Byzantina Symmeikta
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Qualitative Changes in Ethno-Linguistic Status : a Case Study of the Sorbs in Germany
Qualitative Changes in Ethno-linguistic Status: A Case Study of the Sorbs in Germany by Ted Cicholi RN (Psych.), MA. Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science School of Government 22 September 2004 Disclaimer Although every effort has been taken to ensure that all Hyperlinks to the Internet Web sites cited in this dissertation are correct at the time of writing, no responsibility can be taken for any changes to these URL addresses. This may change the format as being either underlined, or without underlining. Due to the fickle nature of the Internet at times, some addresses may not be found after the initial publication of an article. For instance, some confusion may arise when an article address changes from "front page", such as in newspaper sites, to an archive listing. This dissertation has employed the Australian English version of spelling but, where other works have been cited, the original spelling has been maintained. It should be borne in mind that there are a number of peculiarities found in United States English and Australian English, particular in the spelling of a number of words. Interestingly, not all errors or irregularities are corrected by software such as Word 'Spelling and Grammar Check' programme. Finally, it was not possible to insert all the accents found in other languages and some formatting irregularities were beyond the control of the author. Declaration This dissertation does not contain any material which has been accepted for the award of any other higher degree or graduate diploma in any tertiary institution. -
The Name of the Slavs: Etymology and Meaning Commentarii/Статьи
A. Mesiarkin. The name of the Slavs: etymology and meaning Commentarii/Статьи Славянская идентичность в Средние века УДК 94(367) Славяне; ББК 63.3(2)41; DOI 10.21638/11701/spbu19.2017.101 A. Mesiarkin THE NAME OF THE SLAVS: ETYMOLOGY AND MEANING A name is the first identification attribute of a barbarian group. This does not apply only to a term the group is referred to in written sources and which distinguishes the group cognitively from other groups. When taking into consideration an anthropological premise that ascribes a significant role within the group identity (or the group as such) to the complex of myths and symbols1, the actual name represents an essential point of the self-identification. Together with the second essential feature (psychologically interconnected with the first one) — a historical (theogonic, cosmogonic) myth, it shall be considered a basic element of the identity construction. 1 Smith D. A. Myths and Memories of the Nation. Oxford, 1999. P. 13. © A. Mesiarkin, 2017 2017. № 1 (21). Январь—Июнь 3 Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana Once a new name is discovered on a map of the ancient and medieval knowledge, it might ipso facto represent ethnogenesis of the group and thus the very existence of that particular society. Its further occurrence and transformation in literature subsequently reflects motives of ancient and medieval ethnography and historiography. We believe that the name Σκλαβηνοί, Sclavini was originally a name of a single group and later on, thanks to various intellectual and ideological determinants, spread and referred to more groups — until it reached a semantical form we recognise even nowadays2. -
The Making of the Slavs Between Ethnogenesis, Invention, and Migration
о о F. Curta THE MAKING OF THE SLAVS BETWEEN ETHNOGENESIS, INVENTION, AND MIGRATION Ethnogenesis, especially the ethnogenesis of the Slavs, is still a popular research topic, and not just in Russia. While presenting new material and arguments, the essays above are a good illustra- tion of that popularity, and they offer much that will require careful consideration by future stu- dents of early Slavic history. Instead of responding to each and every one of the points raised by contributors to this volume, I shall confine my comments to highlighting some lines of reasoning which are either particularly promising or problematic1. In the meantime, it bears emphasizing that more nuanced approaches to ethnogenesis and unexpected evidence keep emerging from studies from several countries and in several languages. Ethnicity is now viewed by both archaeologists and historians as fundamentally performative, which explains the emphasis placed on identity as a category of historical analysis (for the absence of an archaeology of identity in Russia, see my paper in this volume)2. The critique of the ethnogenesis model embraced by many German and 1 I will specifically and deliberately leave out Petr Shuvalov's critique of the archaeological and especially numismatic arguments in chapter 4 of the Making of the Slavs. My reasons for doing so have less to do with his misrepresentation of what I wrote than with his misunderstanding of economy, especially ancient economy, combined with a blatant ignorance of recent studies of sixth- to seventh-century Byzantine coins in the Balkans. See, for example: Duncan G. L. Coin Circulation in the Danubian and Balkan Provinces of the Roman Empire AD 294—578. -
Slav: the Origin and Meaning of the Ethnonym
Slovene Studies 9/1-2 (1987) 33-41 SLAV: THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE ETHNONYM Jakov Bacic Introduction The origin and meaning of the ethnonym Slav and the earliest history of the Slavic peoples have occupied numerous writers since the middle of the sixth century A.D. The literature on these topics is impressionalistically voluminous, but yet to be evaluated in a comprehensive bibliographic survey. I With the exception of the few scholars who believe they see clearly the emergence of the Slavs, the boundaries of their original habitat, and the etymology and earliest semasiologies of their national name,2 most would agree that the field of Slavic protohistory and early history is at an initial stage where scholarly consensus on some of the fundamental questions is still lacking. For example, we still do not have a satisfactory explanation for a "sudden" appearance of the Slavic ethnos on the well-choreographed stage of early medieval history, are unable to identify a geographical area to serve as the original habitat for speakers of the reconstructed Common Slavic language, and, last but not least, we are still hoping that a reasonable and believable etymology of the ethnonym Slav might some day be proposed and universally accepted. Until the nineteenth century Slavic origins were studied within the discipline of history, the science which medieval men believed had been established by Moses for the Christians, Herodotus for the pagans. 3 Everything worth knowing and knowable about the past of any people was thought to be obtainable from written sources left by ancient Hebrews, Greeks, Romans and other literate Mediterranean Basin peoples. -
Byzantine Empire (Ca 600-1200): I.1
INSTITUTE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH ΙΝΣΤΙΤΟΥΤΟ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ SECTION OF BYZANTINE RESEARCH ΤΟΜΕΑΣ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΝΩΝ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ NATIONAL HELLENIC RESEARCH FOUNDATION ΕΘΝΙΚΟ IΔΡΥΜΑ ΕΡΕΥΝΩΝ EFI RAGIA GEORGIOS KARDARAS THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION A RE-APPROACH OF PROCOPIUS’ ETHNOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE (CA 600-1200): I.1. THE APOTONHE KAITHE OF E ARSIALY MSLAVSINOR (7TH-8TH C.) ΑΘΗΝΑ • 20092017 • ATHENS GEORGIOS KARDARAS A RE-APPROACH OF PROCOPIUS’ ETHNOGRAPHIC ACCOUNT ON THE EARLY SLAVS* The ethnographic account (excursus) of Procopius in his Wars on the early Slavs (the Sclaveni and the Antes), dated to c. 551/52, is the first ‘‘structured’’ information about the morals and customs of those peoples. A second account, even more detailed, comes about half a century later, in the emperor Maurice’s Στρατηγικόν. Although the credibility of Procopius as a historical source is generally not disputed, R. Benedicty attempted some decades earlier an approach to the testimonies provided on the early Slavs. Benedicty put under scrutiny the relationship between the ancient forms and the historical reality as the Greek and Roman authors, describing the ‘‘barbarian’’ peoples, used common places in historiography, poetry etc. According to his view, Procopius –as well as other Byzantine authors– uses in his account models of the ancient Ethnography, where real and mythical elements are intermingled in order to present the image of a certain people to the public1. However, Benedicty, along with other scholars, believes * It has to be noted that the research for the present paper has been implemented at the Institute for Advanced Study at Moscow State Pedagogical University, 1/1, M. -
Slavia Orientalis 3-18.Indd
SLAVIA ORIENTALIS TOM LXVII, NR 3, ROK 2018 LITERATUROZNAWSTWO. FOLKLOR Georgios Kardaras Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens SCLAVENI AND ANTES. SOME NOTES ON THE PECULIARITIES BETWEEN THEM* Склавины и анты: некоторые замечания об их особенностях ABSTRACT: The paper attempts to approach some peculiarities of the two branches of the early Slavs (Sclaveni and Antes), as the Byzantine sources of the sixth and early seventh centuries present them as being similar. Within this context the following are examined: a) the origin and ethnic identity of the Sclaveni and the Antes, taking into account certain historiographical models on the early Slavs, as well as the controversial issue of the ethnic identity of the Antes (Slavic or Iranian) and the etymology of their name; b) the material culture: under consideration are the Prague and Penkovka cultures, identifi ed with the Sclaveni and the Antes respectively, their common elements and peculiarities, their mutual infl uences as well as infl uences from other cultures; c) the political and social organization: the internal structures of the Sclaveni and the Antes, taking into account the testimony of Jordanes, Procopius and Maurice, the references in other sources to the titles of chieftains, or a kind of genealogy into the early Slavic society, as well as the treaty of Byzantium with the tribal union of the Antes are under scrutiny. The paper draws the conclusion that the Sclaveni and the Antes shared similarities, but actually were not one and the same at all, as it appears in the Byzantine sources. Furthermore, the peculiarities that appear the political-social organization and the material culture of the Antes, due to their historical and cultural evolution, are not of a degree that could dispute their Slavic ethnic and cultural identity. -
Why Were the Sclavenes Never Roman Allies?
WHY WERE THE SCLAVENES NEVER ROMAN ALLIES? A Study of Late Antique Roman Frontier Policy and a Barbarian Society By Amy Wood BA/LLB (Hons.) Macquarie University A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILLMENT OF THE DEGREE OF MASTERS OF RESEARCH DEPARTMENT OF ANCIENT HISTORY, FACULTY OF ARTS, MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY OCTOBER 2015 Except where acknowledged in the customary manner, the material presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge, original and has not been submitted in whole or part for a higher degree at any university or institution. Amy Wood For my parents and grandparents Contents Acknowledgements iii List of Figures & Maps v Abbreviations vii Summary ix 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Current State of Research . 3 1.2 The Conceptual and Methodological Framework . 10 1.3 The Written Sources . 13 1.3.1 Contemporary Eastern Sources . .16 1.3.1.1 Procopius of Caesarea . .16 1.3.1.2 Jordanes . 18 1.3.1.3 Agathias Scholasticus . 20 1.3.1.4 John Malalas . .21 1.3.1.5 Menander the Guardsman . .22 1.3.1.6 The Strategikon of Maurice . .23 1.3.1.7 Theophylact Simocatta . .23 1.3.1.8 The Miracles of Saint Demetrius . 24 1.3.2 Contemporary Western Sources . .25 1.3.2.1 Fredegar . 26 1.3.3 Later Sources . 27 1.3.3.1 Paul the Deacon . 27 1.3.3.2 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus . .27 1.4 The Archaeological Evidence . 28 2 Rome and the Historical Context 35 2.1 Rome in Late Antiquity . 35 2.2 Framing Rome and the Barbarians in Late Antiquity: Frontiers, Empire, and Policy .