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Dal De Viris Illustribus Al De Mulieribus Claris Verbum VII/I, pp. 263–279 1585-079X/$ 20.00 c Akadémiai Kiadó, Budapest, 2005 DAL DE VIRIS ILLUSTRIBUS AL DE MULIERIBUS CLARIS Antonio Donato Sciacovelli Berzsenyi Dániel Foisk˝ ola Károlyi Gáspár tér 4. H–9700 Szombathely Hungary [email protected] The present article shows the aYnities between some biographical writings of Francesco Petrarca and Giovanni Boccaccio: the theme of the exaltation of the past, as opposed to the present time, as well as the corruption of the modern will be shown to be the very fundamental trait d'union between the two writers. Al fortunato trattato De mulieribus claris di Boccaccio aYdiamo il com- pito di introdurre il De viris illustribus di Francesco Petrarca, con le pa- role del Proemio, in cui si ricorda l'esempio di quanto viene scrivendo l'amico e maestro: Già nel passato alcuni degli antichi storici scrissero compendi intorno agli uomini illustri. Ai nostri tempi uno di maggior estensione e di più accurato stile lo sta scrivendo il mio maestro Francesco Petrarca, uomo insigne ed egregio poeta.¹ L'opera di scandaglio critico e filologico portata avanti dal De Nolhac riuscì a riproporre all'attenzione della critica petrarchesca un'opera di cui allo stato attuale non esiste un'edizione critica completa (attesissima è l'edizione del Centenario che dovrebbe apparire nel corso del 2004, ₁ “Scripsere iam dudum non nulli veterum sub compendio de viris illustribus libros; et nostro evo, latiori tamen volumine et accuratiori stilo, vir insignis et poeta egregius Franciscus Petrarca, preceptor noster, scribit; et digne” (Boccaccio 1967:22–23). 264 antonio donato sciacovelli ed il cui progetto editoriale è stato già reso pubblico dal Comitato Na- zionale per gli Studi Petrarcheschi). Gli studi successivi del Calcaterra e, soprattutto, del Martellotti (incaricato a suo tempo dell'edizione cri- tica dell'opera, di cui è apparso a tutt'ora soltanto il primo volume), riescono a darci una idea della complessità del progetto elaborato dal Petrarca secondo almeno due disegni principali, a cui si deve aggiunge- re un profilo biografico che, costituendo in realtà un'opera a parte, ha attratto l'attenzione della critica petrarchesca sull'evoluzione della con- siderazione della figura di Giulio Cesare nel corso dell'evoluzione della scrittura letteraria del poeta;² ed infine la Collatio inter Scipionem Alexan- drum Hanibalem et Pyrrum, che rappresenta un excursus nel genere delle biografie parallele. Secondo quanto veniamo a conoscere dalle informazioni autobio- grafiche contenute nella Posteritati, il Petrarca si trasferisce — o forse sarebbe meglio dire si rifugia — a Valchiusa nei mesi estivi o all'inizio dell'autunno del 1337:³ questa valle dal nome tanto emblematicamen- te legato alla solitudine, al raccoglimento, favorirà la vena creativa del poeta, che qui concepirà gran parte delle sue opere: l'Awica, il Bucolicum Carmen, il De vita solitaria, il De otio religioso, molte delle Epystole, parte delle Rime e, probabilmente appena giunto nella sua nuova residenza, il trattato De viris illustribus.⁴ A giudicare da quanto indicato nel terzo libro ₂ Della Vita Caesaris si è occupata, in Ungheria, Zsuzsa Kiséry, che ha pubblicato nel 1995 uno studio sulle vicende di questo testo (Kiséry 1994). ₃ “. non riuscivo a sopportare il senso di fastidiosa avversione che provavo per quella disgustosissima Avignone [. .]. Cercavo un rifugio come si cerca un porto, quan- do trovai una valle piccola ma solitaria ed amena, che si chiama Valchiusa [. .]. Incanta- to da quel luogo, mi trasferii lì con tutti i miei libri, quando avevo già trentaquattro an- ni” (“. cum [. .] illius tediosissime urbis fastidium atque odium [. .] fere non possem, diverticulum aliquod quasi portum querens, repperi vallem perexiguam sed solitariam atque amenam, que Clausa dicitur [. .]. Captus loci dulcedine, libellos meos et meipsum illuc transtuli, cum iam quartum et trigesimum etatis annum post terga relinquerem” (Petrarca 1955c:12)). ₄ Non solo Petrarca, ma i suoi stessi biografi hanno esaltato l'incontro con Valchiu- sa come un momento determinante per l'attività letteraria del poeta. (Dotti (1992:49) ricorda un passo della Vita del Wilkins in cui Valchiusa viene definita come la vera opportunità di libertà per il Petrarca: libertà di pensare, di studiare, di scrivere.) Ci sembra opportuno ricordare che proprio questa scelta di vita, le cui implicazioni morali so- no testimoniate ed ampiamente trattate nel De vita solitaria, dovette avere una valenza simbolica nell'intraprendere un'opera sugli esempi di virtù e di fama come il De viris, nella cornice di vita solitaria ed intensamente dedicata agli studi, quale doveva essere quella dell'umanista immaginato dal poeta. Per quanto riguarda poi la genesi “parallela” delle sue opere, si rimanda al saggio di Martellotti “Sulla composizione del De viris e dell’Africa” (1983:3–26). dal de viris illustribus al de mulieribus claris 265 del Secretum, sarebbe stato questo opus immensum il primissimo “appiglio” nella scalata di Petrarca alla gloria, seguito poi dall'excursus poetico navi- gio che l'avrebbe portato in Africa, alla compilazione dunque del grande poema su Scipione.Í Nelle parole pronunciate da Agostino sentiamo tutta l'(auto)ammirazione di Petrarca per aver intrapreso due opere in cui si concentra il senso stesso della cultura di Roma, e quasi naturale è che l'ascesa alla gloria imperitura (fama inter posteros) venga principia- ta da un'opera di carattere storico: il periodo occupato dall'argomento dello scritto è quello compreso a rege Romulo in Titum Cesarem, così che l'ambizione di portare a termine un sì impegnativo progetto viene subi- to accompagnata dalla coscienza del gran tempo e fatica necessari (opus immensum temporisque et laboris capacissimum), fino all'insinuazione che ad- dirittura potrebbe essere la morte a porre fine alla redazione (del De viris come dell'Awica): Per tal modo dedichi tutta la vita a queste due imprese [. .]. Ma che sai se, innanzi d'aver compiuta l'una e l'altra opera, la morte non ti abbia a strappare di mano l'aVaticata penna? e così mentre per ismodato desiderio di gloria a questa ti aVretti per due strade, né per l'una né per l'altra tu riesca là dove desideri? Il progetto del Secretum come di una forma di confessio agostiniana può essere precoce ed addirittura contemporaneo ai due opera incaricati di procacciare a Petrarca la gloria, mentre la problematicità delle riflessio- ni ad esso sottese deve averne protratto la compilazione fino alla piena maturità di Francesco, se numerosi critici spostano questa data fino al 1353:Î ad ogni modo, la segnalazione dell'incompiutezza del De viris a quest'altezza, coincide con la ripresa della compilazione secondo uno schema più ampio, quello comprendente la prefazione all'opera e do- dici vite (Adamo, Noè, Nembrot, Nino, Semiramide, Abramo, Isacco, Giacobbe, Giuseppe, Mosè, Giasone ed Ercole), l'ultima delle quali in- compiuta. Nonostante De Nolhac, editore di queste vite, tendesse a dimostrare una redazione precedente di queste ultime—e della prefa- zione—rispetto ai ritratti stilati in relazione alla storia di Roma, secon- do un ragionamento di ricostruzione cronologica parallela, gli studi del Calcaterra e del Martellotti chiarirono definitivamente come si trattas- se piuttosto di un progetto posteriore a quello originariamente ristretto alla storia romana, ed infatti in tal modo ricordato anche nel Secretum.Ï ₅ Petrarca (1955d:192). ₆ V. Ariani (1999:113–114). ₇ In un articolato saggio sulla questione, il Martellotti ebbe modo di addurre numerose e convincenti argomentazioni a riguardo (Martellotti 1949b). 266 antonio donato sciacovelli Una serie di altri indizii (il Supplemento del Lombardo ed alcuni riferi- menti presenti nel Trionfo della Fama) ci informano su quella che dovette essere la volontà di Petrarca di allargare il disegno fino ad una conce- zione ben più vasta, ma comunque non destinata ad abbracciare i mo- derni ed i contemporanei, come anche troppo ironicamente ci sembra sottolineato nel Proemio: Preferirei, lo confesso, narrare cose viste anziché lette, recenti anziché an- tiche, in modo che i posteri lontani ricevessero da me la notizia di questa età, come io dagli antichi ebbi quella delle età più vetuste. Ma devo essere grato ai principi nostri che a me, stanco e desideroso di quiete, tolgono questa fatica: ché alla satira non alla storia essi danno argomento.Ð,⁹ Gli esempi del passato, le cose lette ed antiche, hanno parte considerevole in due opere boccacciane, che rientrano in quella produzione comune- mente definita erudita, nella quale il Certaldese dimostrò la sua inclina- zione verso la scrittura biografica: una di queste è il De casibus virorum illustrium (cominciato a metà degli anni '50 e compiuto in una prima re- dazione verso il 1360, poi ripreso negli anni 1374–1375),¹È prima delle opere latine maggiori (impostata su di una struttura tripartita: libri I– VII, da Adamo fino alla distruzione di Gerusalemme; libro VIII, ultimo periodo della storia imperiale e Medioevo barbarico; libro IX, eventi e figure connessi ai secoli dal X al XIV), che presenta una galleria di ritrat- ti e di avvenimenti “rovinosi” subordinati ad una profonda riflessione sui fini della storia e sulla caducità della fama. Nella dedicatio, ricordando che l'opera vuole riflettere sulla “rovina e la fine per lo più infelice degli uomini illustri”,¹¹ l'autore ripercorre il filo di una riflessione chiaramen- te petrarchesca che, partendo da un generale scetticismo nei confronti del presente, infierisce proprio su quegli uomini illustri contemporanei i quali, retrospettivamente, sono oggetto dell'opera in quanto “categoria umana”: i pontefici saranno i primi a cadere sotto la lente impietosa del poeta, poiché diVormatisi dagli antichi che con lacrime ed orazioni solevano muovere la virtù del cielo contro quelli che avversavano la loro divozione, delle infu- le sacerdotali [si vedono] fare elmetti, dei pastorali lance, delle sacre vesti ₈ Corsivo di chi scrive. ₉ “Scriberem libentius, fateor, visa quam lecta, nova quam vetera, ut sicut notitiam vetustatis ab antiquis acceperam ita huhius notitiam etatis ex me posteritas sera percipe- ret.
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