Piercings and passports Exploring the social mobility of Adelaide’s metalcore ‘scene kids’
As young people continue to confront transition issues such as school-to-work pathways, they are concomitantly developing their own social and cultural priorities and responding to them in new and innovative ways. This process warrants a greater focus on young people’s identity work as they navigate their transitions through increasingly fluid social and cultural environments. Drawing on her current PhD research, Paula Rowe focuses attention on Adelaide’s ‘scene kids’, a community of interest based on a subgenre of heavy metal music. She utlises Bauman’s (2000) liquid modernity thesis to parallel the social dynamics of ‘liquid’ metal subgenres with those of the ‘liquid’ modern world. Exploring the social processes of scene kids highlights ways in which socioeconomic circumstances can affect young people’s level of engagement with lifestyle options. This in turn raises questions as to how “scene kid identities” might impact on other life pursuits and social transitions. by Paula Rowe outh transitions have dominated the youth research agenda for several decades, with a continuing focus on structural processes and institutional arrangements that Y shape and constrain young people’s holistic development, particularly in geographic locations characterised by conditions of social and economic disadvantage (Heath et al. 2009). More recently, there has been increasing interest in the ways in which young people’s identity work intersects and influences various social transitions within school, domestic and broader social contexts, and vice versa (Stokes & Wyn 2009). Despite the known social, economic and psychological constraints of marginalisation, young people still manage to find a space in which to express their identity and live a “life of one’s own”, yet not enough is known about the ways in which young people use cultural affiliations and lifestyle choices to express their identity and demonstrate personal agency in their social worlds (Miles 2000; Shildrick 2006). This paper is based on data from current PhD research investigating the significance of heavy metal music and lifestyles for young people’s identity work and social transitions. For those unfamiliar with heavy metal scholarship, there has been a steady increase in robust metal studies in Australia and internationally with increasing interest in young people’s engagement with heavy metal lifestyles (Rowe 2011). Heavy metal music and lifestyles have long since fractured away from the stereotypical parent genre, which was traditionally associated with
8 Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 white, working-class males who typically projects, the “success” of which rests on the adopted standard-issue uniforms of long lightness and speed with which an individual hair, jeans, denim cut-off vests or leather is able to navigate prolific and fluid choices of jackets with sew-on band logo patches on the selfhood (Bauman 2008). So too have liquefied back, perhaps completed by leather, studded metal lifestyles become transient rollercoaster wrist bands and bullet belts (Weinstein 2000; rides through cross-pollinated styles, symbols, Brown 2003). preferences, practices, meanings and multiple Today, there is barely a mention of the “metal” identities (Kahn-Harris 2007). term “heavy metal” among metal fans, Bauman (2000) is quick to emphasise unless it is used in a historical sense. that liquid modernity’s promise of infinite Instead, contemporary metal preferences options and opportunities for identity work are more likely to be indicated in terms of does not come “cheap” – rather it is fraught subgenre affiliations, such as thrash metal, with uncertainty, risk and fear of making the death metal, black metal, doom metal or wrong choices. Furlong (2009, p.344) further metalcore. In fact, the boundaries around cautions that forms of consciousness may metal subgenres are being erected with such indeed have changed, “but people’s locations rapidity that preferences are now likely within power structures still strongly impact to be indicated with multiple suffixes and on life chances”, even if people perceive they prefixes, such as tech/death/core, prog/ have increased opportunities and greater doom/sludge metal or black/grind/death scope for individual agency. Given that metal; the possibilities and combinations heavy metal has gained prominence as an (of metal preferences, fashion styles and accessible, global youth culture (Kahn-Harris symbolic practices) are highly fluid and 2007), it seems timely to investigate how seemingly inexhaustible.1 young people from diverse socio-economic backgrounds access and engage with Liquid society, liquid metal? metal lifestyles. The proliferation of individualised, “do it yourself” subgenre options now available to The research contemporary metal fans strongly reflects the This paper draws on current, qualitative broader social conditions and processes that doctoral research which is utilising a critical impact on young people’s social transitions. ethnographic approach to support attempts to In fact, Bauman’s (2000) metaphor of the first describe the experiences of “becoming” “liquid” modern world can be borrowed and and “being” metal and, second, to consider applied directly to the ongoing liquefaction of how policymakers and service providers metal music and lifestyles. Elliott (2007, p.13) might usefully align with the interests of succinctly summarises the liquid modern young people in order to facilitate empowered thesis by suggesting that, for Bauman, youth transitions. modernity in the age of industrialisation Early findings presented here are drawn was about solidifying fluid social things into from stage one data collection. To date, 27 a form of imagined permanence, whereas in-depth interviews have been completed modernity in the age of liquid globalism with participants ranging in age from 18 to represents an embracing of impermanence 23 (recruiting flyers called for young people and flow in interhuman bonds. aged 18–25 who identified with any or all “Heavy” modernity was more likely metal subgenres). The subject matter of stage to produce a “cradle to the grave” identity one interviews included “becoming metal” proposition in terms of community bonds, (first memories, introduction, reactions, push– employment, class and culture (Bauman pull factors); background and contextual 2000); just as “heavy” metal was once largely information (family, school, community, peer occupied by a more fixed and enduring networks); experiences of “being metal” (in community of shared tastes and identity various spheres of social life); post-school work (Purcell 2003). “Liquid” modernity is experiences and future aspirations. Although now more likely to force individual identity
Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 9 broad and scoping in nature, topics have (see Hodkinson & Deicke 2007), and the been discussed in considerable detail with term “scene kid” has often carried negative many interviews lasting for several hours (at connotations when used by those outside the the insistence of participants who had much metalcore scene to describe those within the to say about their lifestyle preferences and metalcore scene, the terms “scene” and “scene subgenre affiliations). kid” are used throughout this paper in the Participants from a range of metal manner used by participants themselves – as subgenres – and from diverse social and a catch-all for the metalcore scene and the economic backgrounds – have been recruited young people engaged with it. from various geographic locations around The common musical elements within Adelaide, South Australia. Recruiting flyers metalcore are the growling, screaming vocal were placed in retail music stores in the styles in the verses (often accompanied by metal section, at metal shows, metal apparel “clean” vocal choruses), down-tuned guitar retail stores, rehearsal rooms, music stores riffs and breakdowns, and blistering guitar (instruments and equipment), and posted solos layered around emotional lyrical online in metal forums. content. The fashion elements of metalcore Future reporting of findings will include distinctive hair styles (presently long, investigate multiple themes and issues “swept” asymmetrical fringes), “skinny” around young people’s levels of engagement fit jeans, tattoos (for those over 18 or those with a wide range of metal lifestyles and who can afford them) and multiple piercings practices, and will examine the interplay (particularly “fleshies” or “stretches” which between these lifestyle choices and social are the oversized holes in ear lobes): transitions. However, this paper makes no You look at metalcore and obviously those attempt to prematurely address issues of guys are attractive to girls, and it is more transition here, but does hope to encourage about image than music. It’s easy to become dialogue around the intersection of youth a deathcore kid, cut your hair right, lose cultures and transitions prior to more some weight, wear skinny pants, there you detailed results and analyses being available. go you’re in, put a coke can through your The focus of the following discussion stems ears. At normal metal gigs you can be a really from a data subset that highlights a current ugly guy and you can be best friends with phenomenon known in Adelaide as the everyone, but if you go to a deathcore gig, “scene kid”. Interview quotes include gender, you’d be pushed to the back, it’s a very gated age and subgenre affiliation of interviewee community ... (male, 18, thrash/death metal) (location is also provided where relevant to the text). Scene kids are a different breed of metal altogether, they’re the metro-sexuals of Findings and discussion metal I guess, just a few people who sort of What defines a ‘scene kid’? run this scene and dictate the dress code at The metal subgenre most commonly the time. There’s definitely fences going up, associated with scene kids is metalcore, especially in the hardcore range of metal, although it is fast morphing into deathcore. By which you can’t get through with just music, it the time of publication, it will most likely have is becoming absolutely more of a scene thing an even newer name and fashion element, with like dress and the way you even talk and such is the parallel between the liquefaction like everything … (male, 18, metalcore) of metal lifestyles and what Bauman (2000) Whether from the metalcore scene or not, says about liquid modern society – with participants gave consistent descriptions of consequences for identity work featuring the physical characteristics, history, social deeply in the emergence of “newer” metal practices and movements of scene kids. The identities and subgenres. point of difference was whether young people While the use of the term “scene” has considered metalcore practices to be a good been the subject of spirited scholarly debate or a bad thing. For example, longstanding
10 Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 protocol at non-metalcore gigs (described by up – and that’s the scene kids. The guys who participants as “normal” metal gigs) dictates are just into music, they don’t go out to fuck that if someone falls down in a mosh2 pit, then people up, but the scene kids go for a whole friends and strangers alike will move quickly other reason ... (female, 18, metal/deathcore) to lift that person up and protect them from In sum, scene kids are characterised by harm. This was an aspect of metal community metalcore and deathcore musical preferences, and kinship that young people from other a distinct fashion sense and increasingly metal subgenres enjoyed and took pride in: violent moshing styles. The latter is significant A lot of scene kids are exceedingly ignorant of in that it stands in stark opposition to the traditional metal etiquette, the way you mosh, “respectful” and controlled moshing styles the way the crowd interacts … (male, 22, practiced at “normal” metal shows and black/death/doom metal) highlights the fluid evolution of alternative metal community practices and group identity At Chimaira the guy in front went down and I work of scene kids. In Adelaide, this is a jumped in and helped get him straight out so concerning trend as scene kids are attending he didn’t get trampled, it’s just what you do, the live shows of different metal subgenres you don’t see a brother get hurt ... (male, 21, and inflicting their unrequited moshing nu/thrash/industrial metal) styles on “non-scene kids”; however, it must Kahn-Harris (2007, p.44), drawing on be noted that increasing social interaction Berger (1999), affirms that “moshers are between subgenres appears to be largely due careful to take care of other moshers”, and to the ways in which local Adelaide metal although moshing practices may appear shows are being structured by promoters and violent to outsiders, they are in fact highly venues, rather than a phenomenon instigated controlled activities. In stark contrast, it by scene kids. Scene kids was reported that scene kids are frequently are frequently adopting a somewhat “soccer hooligan” Where are scene kids coming from and how mentality in regard to violent practices in do they enter the scene? adopting a mosh pits, whereby they “head hunt” people According to participants, the history of somewhat at the front of the mosh and target them with Adelaide’s scene kids can be traced to strands errant fists and elbows known as “helicopter” of straightedge culture, Christian hardcore, ‘soccer moves. Spin kicks in the style of martial arts hardcore/punk and some elements of emo 3 hooligan’ are also a popular moshing style and have culture. Although scene kids can be found coined the term “pit ninja” for people who in multiple locations, the largest numbers, mentality engage in this practice: and indeed the originators of the “scene” have tended to come from affluent Adelaide in regard It’s so annoying man, you’ll be at the front Hills areas: to violent getting into it and these people run up and punch people in the back of the head and It was kids in the country who started the scene practices in they run back, it’s like calm down man, it’s really, cos they used to come down to Adelaide mosh pits. all turning into like gangs and anger. People and all stay down for the weekend, but they’d get into it like they do for violence in sport, have nowhere to stay so they’d stay in the city 4 I mean they don’t keep it in the pit, they try at the Torrens … (male, 18, metalcore) and kick back at people everywhere and it just ruins the whole thing. Metalcore is for people Parents around this area, it’s such a good who wanna seem like they like metal, but it’s neighbourhood they don’t think anything bad not metal, it’s something else … (male, 18, happens so they don’t really keep an eye on thrash/death metal) their kids – so we’d not come home for three to four days at a time and parents would People want people to be scared of them, they assume we were at a friend’s house cos it’s wanna go in the mosh and not be touched, so such a good neighbourhood. A lot of the scene they go in like a gang, it’s almost like being in kids come from these areas, good schools, prison, you get a rep so you don’t get fucked good parents, good area – they have money
Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 11 from parents to go out, they get everything economic disadvantage (Rowe & Savelsberg bought for them and they don’t have any 2010). Not surprisingly, for many years the responsibility … (female, 18, metalcore) northern suburbs were a fertile breeding Interestingly, the next largest number of ground for the stereotypical union of heavy scene kids appear to come from Adelaide’s metal and working-class youth. More recently, northern suburbs, an area plagued by these “traditional” young metal fans have all persistent social and economic disadvantage. but disappeared from the northern suburbs While the trends described here apply to with scene kids emerging in droves to greater Adelaide scene kids, the metalcore replace them: phenomenon and its cultural nuances It’s very much ghetto out here, a lot of kids are occurring worldwide (Hutcherson & that came in and started buying stuff started Haenfler 2010). It is unknown if Adelaide’s getting into it (metalcore) cos everyone was demographic trends in metalcore doing it in town – out here, people were like, participation are also occurring nationally and oh, that must be the new fad so they’d go and internationally, and, if so, to what extent. do it, it just picked up from there. I started The differences between socioeconomic here about four years ago and we never had characteristics of the northern suburbs and any metalcore bands, all the kids who come the Adelaide Hills suburbs are startling. in now, they only want what they’ve got in Australian Bureau of Statistics Index of relative Adelaide ... (metal apparel retail store worker, socioeconomic advantage and disadvantage in the northern suburbs) greater Adelaide statistical local areas lists Playford (incorporating the northern suburbs) The scene is bigger here than anywhere else, as the number one area of disadvantage, with it’s cos there’s nothing to do here for kids. I Adelaide Hills listed as the second-ranked remember we had to make our own fun and area of advantage (the number one area of we did some stupid things that we knew were advantage also borders this area) (Australian gonna get us hurt, like Jackass stunts – cos Bureau of Statistics 2008). there was nothing to do, nothing … (female, It is not Why then, are these disparate regions 18, metalcore, northern suburbs) uncommon to producing the greatest numbers of scene kids? The data suggest scene participation The scene kids mostly hang out in the city, talk to young is clearly meeting the needs of more affluent every Friday night. They used to go hang out people who young people on some level, yet they have at the Torrens every weekend, I remember been somewhat guarded in their responses to every weekend we’d be going to the Torrens have never date. Consequently, not enough is presently and people would just go there and get pissed, been to the known about the more affluent scene kids and it was all the same group, everyone had like any attempts to discuss their motivations and the piercings, skinny jeans, band t-shirts city, nor visited rewards for scene involvement is premature. and stuff, there was a good 30 to 50 people the beach. In contrast, the data raise interesting questions would just catch up randomly on weekends around the motivations and rewards at that big pergola at Elder Park … (male, 18, experienced by scene kids from the northern ex-metalcore, northern suburbs) suburbs, which also resonate with previous findings and information collected from Two key themes stand out here and in forums conducted with young people in previous findings (see Rowe & Savelsberg this region (Rowe & Savelsberg 2010; Loud 2010). First, young people in the northern Actions Youth Forum 2009). suburbs are bored. There are limited options for leisure pursuits; instead, young people are Scene kids of the north left to devise their own activities. Second, very Previous research has highlighted the few young people in the northern suburbs tremendous challenges faced by young regularly venture outside of the area, if at all. people growing up in the northern suburbs of It is not uncommon to talk to young people Adelaide as they navigate their way through who have never been to the city, nor visited conditions of deeply entrenched social and the beach. Transport justice is a continuing
12 Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 issue in the northern suburbs as many families Without exception, the young metalcore fans do not own a car, and public transport is from the northern suburbs who took part notoriously inadequate (see Loud Actions in this research had the greatest numbers Youth Forum 2009). of piercings: For young people in the northern suburbs, By that time I was ridden with piercings, the appeal of becoming a scene kid becomes home piercings I’d done myself, my ankles, vivid. The scene can offer something to do my webbing, my face was covered, I had and it can provide a “legitimate” reason hundreds of piercings, yeah, I was 13. At that to travel out of the northern suburbs and show there was a wall of death happening, experience the world. and chicks were just getting their bridge piercings torn out their faces – I got both my Who can I be? Where can it take me? ankle piercings ripped out and the guys from Young people growing up in conditions Underoath were like what? They saw my of social and economic disadvantage are ankle and thought it was brutal, there’s like vulnerable to having “unchosen” identities this little child at our show getting torn up – ascribed to them, which are positioned in but after that I couldn’t get enough, I was like the context of marginalisation (Bottrell 2007). yes! I love this! (female, 18, metal/deathcore) For these young people, it is not uncommon to grow up with unchosen identity labels When you go and get piercings and stuff it (perpetuated in the media) such as “povs” [scene involvement] gets a lot more intense and “ferals” (Milnes & Hyde 2009). Breaking then, I first got my lip pierced when I was 14 out of the social and economic constraints of so I’ve had these for a good four years and marginalisation is difficult enough, yet these then eventually I had my whole face done and young people must also contend with the stuff ... (male, 18, ex-metalcore) psychological constraints of unchosen and These participants both displayed disparaging social identities. Despite these extensive scarring from removed and failed challenges, Bottrell (2007) argues that young piercings. Other young people from the people routinely construct “chosen” identities northern suburbs were also extensively as a means of resistance against disparaging scarred from piercing removals, whether by “unchosen” identities. voluntary or injurious removal. In contrast, Forging identities of choice may well be young people from the Adelaide Hills had routine for young people in the northern far more discreet piercings, if any at all. Of suburbs. What is different perhaps for course this could be due to various reasons, “would be scene kids” is the added allure including (but not limited to) private school of a legitimate reason to venture out of uniform policies and parental authority as the northern suburbs and into the city of suggested by one participant living in the Adelaide. As participants revealed, scene Adelaide Hills region. The abundance of kid status is dependent on meeting one or piercings and extensive scarring displayed by more criteria: participants from the northern suburbs raises If you have money, you can buy yourself in to important questions around the purpose of the scene, but if you’re cool enough you could these body modifications and what young get into the scene for nothing. You had to people perceive to gain from acquiring them. have something, you had to either make them The accounts of some participants suggest look good, or have money, or know bands. that piercings may serve as passports to the Sometimes it’s almost appealing, cos you’d scene: a place (whether spatial or temporal) always have something to do, you’d never be where marginalised young people may feel bored … (female, 18, metal/deathcore) they can construct chosen identities and find respite from the stigma of unchosen identities The most accessible “scene currency” associated with disadvantage. for young people out north appears to be Young people are clearly resourceful abundant piercings. Piercings can be acquired and imaginative. If alternative “legitimate” cheaply and quickly in great volumes.
Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 13 purposes for travelling outside the northern The data presented have initiated insights suburbs are not co-constructed with young into how young people are leveraging such people, they will undoubtedly continue to change, tempered with questions around organise and mobilise themselves. The fact the impact of these changes on young they are currently doing this for themselves people’s holistic development and broader is impressive, but the cost of achieving it is social transitions. potentially too high. Sleeping overnight on a Scene kids are still confronting basic river bank far from home, binge drinking and transition issues such as schooling and group violence have been reported as going post-school education, training and I’ve been trying hand in hand with being a scene kid – adding employment. For the scene kids from the for ages just to the (often do-it-yourself) multiple piercings northern suburbs, material circumstances that carry risks of infection and injury, as have not changed much, yet they are taking my own documented by Koenig and Carnes (1999). continually developing new priorities and resume and Beyond the immediate dangers for young responding to them in new and innovative people’s health and wellbeing, questions ways. Whether this will have lasting effects stuff but no-one must also be raised around the impact of on other pursuits and movements through ever replies. these lifestyle choices on transitions through the life course demands to be the focus of various social contexts, as indicated by the future investigation. Moreover, it warrants following account: an increased focus on the nature and scope of I just recently got set up with Workskill to identity work as young people engage in more try and get a job, I’ve been trying for ages fluid social environments. For marginalised just taking my own resume and stuff but young people, this will all too often mean no-one ever replies, so I took out most of my swimming upstream through Bauman’s (2000) piercings, I just thought it would make it liquid modern world. easier … but yeah, I just never get the call back cos of the piercings, but I definitely wanna Notes keep my bridge in, it’s so good … (male, 18, 1. A comprehensive account of existing metalcore) heavy metal sub-genres can be found at: The suggestion that this participant does
14 Youth Studies Australia VOLUME 31 NUMBER 1 2012 References metal’, Studies in Symbolic Interactionism, v.35, AUTHOR pp.101-21. Australian Bureau of Statistics 2008, ABS releases Kahn-Harris, K. 2007, Extreme metal: Music and measures of socio-economic advantage and disadvan- culture on the edge, Berg, Oxford. Paula Rowe tage, media release, retrieved from,
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