Agriculture in Ukraine: Economic and Political Frameworks
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UDC 339.146.4:005.5 SAKUN L., VIEDIENINA Yu., RIZNICHENKO L
Економічні науки ISSN 2307-5740 UDC 339.146.4:005.5 DOI: 10.31891/2307-5740-2020-284-4-2 SAKUN L., VIEDIENINA Yu., RIZNICHENKO L., VIELKIN B., ALIEKSIEIENKO A. Kremenchuk National University named after Mikhail Ostrohradsky MANAGEMENT OF SALES ACTIVITIES OF THE ENTERPRISE AS AN EFFECTIVE TECHNOLOGY OF ENTERING INTERNATIONAL MARKETS The means to expand the volume of production and sales of high-quality confectionery products in the conditions of entering international markets are reviewed. Theoretical aspects of sales management and ensuring an effective system of production and sale of products at the enterprise operating in conditions of entering international markets are investigated; the main areas of the enterprise's activity in the circumstances of entering international markets. A comprehensive analysis of the main equipment and economic indicators of JSC "Kremenchuk Factory "Roshen" was carried out. The schedule of dynamics of volumes of selling with the forecast for 2020-2021, based on the mathematical model is formed. Strategic program of development of JSC "Kremenchuk Factory "Roshen" on effective implementation of sales technologies for entering international markets was developed Keywords: sales activities, technology, management, international markets, exports, strategy, efficiency. САКУН Л. М., ВЄДЄНІНА Ю. Ю., РІЗНІЧЕНКО Л. В., ВЄЛЬКІН Б. О., АЛЄКСЄЄНКО А. С. Кременчуцький національний університет ім. М. Остроградського УПРАВЛІННЯ ЗБУТОВОЮ ДІЯЛЬНІСТЮ ПІДПРИЄМСТВА ЯК ЕФЕКТИВНА ТЕХНОЛОГІЯ ВИХОДУ НА МІЖНАРОДНІ РИНКИ У статті розглянуті шляхи розширення обсягів збуту високоякісної кондитерської продукції в умовах виходу на міжнародні ринки. Досліджені теоретичні аспекти управління збутом та забезпечення ефективної системи виробництва й реалізації продукції на підприємстві, що працює в умовах виходу на міжнародні ринки; визначено основні напрямки діяльності підприємства в умовах виходу на міжнародні ринки. -
Reforms in Ukraine After Revolution of Dignity
REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next This publicaon was produced with financial Responsibility for the informaon and views set out assistance from the EBRD-Ukraine Stabilisaon and in this publicaon lies enrely with the authors. The Sustainable Growth Mul-Donor Account, the EBRD makes no representaon or warranty, express donors of which are Denmark, Finland, France, or implied, as to the accuracy or completeness of the Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, informaon set forth in the publicaon. The EBRD Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, has not independently verified any of the informaon the United States of America and the European contained in the publicaon and the EBRD accepts Union, the largest donor. The views expressed herein no liability whatsoever for any of the informaon can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion contained in the publicaon or for any misstatement of the EBRD or any donor of the account. or omission therein. The publicaon remains the property of the EBRD. REFORMS IN UKRAINE AFTER REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY What was done, why not more and what to do next Editors Ivan Miklos Pavlo Kukhta Contents Foreword 4 Introducon What was done, why not more and what to do next: Ukrainian reforms aer the Revoluon of Dignity 7 Chapter 1 Polical economy of reforms: polical system, governance and corrupon 10 Chapter 2 Macroeconomic policies 35 Chapter 3 Rule of law 48 Chapter 4 Energy policy 75 Chapter 5 Business environment 87 Chapter 6 Land reform 101 Chapter 7 Privasaon and SOE reform 112 Chapter 8 Healthcare reform 132 Chapter 9 Ukraine and the European Union 144 Annex 1 Report on reforms in 2016-17 162 Annex 2 The role of the government and MPs in reform implementaon in Ukraine 167 About SAGSUR (Strategic Advisory Group for Support of Ukrainian Reforms) 173 Glossary of terms 174 Foreword Foreword | 4 Foreword Maeo Patrone and Peter M. -
Separatists and Russian Nationalist-Extremist Allies of The
Separatists and Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions call for union with Russia Today at 17:38 | Taras Kuzio The signing of an accord to prolong the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea by 25 years not only infringes the Constitution again, but also threatens Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If a president is willing to ignore the Constitution on two big questions in less than two months in office, what will he have done to the Constitution after 60 months in office? As somebody wrote on my Facebook profile yesterday, the Constitution is now “toilet paper.” The threat to Ukraine’s territorial integrity is deeper. Since President Viktor Yanukovych’s election, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions have begun to radicalize their activities. Their mix of Russophile and Sovietophile ideological views are given encouragement by cabinet ministers such as Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk and First Deputy Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. Calls, which look increasingly orchestrated, are made to change Ukraine’s national anthem, adopt Russian as a state language, transform Ukraine into a federal state and coordinate the writing of educational textbooks with Russia. On Monday, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions in the Crimea organized a meeting on the anniversary of the Crimea’s annexation by the Russian empire that demanded a full military, political and economic union with Russia. Russian nationalist-extremists in the Crimea were marginalized by ex-President Leonid Kuchma after he abolished the Crimean presidential institution in 1995. Then Deputy Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk undertook measures to subvert and undermine the Russian nationalist-extremists who came to power in the peninsula in 1994. -
The Oligarchic Democracy: the Influence of Business Groups On
42 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak NUMBER 42 WARSAW September 2012 THE OLIGARCHIC DEMOCRACY THE INFLUENCE OF BUSINESS GROUPS ON UKRAINIAN POLITICS Sławomir Matuszak © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies Content EDitors Adam Eberhardt, Wojciech Konończuk EDitorS Anna Łabuszewska Katarzyna Kazimierska Translation Ilona Duchnowicz CO-operation Nicholas Furnival Graphic Design Para-buch CHARTS Wojciech Mańkowski PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Shutterstock DTP GroupMedia Publisher Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978-83-62936-14-4 Contents THESES /5 MAIN SEctORS OF BUSINESS ActIVITY OF THE KEY UKRAINIAN OLIGARCHS /8 INTRODUctION /9 RESERVATIONS /11 I. THE EMERGENCE OF THE OLIGARCHIC SYSTEM AND ITS FORM IN 1991–2004 /13 1. The genesis of the oligarchic system /13 2. The formation of the clans /13 3. The beginnings of a system crisis /17 4. The Orange Revolution /20 II. THE OLIGARCHS IN 2005–2010 /23 1. The orange ‘oligarchic democracy’ /25 1.1. The business circles linked to the Party of Regions /26 1.2. ‘Orange’ business /27 1.3. The others /30 2. Tymoshenko’s conflict with the RUE Group /32 3. The attempt to form a grand coalition /32 4. The presidential election of 2010 /34 III. THE OLIGARCHS AFTER VIKTOR YANUKOVYCH’S VIctORY /37 1. The key groups of influence in the state administration/37 2. ‘The family’ – an attempt at a new quality /40 3. -
Offshore Companies of Petro Poroshenko: Decent Goal, Questionable Methods
TABLE OF CONTENTS Overviews of political events of the week Analytical report REFERENDUM IN THE NETHERLANDS: CHALLENGES FOR UKRAINE AND THE EU OFFSHORE COMPANIES OF PETRO POROSHENKO: DECENT GOAL, QUESTIONABLE METHODS Overviews of political events of the week April 4 President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko informed that he signed a decree on the dismissal of Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin and intends to hold consultations with the parliamentary factions regarding the candidacy of the new head of the PGO. The offshore scandal due to the leak of information from the database of the Panamanian company MossackFonseca flared up in Ukraine. According to investigation by Ukrainian journalist Anna Babinets made public within the framework of the project Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), President Poroshenko did not convey the confectionary Roshen into a trust fund as he promised, but instead formed three offshore companies for restructuring.. Commenting on the “offshore scandal”, Poroshenko stated that when he was elected president he gave up the management of assets, including those of the Roshen company. The legal council of the president justify the creation of such a group of firms by the fact that “it corresponds to market practice in Ukraine for enterprises that are subject to sale to strategic investors. April 5 Nadia Savchenko went on a dry hunger strike. Such was the reaction of the Ukrainian pilot to the sentence of the Russian court, which took effect today. Savchenko’s defense attorneys informed that their defendant out of principle does not accept the court sentence of 22 years in prison and will remain on her hunger strike until she is allowed to return to Ukraine. -
The Discreet Charm of Ukrainian Elite
#9 (103) September 2016 Changes in the living standards Pavlo Klimkin on foreign policy Creative destruction: of Ukrainians in 25 years challenges and priorities ideas on Ukraine's evolution THE DISCREET CHARM OF UKRAINIAN ELITE WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 24 A trap that didn't close: How the controversial aspects 4 The war of all against all: What to of Slovyansk liberation expect of the fall season in Ukrainian are interpreted on both sides politics of the front line ECONOMICS 27 Leonidas Donskis on the ideological 7 Trotting towards a better life: profile of Vladimir Putin How the living standards of Ukrainians changed in 25 years FOCUS 28 Andriy Parubiy: 10 Ukraine of Dignity: “If we lose the state, The moment of truth there will be nowhere left to fight Pavlo Klimkin on priorities for foreign corruption” policy and Ukraine’s society Verkhovna Rada Speaker on the NEIGHBOURS change of generations in politics 12 A strategic reserve of diplomacy: How 30 Creative destruction Europe is preparing for the possible Economist Vitaliy Melnychuk on presidency of Donald Trump building Ukraine into an open access 14 Yes, I’d lie to you: The new manner order of dishonesty in politics and its HISTORY consequences 46 From autonomism to statehood: SOCIETY The evolution of Ukrainian elite 20 Everyone gets a piece? Where is the and its state-building concepts debate on ownership of firearms in CULTURE & ARTS Ukraine today 50 Festivals of handmade goods, 22 The revelations of the "Russian street food, jazz and short films: Spring": Glazyev-gate as a hint at why The Ukrainian Week offers Russia failed to stir up an insurgency a selection of art and culture events across south-eastern Ukraine in 2014 to attend in September E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel. -
Beyond Colours: Assets and Liabilities of ‘Post-Orange’ Ukraine
Beyond Colours: Assets and Liabilities of ‘Post-Orange’ Ukraine International Renaissance Foundation Kyiv 2010 Stefan Batory Foundation Warsaw 2010 Co-authors Grzegorz Gromadzki independent expert, Warsaw Veronika Movchan Institute for Economic Research and Policy Consulting, Kyiv Mykola Riabchuk Ukrainian Center for Cultural Studies, Kyiv Iryna Solonenko International Renaissance Foundation, Kyiv Susan Stewart Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, Berlin Oleksandr Sushko Institute for Euro-Atlantic Cooperation, Kyiv Kataryna Wolczuk University of Birmingham The authors of the publication would like to thank Roman Wolczuk for his valuable comments on the report. Beyond Colours: Assets and Liabilities of ‘Post-Orange’ Ukraine International Renaissance Foundation Sichovykh Striltsiv (Artema) 46 04053 Kyiv tel. |38 044| 486 25 96 fax |38 044| 486 76 29 [email protected] http://www.irf.ua Stefan Batory Foundation Sapieżyńska 10a 00-215 Warsaw tel. |48 22| 536 02 00 fax |48 22| 536 02 20 [email protected] http://www.batory.org.pl Review and language editing Roman Wolczuk Proof-reading Maurice O’Brien Cover design by Teresa Oleszczuk Typesetting by K.I.S. Ltd. The idea of this publication emerged in the context of the growing mutual disillusionment between the EU and Ukraine in the wake of the 5th anniversary of the Orange Revolu- tion and the 2010 presidential elections. The International Renaissance Foundation and the Stefan Batory Foundation invited a group of international experts to write the report that would present the vision of where Ukraine stands not only five years after the Orange Revo- lution, but also almost 20 years after its independence. This publication is the result of the collective effort of this team. -
Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use. -
Can Poroshenko Secure His Second Presidential Term in 2019?
Can Poroshenko secure his second presidential term in 2019? Mykola Vorobiov Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation Fellow Center for Transatlantic Relations Johns Hopkins University SAIS As Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko prepares to run for re-election in March 2019, his political fate is uncertain at best. Indeed, one year before Ukraine’s next presidential election, Poroshenko’s ambition to hold onto power looks unrealistic. According to polls conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KMIS) in February, Poroshenko’s support among decided voters stood at a paltry 9.8%. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, leader of the “Batkyvshyna” (“Fatherland”) party, led the field of candidates with 24.6%. Controversial opposition figure Oleh Lyashko, the head of the populist “Radical Party,” and former Minister of Defense Anatoliy Grytsenko polled at 15.5 % and 12.5 %, respectively.1 The implications are clear—while Ukrainians are divided on who should lead the country, most are united in their distaste for the incumbent. Poroshenko has faced domestic and international criticism for his lavish lifestyle, attempts to intimidate political opponents, and failure to enact many of the sweeping anti-corruption reforms promised after the Revolution of Dignity ousted his predecessor, Viktor Yanukovych, in 2014. The approval rating of the president’s party is even more grim. If the elections were conducted today, “Petro Poroshenko’s Bloc” (BPP)—at present, the largest faction in Ukraine’s Parliament—would come in fifth place, with just 6.6% of voters supporting BPP. For comparison, Tymoshenko’s party would take first place with 22.5 %, and the Radical Party would come second with 13.7%. -
Ukrainian Oligarchs and the “Family”, a New Generation of Czars—Or Hope for the Middle Class?
Ukrainian Oligarchs and the “Family”, a New Generation of Czars—or Hope for the Middle Class? Since achieving independence over 20 years ago, Ukraine has strived to attract and increase foreign investment and spur individual entrepreneurship and small and medium sized business creation. Optimism ran high at the outset; yet, today the Olha Holoyda, “oligarchs” and the political “family” associated with JD/MBA President Yanukovych dominate the economy and wealth creation in Ukraine. This project focuses on the current complex landscape, the control held by Research Country: relatively few individuals, and the legislative efforts Ukraine to improve the business enabling environment Date Published through the Commercial Law Center, a project August 2013 funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. IREX 2121 K STREET, NW, SUITE 700, WASHINGTON, DC 20037 T +1 202 628 8188 F +1 202 628 8189 WWW.IREX.ORG This research brief was funded by a grant from the United States Department of State. The following opinions, findings, and conclusions stated herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of IREX or the U.S. Department of State. SCHOLAR RESEARCH BRIEF RESEARCH IN CONTEXT In November 1993, I arrived in Kyiv to work as an attorney in private practice, representing multinational corporations in establishing businesses, joint ventures, export/import operations, and in starting other potentially profitable arrangements in this newly opened, emerging market. At that time, Ukrainian citizens, the far- flung Ukrainian diaspora, and international observers held much optimism for the country’s development into a thriving economy with opportunity for all classes. -
Official Journal of the European Union
Official Journal C 104 of the European Union Volume 61 English edition Information and Notices 19 March 2018 Contents IV Notices NOTICES FROM EUROPEAN UNION INSTITUTIONS, BODIES, OFFICES AND AGENCIES Court of Justice of the European Union 2018/C 104/01 Last publications of the Court of Justice of the European Union in the Official Journal of the European Union . 1 V Announcements COURT PROCEEDINGS Court of Justice 2018/C 104/02 Case C-433/15: Judgment of the Court (Fourth Chamber) of 24 January 2018 — European Commission v Italian Republic (Failure of a Member State to fulfil obligations — Milk and milk products — Additional levy on milk — Tax years 1995/1996 to 2008/2009 — Regulation (EC) No 1234/2007 — Articles 79, 80 and 83 — Regulation (EC) No 595/2004 — Articles 15 and 17 — Infringement — Lack of effective payment of the levy within the time limits prescribed — Failure of recovery in the event of non-payment of the levy) . 2 2018/C 104/03 Case C-179/16: Judgment of the Court (Grand Chamber) of 23 January 2018 (request for a preliminary ruling from the Consiglio di Stato) — F. Hoffmann-La Roche Ltd and Others v Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (Reference for a preliminary ruling — Competition — Article 101 TFEU — Agreements, decisions and concerted practices — Medicinal products — Directive 2001/83/EC — Regulation (EC) No 726/2004 — Allegations of risks associated with the use of a medicinal product for a treatment not covered by its marketing authorisation (off-label) — Definition of relevant market — Ancillary restriction — Restriction of competition by object — Exemption) . -
Public Procurement Reform in Ukraine: the Implications of Neopatrimonialism for External Actors
PUBLIC PROCUREMENT REFORM IN UKRAINE: THE IMPLICATIONS OF NEOPATRIMONIALISM FOR EXTERNAL ACTORS SUSAN STEWART GERMAN INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL AND SECURITY AFFAIRS (SWP) Abstract: The neopatrimonial framework helps to explain the difficulty making progress on procurement reform in Ukraine. Even when reform laws are adopted, entrenched private interests succeed in watering down these laws, moving significant parts of the procurement process from the formal to the informal sector. Because of the prevalence of domestic interests in the process, outside actors, such as the EU, World Bank, and USAID have little influence in pushing for a more transparent procurement process in Ukraine. he trajectory of public procurement reform in Ukraine reveals much Tabout the character of the political regime, as well as about the degree of its susceptibility to external pressure.1 Public procurement is a sensi- tive area in many countries, and problems with transparency and fair competition are widespread.2 Furthermore, since significant financing is made available by the state, it is an area in which political and economic actors and their respective interests interact. The nature of this interaction Susan Stewart is Deputy Head of the Russian Federation/CIS Research Division, German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, Ludwigkirchplatz 3-4, 10719 Berlin, Germany. ([email protected]) 1 I would like to thank Iryna Solonenko and the two anonymous reviewers for their comments on an earlier draft of this article. 2 See e.g. Robert R. Hunja. 2001. Obstacles to Public Procurement Reform in Developing Countries. http://www.wto.int/english/tratop_e/gproc_e/wkshop_tanz_jan03/hunja2a2_e.