Palestine the Peculiar Case of the Palestinians and Their International Visitors
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Welcome to Palestine The Peculiar Case of the Palestinians and their International Visitors Master’s thesis Julius Weise 10451390 Cultural & Social Anthropology GSS Supervisor: Anne de Jong Annelies Moors & Dina Zbeidy Word count: 29760 Amsterdam 26-06-2017 1 Formulae on Plagiarism I have read and understood the University of Amsterdam plagiarism policy I declare that this assignment is entirely my own work, all sources have been properly acknowledged, and that I have not previously submitted this work, or any version of it, for assessment in any other paper. 2 Abstract This research engages with political tourism in the Occupied Territories of Palestine. Palestinians have little chances in advocating their political agenda due to their limited freedom of movement and the one sided media coverage on the region. By educating tourists Palestinians try to make their story heard. Therefore, in the Oslo Peace Process with Israel, tourism was meant to play a leading role – as an instrument for peace – and regional tourism was expected to valorize regional exchange and sharing. However, Israel tries to stop any tourism development in Palestine for economic and political reasons. This research focuses of the everyday reality of the still ongoing tourism industry on the West Bank of Palestine. For this thesis I conducted a fieldwork, research period of three months on the West Bank. Through participant observations and qualitative interviews I have tried to grasp this social reality looking at both the tourists and the Palestinian hosts. In this paper I argue that tourism in Palestine is to be understood as a form of everyday resistance. The Palestinian instrumental use of their international visitors entails both long-term (advocating the Palestinian story) and short-term (Join demonstrations or human shield against attacks) effects. The concept of political tourism may seem clear, but the way both Palestinians and the tourists perceive and experience it, is rather ambiguous. The ambiguity of this social reality is what it makes so interesting. Political tourism can namely be perceived as thrill seeking, a process of commodification of violence, supporting a continuity of the conflict or rather as the only way towards change within this complex political reality. 3 Table of Contents Introduction 5 - Research question 10 - Theoretical framework 14 Chapter 1 – First encounters 20 - Traveling to Palestine 21 - Traveling from Palestine 23 - First encounters in Palestine 27 Chapter 2 – Tourism under conflict 34 - Hostel in Ramallah 36 - Tent of Nations 42 - Conflict or Occupation? 47 Chapter 3 – Transformations 49 - Palestine fever 50 - Tourist to activist 52 - ‘Just get by’ 55 - Commodification of violence 60 Chapter 4 – Politics in the everyday 64 - Sumud, resistance or resilience? 65 - Political tourism as an ambiguous concept 69 - Role of the tourist 70 Bibliography 83 Appendix - List of abbreviations 86 - Map 86 4 “In 1968 I was arrested and sentenced to twenty years of which I served seventeen. This means I was sentenced in the beginning of 1968 and released in 1985 in the large exchange of prisoners between the Palestinians and Israelis. Why? As a member of the Popular Front of the Liberation of Palestine headed by a Palestinian Christian called George Habash, I placed a bomb at Jaffa Street in Jerusalem. It exploded and nine Israelis were injured. We did this because on the day before, Israeli planes bombarded a Jordanian city. Many civilians were killed. […] Today the best way to go on with the struggle is by working as an alternative tour guide. And by trying to increase the political awareness of outsiders about what is happening in Palestine. The only way to understand what is really happening over here is to come and see things through your own eyes. I always say that my work today is more effective than the bomb I placed in 1968.” (Ali Jidda, Palestinian, Feb-2017) 5 Introduction: Tourism & occupation It seems to be paradoxical, planning a holiday to an occupied and suppressed country like Palestine. Nevertheless, tourism to the West Bank of the Occupied Palestinian Territories is a regular phenomenon. Due to the complex political situation of Palestine however, tourism within this region is not anything like ‘ordinary’ tourism. To even enter the West Bank, for example, one has to cross heavily guarded Israeli checkpoints and the separation wall.1 Subsequently one passes impressive red signs indicating that by entering this part of the world, your life is at risk. It can therefore be argued that visiting Palestine is a political act. A so-called political tourism is offered and performed. This thesis focuses on this ‘political’ tourism in Palestine-Israel. Most of the literature written on tourism in Palestine focuses on macro-level and political aspects of this particular touristic destination. Scholars such as Isaac (2013), Suleiman and Mohammed (2012), Kobi Cohen-Hattab, (2004) and Al-Rimmawi (2003) mainly examine historical data and investigate the practical (political) aspects affecting the tourism industry. These scholars report influential factors on tourism in Palestine, demonstrating the significance of the political situation in relation to tourism. Nevertheless, another important aspect has to receive equal attention. I aim to contribute to this body of knowledge by prioritizing the everyday reality on the ground, especially the Palestinian experience. Looking at the everyday reality of political tourism from an ethnographic perspective is at the heart of my research. The central point of attention is the complex relationship between the agency of both the tourists and the Palestinians as well as the existing structures of a military occupation. Tourism in Palestine Tourism is an essential element of the political struggle between Israel and Palestine since early beginning of the Zionist project. Kobi Cohen-Hattab argues that tourism is a political propaganda tool since the 1920s: "[…] tourism may be, and often is, exploited to create and export images that both correspond to and advance distinctive political and ideological goals. This was certainly the case in mandate Palestine where both Jews and Arabs utilized the tourist industry to promote their national ambitions, often at the expense of the other" (2004: 62). Kobi Cohen-Hattab concludes that during mandate 1 In June 2002, the Israeli government made a decision to erect a physical barrier, the so-called security fence, to separate Israel from the West Bank in order to prevent the uncontrolled entry of Palestinians into Israel. In this thesis I do not refer to this as a security fence but rather as a ‘segregation wall,’ following Isaac (2010). 6 Palestine, the Zionists regarded tourism as an area well worth investing in and fighting over, and not only for economic reasons. The Zionist movement considered tourism as a way to benefit politically in addition to being a source of revenue. Cohen-Hattab says: "A flourishing Jewish tourist industry, by presenting tourists with a positive image of Palestine's Jewish community could it was thought, pay invaluable political dividends. It would, for example, allow the Zionists to enlist tourists as ambassadors for their cause and no less importantly, prevent the Arabs from doing the same" (2004: 78). His article shows documents dating from the mandate era that discuss the Arab-Jewish competition over the country's tourist industry. These documents clearly show that the Zionist movement as well as Palestinians regarded tourism and ‘its role in ideologically oriented image-making' as an essential tool for advancing their political, national goals. The Zionists believed that tourism offered them an opportunity to promote the Jewish national endeavor and influence world public opinion in their favor (2004: 78). This process did not cease after the creation of the State of Israel; the birthright program is evidence of this nowadays. Over 500,000 people have traveled to Israel with this free program since 1999.2 The idea of tourists being important ambassadors for their cause is still present today in Palestine as well. This thesis primarily focuses on tourism to Palestine and the opportunity for Palestinians to advocate their side of the story. Tourism has an important influence on economic growth, notably in developing countries (Richie 2004). It is a source of economic development, savings, investment, jobs, and foreign exchange earnings (Seddighi & Theocharous 2002). At the same time, tourism can decrease economic inequality as well as increase understanding among countries. However, tourism is highly sensitive to political unrest (Hall 1994; Clements & Georgiou 1998). Palestine has experienced division and occupation for over 60 years with enormous regional effects on tourism. Isaac reflects: "Palestine represents a situation different from that of other countries in the aftermath of war because it is still in great part occupied and in effect wholly controlled by another state, which has major ramifications for tourism" (2013: 143). Throughout the occupation until 1993, Israel invested nothing into infrastructure, maintenance of historical and archaeological sites, or tourist facilities. Palestinian opportunities to develop a tourism industry were diminished by different policies, which Stein (1995: 17) has described as ‘forced underdevelopment.' This included disapproval to train and license Palestinian tour guides, the obligation of 2 http://taglitww.birthrightisrael.com/TaglitBirthrightIsraelStory/Pages/Our-Achievements.aspx