity or Change in the Arctic. Waveland Park: Waveland Disruption? Acta Borealia 22(2):170–188. Press. Konstantinov, Yulian and Vladislava Vladimirova Platonov, Sergei F. 2002 Ambiguous Transition: Agrarian Reforms, 1923 Nachalo Russkih Poseleniy na Murmane [The Management, and Coping Practices in Mur- Beginning of Russian Settlements on Murman]. mansk Region Reindeer Herding. Max Planck Proizvoditel’nye Sily Rayona Murmanskoy Institute for Social Anthropology Working Pa- Zheleznoy Dorogi. Petrozavodsk, Pp. 1–11. pers, 35. St. Petersburg.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9595 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3311:17:33 AAMM 96 Arctic Anthropology 45:1

Rae, Edward of doctoral thesis, defended at Imperial Military 1881 The White Sea Peninsula. A Journey in Russian Medical Academy in 1908–1909] No. 8. St. Pe- Lapland and Karelia. London: John Murray. tersburg: Publishing House of A. G. Rozen, and A. E. Landau. Railroad Map 1941 Murmansk Railway. First Edition, Sheets 1 Slezkine, Yuri and 2. Geographical Section, General Staff, 1994 Arctic Mirrors: Russia and the Small Peoples of No. 4224, British War Offi ce. the Russian North. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Rihter, G. D. 1934 Fiziko-Geografi cheskiy Ocherk Ozera Imandra Took, Roger I Ego Basseina [Physical Geographical Assay of 2003 Running with Reindeer. Encounters in Russian the Lake Imandra and Its Basin]. Pp. 44. Lenin- Lapland. London: John Murray. grad: Gostekhizdat. Ushakov, Ivan F. Rikkinen, Kalevi 1972 Kol’skaya zemlya. [Kola Lands.] Murmansk: 1981 Man At the Timberline: Life on the Kola Penin- Murmanskoe Knizhnoe izd-vo. sula in the 1880s. Fennia 159(1):201–207. Voinov, Alexey, Lars Bromley, Elizabeth Kirk, Anatoliy 1983 The Lapp Villages of the Northern Kola Penin- Korchak, Joshua Farley, Tatiana Moissenko, Tatiana Kra- sula in the Late 1880’s. Nordia 17(1):87–91. sovskaya, Zoya Makarova, Vladimir Megorski, Vladimir Selin, Galina Kharitonova, and Robert Edson Robinson, Michael P. and Karim-Aly S. Kassam 2004 Understanding Human and Ecosystem Dynam- 1998 Sami Potatoes: Living with Reindeer and Per- ics in the Kola Arctic: A Participatory Integrated estroika. Calgary: Bayeux Arts. Study. Arctic 57(4):375–388. Sarv, Marju Volkov, Nikolai N. 1996 Changes in the Social Life of the Kola Saami. In 1996 The Russian Sami. Historical-Ethnographic Essays on Indigenous Identity and Rights. Irja Essays. Diedut 2/1996. Lars-Nila Lasko and Seurujärvi-Kari and Ulla-Maija Kulonen, eds. Chuner Taksami, eds. [Originally published in Pp. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. 1946]. Nordic Sami Institute. Ran: MAE. Semyenov-Tyan-Shanski, Oleg Voschinin, Vladimir Platonovich, editor. 1999 Ekostrovski Pogost. Zhivaya Arktika [Vivid 1939 Geographicheski Slovar’ [Geographical Arctic], No. 3. Valeriy Berlin, ed. Pp. 42–44. Dictionary], vol. 1. Pp. 79. Leningrad: Iz- Apatity. datel’: Murmanski Filial Geographichesko- economicheskogo Nauchno-Issledovatel’skogo Shmakov, Ivan N. Instituta Leningradskogo Gosudarstvennogo 1909 Materialy dlya antropologii russkih lo- Universiteta [Murmansk Branch of the Geo- parey. Opyt etnoghrafi cheskogo I mediko- graphic and Economic Scientifi c Research Insti- antropolocheskogo issledovaniya. Seriya dok- tute of the Leningrad State University]. torskih dissertatsiy, dopuschennyh k zaschite v Imperatorskoy Voenno-Meditsinskoy Akademii Ziker, John P. v 1908–1909 godu [Materials on Anthropology 2002 People of the Tundra: Northern Siberia in the of the Russian Lapps. Essay of Ethnographic Post-Soviet Transition. Prospect Heights: Wave- and Medico-Anthropological Analysis. Series land Press.

WW4852.indb4852.indb 9696 77/10/08/10/08 11:17:3311:17:33 AAMM