Originalism, Stare Decisis and the Promotion of Judicial Restraint Thomas W
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Two Cheers for Judicial Restraint: Justice White and the Role of the Supreme Court Justice White and the Exercise of Judicial Power
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2003 Two Cheers for Judicial Restraint: Justice White and the Role of the Supreme Court Justice White and the Exercise of Judicial Power Dennis J. Hutchinson Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Dennis J. Hutchinson, "Two Cheers for Judicial Restraint: Justice White and the Role of the Supreme Court Justice White and the Exercise of Judicial Power," 74 University of Colorado Law Review 1409 (2003). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TWO CHEERS FOR JUDICIAL RESTRAINT: JUSTICE WHITE AND THE ROLE OF THE SUPREME COURT DENNIS J. HUTCHINSON* The death of a Supreme Court Justice prompts an account- ing of his legacy. Although Byron R. White was both widely admired and deeply reviled during his thirty-one-year career on the Supreme Court of the United States, his death almost a year ago inspired a remarkable reconciliation among many of his critics, and many sounded an identical theme: Justice White was a model of judicial restraint-the judge who knew his place in the constitutional scheme of things, a jurist who fa- cilitated, and was reluctant to override, the policy judgments made by democratically accountable branches of government. The editorial page of the Washington Post, a frequent critic during his lifetime, made peace post-mortem and celebrated his vision of judicial restraint.' Stuart Taylor, another frequent critic, celebrated White as the "last true believer in judicial re- straint."2 Judge David M. -
AP Government: Due Process & Roe V. Wade
Social Studies Virtual Learning AP Government: Due Process & Roe v. Wade April 13, 2020 AP Government Lesson: April 13, 2020 Objective: LOR 3.B Explain the extent which states are limited by the due process clause from infringing upon individual rights. Warm Up: Write down your answer the following question. There are no right or wrongs here, but this is the focus of the lesson today! What is the right to privacy? What are 3 aspects of everyday life that it includes? Lesson: Roe v. Wade As this is a required case for the test, there are some ideas that are important to remember. Please write these down in your own words so you know what they are. Term Definition Due process The 14th Amendment clause guaranteeing that no state clause shall “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” The Supreme Court has interpreted the due process clause to provide for “selective incorporation” of amendments into the states, meaning that neither the states nor the federal government may abridge individual rights protected by the Constitution. Term Definition “Penumbra Derived from the Latin for “partial shadow.” The Supreme of privacy” Court has ruled that several amendments in the Bill of Rights cast a “penumbra” of the right to privacy, although the right to privacy itself is never explicitly named. For example, the Court has interpreted that the 4th Amendment right of the people to be secure in their houses from unreasonable searches and seizures implies a right to privacy in the home. Right to The right to be “left alone,” or to be free of government privacy scrutiny into one’s private beliefs and behavior. -
A Tale of Two Textualists: a Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 1994 A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia Michael J. Gerhardt Repository Citation Gerhardt, Michael J., "A Tale of Two Textualists: A Critical Comparison of Justices Black and Scalia" (1994). Faculty Publications. 990. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/990 Copyright c 1994 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs ARTICLES A TALE OF TWO TEXTUALISTS: A CRITICAL COMPARISON OF JUSTICES BLACK AND SCALIA MICHAEL J. GERHARDT* The idea that Justices Hugo Black and Antonin Scalia have anything in common jurisprudentially is counterintuitive. Justice Black is associated with the progressive social and economic legislation symbolized by the New Deal and with judicial activism in protecting the poor and disen franchised.1 He is beloved by many liberals as a champion of individual rights, especially freedom of speech and of the press. In contrast, Justice Scalia is revered by conservatives as a true believer-combating the rising tide of liberalism, big government, and judicial activism-set on restoring traditional notions of federalism and judicial restraint.2 Any effort to liken these two Justices makes both liberals and conservatives recoil. * Professor of Law, Marshall-Wythe School of Law, The College of William and Mary. B.A. Yale University; M.Sc. London School of Economics; J.D. University of Chicago. I am grateful for the encouragement and helpful comments on earlier drafts I received from Marc Arkin, Erwin Chemerinsky, George Cochran, Neal Devins, Jill Fisch, Tracy Higgins, Michael Herz, Sandy Levinson, Chip Lupu, Tracey Maclin, John McGinnis, Peter Shane, Bill Treanor, Steve Wermiel, and Ron Wright. -
Stare Decisis and Judicial Restraint Lewis F
Washington and Lee Law Review Volume 47 | Issue 2 Article 2 Spring 3-1-1990 Stare Decisis And Judicial Restraint Lewis F. Powell, Jr. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr Part of the Jurisprudence Commons Recommended Citation Lewis F. Powell, Jr., Stare Decisis And Judicial Restraint, 47 Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 281 (1990), https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/wlulr/vol47/iss2/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington and Lee Law Review at Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington and Lee Law Review by an authorized editor of Washington & Lee University School of Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WASHINGTON AND LEE LAW REVIEW Volume 47 Spring 1990 Number 2 STARE DECISIS AND JUDICIAL RESTRAINT REmAS oF LEWIS F. POWELL, JR.* AssocATE JUsTicE (RETIRED) SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES It is a privilege to give the inaugural Leslie H. Arps Lecture. I knew Les fairly well as a young lawyer with Root, Clark, Buckner and Ballantine in the 1930's. Les became an associate for that firm in 1931 upon his graduation from the Harvard Law School. I took an LL.M. degree at the Law School in 1932 and had a number of friends among the third year students, including two who joined Les at Root, Clark on graduation- Everett Willis and Frank Dewey. Everett and Frank shared an apartment with Les in 1934, and when Frank married my sister Eleanor in Richmond, Virginia, in August 1934, Les and Everett were ushers at the wedding. -
"Slow Dance on the Killing Ground": the Willie Francis Case Revisited
DePaul Law Review Volume 32 Issue 1 Fall 1982 Article 2 "Slow Dance on the Killing Ground": The Willie Francis Case Revisited Arthur S. Miller Jeffrey H. Bowman Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review Recommended Citation Arthur S. Miller & Jeffrey H. Bowman, "Slow Dance on the Killing Ground": The Willie Francis Case Revisited, 32 DePaul L. Rev. 1 (1982) Available at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review/vol32/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Law at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in DePaul Law Review by an authorized editor of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. "SLOW DANCE ON THE KILLING GROUND":t THE WILLIE FRANCIS CASE REVISITED tt Arthur S. Miller* and Jeffrey H. Bowman** The time is past in the history of the world when any living man or body of men can be set on a pedestal and decorated with a halo. FELIX FRANKFURTER*** The time is 1946. The place: rural Louisiana. A slim black teenager named Willie Francis was nervous. Understandably so. The State of Louisiana was getting ready to kill him by causing a current of electricity to pass through his shackled body. Strapped in a portable electric chair, a hood was placed over his head, and the electric chair attendant threw the switch, saying in a harsh voice "Goodbye, Willie." The chair didn't work properly; the port- able generator failed to provide enough voltage. Electricity passed through Willie's body, but not enough to kill him. -
Review of “Judge Learned Hand and the Role of the Federal Judiciary,” by Kathryn Griffith
Washington University Law Review Volume 1975 Issue 2 January 1975 Review of “Judge Learned Hand and the Role of the Federal Judiciary,” By Kathryn Griffith G. Michael Fenner Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview Part of the Judges Commons Recommended Citation G. Michael Fenner, Review of “Judge Learned Hand and the Role of the Federal Judiciary,” By Kathryn Griffith, 1975 WASH. U. L. Q. 518 (1975). Available at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_lawreview/vol1975/iss2/12 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Law Review by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 518 WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY LAW QUARTERLY [Vol. 1975:514 just over eight hundred pages, a prodigious undertaking in any event. The book's primary market will undoubtedly be among practicing lawyers, and its effectiveness can really only be tested by practitioner use of the book. If the success of the Illinois volume is any indication, the federal version is likely to meet a warm reception. Nevertheless, the prudent prospective purchaser might be well advised to await publi- cation of a second edition, which would incorporate the new FRE as enacted by Congress. Based upon the history of the Illinois volume, a second edition might be expected within the next year. But, for the attorney who is not bothered by the necessity to use the promised pocket part supplementation, the amount of investment required for this volume seems well worth the potential reward. -
Same-Sex Marriage and Backlash
MWP – 2016/04 Max Weber Programme Same-Sex Marriage and Backlash: Constitutionalism through the Lens of Consensus and Conflict AuthorReva B. Author Siegel and Author Author European University Institute Max Weber Programme Same-Sex Marriage and Backlash: Constitutionalism through the Lens of Consensus and Conflict Reva B. Siegel Max Weber Lecture No. 2016/04 This text may be downloaded for personal research purposes only. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copy or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper or other series, the year, and the publisher. ISSN 1830-7736 © Reva B. Siegel, 2016 Printed in Italy European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Abstract In the decades before the United States Supreme Court recognized the right of same-sex couples to marry in Obergefell v. Hodges, Americans disdained, denounced, and debated same-sex marriage. When state courts recognized the right of same-sex couples to marry, opponents passed laws and state constitutional amendments that defined marriage as the union of a man and a woman. This fierce conflict provoked argument about the capacity of courts to defend minority rights. Critics argued that judicial judgments shutting down politics were counterproductive and provoked a backlash that exacerbated political polarization. Conversation about the backlash ranged widely from academics and advocates to judges. These “realist” accounts of judicial review depicted courts as majoritarian institutions whose authority is tied to public consensus. -
Judicial Activism"
The Origin and Current Meanings of "JudicialActivism" Keenan D. Kmiect TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................1442 I. Early History of the Term "Judicial Activism" ..............................1444 A. In Search of the Earliest Use .....................................................1444 B. First Recorded Use: Arthur Schlesinger in Fortune M agazine .....................................................................1445 C. Early Usage of "Judicial Activism" .........................................1450 D. Early Scholarly Examination of Judicial Activism ...................1452 E. First Judicial Use of "Judicial Activism": Judge Joseph C. Hutcheson, Jr ..................................................1455 F. Other Noteworthy Discussions of "Judicial Activism" in Judicial O pinions ......................................................................1459 II. Definitions of Judicial Activism ......................................................1463 A. Striking Down Arguably Constitutional Actions of O ther B ranches .........................................................................1463 B . Ignoring Precedent ....................................................................1466 1. Vertical versus Horizontal Precedent ....................................1466 2. Constitutional versus Statutory versus Common Law Precedents ..................................................................1469 C . Judicial Legislation ...................................................................1471 -
A Key Influence on the Doctrine of Actual Malice: Justice William Brennan's Judicial Philosophy at Work in Changing the Law of Seditious Libel Carlo A
Barry University School of Law Digital Commons @ Barry Law Faculty Scholarship 2004 A Key Influence on the Doctrine of Actual Malice: Justice William Brennan's Judicial Philosophy at Work in Changing the Law of Seditious Libel Carlo A. Pedrioli Barry University Follow this and additional works at: https://lawpublications.barry.edu/facultyscholarship Part of the Judges Commons, Law and Philosophy Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Carlo A. Pedrioli, A Key Influence on the Doctrine of Actual Malice: Justice William Brennan's Judicial Philosophy at Work in Changing the Law of Seditious Libel, 9 COMM. L. & POL'Y 567 (2004) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Barry Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Barry Law. 9 COMM. L. & POL’Y 567–596 (2004) Copyright © 2004, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. A KEY INFLUENCE ON THE DOCTRINE OF ACTUAL MALICE: JUSTICE WILLIAM BRENNAN’S JUDICIAL PHILOSOPHY AT WORK IN CHANGING THE LAW OF SEDITIOUS LIBEL CARLO A. PEDRIOLI* Much of the scholarship on Justice William Brennan’s landmark opinion in New York Times Co. v. Sullivan has focused on the actual malice doctrine and its implications. In light of the historic change in the law of seditious libel in the United States as a result of the case and the need for further exploration of the human factors behind the case, this article explains how Justice Brennan’s instrumentalist judicial philosophy had an important influence on changing the course of legal protection for speech critical of the government. -
William O. Douglas As a Common Law Judge
ESSAY WILLIAM 0. DOUGLAS AS A COMMON LAW JUDGE MELVIN I. UROFSKY* Few Justices of the United States Supreme Court created as much controversy during their lifetimes as did William 0. Douglas.1 During his record thirty-six years on the bench, he forcefully spoke on issues as wide-ranging as American foreign affairs and the environment; traveled around the world, visiting "strange lands and strange people"; 2 wrote dozens of books and articles on a variety of topics aimed at the general public; 3 and divorced and remarried three times.4 In addition, he cham- pioned the liberal position on nearly every issue before the Court. Justice Douglas's political and judicial liberalism, as well as his idiosyncratic lifestyle, infuriated conservatives. In 1970, these conservatives, led by then-Congressman Gerald R. Ford, attempted to impeach him.5 Of course, Douglas has not been without his champions. Upon his retirement from the Court, his former pupil, lifelong friend, and occa- sional colleague, Abe Fortas, declared that "[t]hroughout his life, Doug- las has fiercely occupied high ground-the highest that life on this earth offers. He is, of course, an idealist; but, for him, ideals are not abstrac- tions; they are objectives demanding present fulfillment."'6 One of his favorite law clerks, Vern Countryman, wrote extensively on Douglas and the enduring impact his opinions and dissents have had on American * Professor of History, Virginia Commonwealth University. B.A., Columbia University, 1961; Ph.D., Columbia University, 1968; J.D., University of Virginia, 1983. 1. Justice William 0. Douglas served on the Supreme Court from 1939-1975. -
Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Journal Articles Faculty Scholarship 2012 Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism Geoffrey R. Stone Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/journal_articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Geoffrey R. Stone, "Citizens United and Conservative Judicial Activism," 2012 University of Illinois Law Review 485 (2012). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal Articles by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CITIZENS UNITED AND CONSERVATIVE JUDICIAL ACTIVISMt Geoffrey R. Stone* This Article analyzes the recent trend of conservative judicial ac- tivism in the Supreme Court and searches for a principled reason to explain it. The conservative majority has struck down several laws in recent years, culminating in its invalidationof an importantprovision of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. While judicial restraint and originalism are currently seen as conservative principles, neitherprin- ciple explains these decisions. The author argues that no principle can explain the results of these cases-rather,they can only be explained by the Justices' per- sonal views and policy preferences. The author compares the con- servative majority's pattern to that of the Warren Court, which largely invalidated laws only when footnote four in United States v. Carolene Products Co. would dictate that the Court should. Thus, neither unrestrainedjudicial activism nor total judicial restraint is ap- propriate. Instead, the author argues that a selective judicial activism guided by footnote four is the best approach. -
Topics in Judicial Politics: Judicial Decision-Making
Political Science 429 Professor Solberg Spring 2005 Gilkey 310 Gilkey 108 [email protected] Monday/Wednesday 1-2:50 p.m. 7-2811 Office Hours: TBA Topics in Judicial Politics: Judicial Decision-making "We live under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what judges say it is." (Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes) Introduction: This course takes a pragmatic view of our political system and the role of the courts. In order to do so, we must initially reject the myth of the court—that judges and the courts are impartial arbiters and non-partisan actors and that the law alone determines the outcome of any given case. This task is likely aided by recent experiences with the intervention of the courts in the 2000 presidential election. In short, the position of judge is inherently political and through decisions judges affect public policy. Even if we place aside the recent electoral controversy, it would be hard to dispute the claim that the courts are now involved with a broad range of subjects touching upon some of the most salient and politically charged topics of the day. Indeed, to note just a few examples, appellate and trial judges have reapportioned state legislatures; administered prisons, hospitals, railroads, schools and mental institutions; raised taxes; allowed the publication of secret documents; quashed congressional attempts to secure religious freedoms; and allowed the burning of the American flag as a form of protest. The opinions accompanying these decisions are explained using legal reasoning and justifications, usually carefully explaining how this ruling follows previous doctrine or precedent.