Handbook on Complementarity an Introduction to the Role of National Courts and the ICC in Prosecuting International Crimes
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OTP Briefing Issue #144 1-15 July 2013 NEWS Pre-Trial Chamber II requests Nigeria to arrest Omar Al Bashir 15 July - Pre-Trial Chamber II requested the Federal Republic of Nigeria to immediately arrest Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir, on visit to Abuja (Nigeria) for an African Union summit on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, and to surrender him to the ICC. The Sudanese President’s visit to Nigeria has raised a lot of criticism among rights groups. Human Rights Watch (HRW) called for Nigeria to prevent Bashir to attend the Abuja summit or to stop it if it went there, while the president of the Nigeria Coalition on the International Criminal Court, Chino Obiagwu, said that the Nigerian government “has violated its obligations under international law”. The Chamber recalled that, as signatories to the ICC, Nigeria and several other African countries are expected, under their treaty obligations, to actually arrest the Sudanese President if he sets foot on their soil. The Nigeria presidential spokesman Reuben Abati said "The Sudanese president came for an AU event and the AU has taken a position on the ICC arrest order, so Nigeria has not taken action different from the AU stand". Nevertheless, Nigeria’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Prof. Viola Onwuliri, had briefed the Nigerian press that over 30 African Heads of State would be participating at the conference, stating that she was not reported to have specifically listed the names of the heads of state and presidents expected at the meeting, nor was she reported to have specifically mentioned the name of the controversial Sudanese president. -
Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE COI Compilation August 2017 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire COI Compilation August 2017 This report collates country of origin information (COI) on Côte d’Ivoire up to 15 August 2017 on issues of relevance in refugee status determination for Ivorian nationals. The report is based on publicly available information, studies and commentaries. It is illustrative, but is neither exhaustive of information available in the public domain nor intended to be a general report on human-rights conditions. The report is not conclusive as to the merits of any individual refugee claim. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa Immeuble FAALO Almadies, Route du King Fahd Palace Dakar, Senegal - BP 3125 Phone: +221 33 867 62 07 Kora.unhcr.org - www.unhcr.org Table of Contents List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 4 1 General Information ....................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Historical background ............................................................................................ -
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14 Eng Updated: April 2016 the Prosecutor V
Case Information Sheet Situation in the Republic of Kenya ICC-PIDS-CIS-KEN-01-012/14_Eng Updated: April 2016 The Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang ICC-01/09-01/11 Accused of three counts of crimes against humanity in the context of the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Trial started on 10 September 2013. Case terminated on 5 April 2016. Not in ICC custody. William Samoei Ruto (Ruto) Date of birth: 21 December 1966 Place of birth: Kamagut village, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: Current Deputy President of the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Ruto was accused of being criminally responsible as an indirect co-perpetrator pursuant to article 25(3)(a) of the Rome Statute for the crimes against humanity of: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). Joshua Arap Sang (Sang) Date of birth: 9 September 1975 Place of birth: Kitale, Trans-Nzoia District, Kenya Nationality: Kenyan Official position: the head of operations at Kass FM in Nairobi, the Republic of Kenya Summons to appear: 8 March 2011 Initial appearance hearing: 7 April 2011 Confirmation of charges hearing: 1 - 8 September 2011 Decision on the confirmation of charges: 23 January 2012 Opening of the trial: 10 September 2013 Termination of the case: 5 April 2016 Charges Mr Sang was accused as an indirect co-perpetrator, of having otherwise contributed (within the meaning of article 25(3)(d) of the Rome Statute) to the commission of the following crimes against humanity: murder (article 7(l)(a)); deportation or forcible transfer of population (article 7(l)(d)); and persecution (article 7(l)(h)). -
ICC-02/11-01/12 Date: 11 December 2014 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before
ICC-02/11-01/12-47-Red 11-12-2014 1/39 EO PT Original: English No.: ICC-02/11-01/12 Date: 11 December 2014 PRE-TRIAL CHAMBER I Before: Judge Silvia Fernández de Gurmendi, Presiding Judge Judge Ekaterina Trendafilova Judge Christine Van den Wyngaert SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CÔTE D’IVOIRE IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR V. SIMONE GBAGBO Public redacted Decision on Côte d’Ivoire’s challenge to the admissibility of the case against Simone Gbagbo No. ICC-02/11-01/12 1/39 11 December 2014 ICC-02/11-01/12-47-Red 11-12-2014 2/39 EO PT Decision to be notified, in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court, to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for Simone Gbagbo Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor Sylvia Geraghty James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants for Participation/Reparation The Office of Public Counsel for The Office of Public Counsel for the Victims Defence Paolina Massidda States Representatives Amicus Curiae Counsel for Côte d’Ivoire Jean-Pierre Mignard Jean-Paul Benoit Competent authorities of Côte d’Ivoire REGISTRY Registrar Defence Support Section Herman von Hebel Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section No. ICC-02/11-01/12 2/39 11 December 2014 ICC-02/11-01/12-47-Red 11-12-2014 3/39 EO PT TABLE OF CONTENTS I. PROCEDURAL HISTORY .............................................................................................4 II. SUBMISSIONS OF THE PARTIES AND PARTICIPANTS ...................................6 A. Côte d’Ivoire ................................................................................................................6 B. -
Côte D'ivoire
JANUARY 2015 COUNTRY SUMMARY Côte d’Ivoire Ahead of the 2015 general election, the government of President Alassane Ouattara made some progress in security sector reform and improving discipline within the security forces. However, there was insufficient progress in strengthening the judiciary, tackling corruption, or pursuing impartial justice for the serious crimes committed during the 2010-2011 post- election period. The Ivorian government has failed to arrest any member of the pro- Ouattara Republican Forces implicated in the post-election violence, undermining hopes for meaningful reconciliation. The 2010-2011 crisis capped a decade of conflict and unrest rooted in ethno-communal tensions and land disputes during which armed groups and security forces from all sides perpetrated serious human rights abuses with complete impunity. International and Ivorian commissions of inquiry found that both sides committed war crimes and possible crimes against humanity during the 2010-2011 crisis. There were several cross border attacks from Liberia though fewer episodes of intercommunal violence than in past years. Criminality and banditry by often-violent armed gangs continued to be a serious problem. Progress on disarmament was slow and largely benefited pro-Ouattara forces, spurring some protests. Members of the security forces continued to be implicated in serious violations, though the number of incidents decreased compared to past years. Widespread corruption and plunder, especially by members of the security forces, remain a serious concern. However, there was some progress in reducing security force extortion and dismantling illegal checkpoints. Côte d’Ivoire’s key partners—the European Union, the United Nations, France, and the United States—were reluctant to publicly criticize the lack of accountability for past crimes. -
KAS International Reports 09/2015
9|2015 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 89 ON THE OTHER SIDE OF CRISIS OR BACK ON THE BRINK? OUTLOOK ON THE 2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN IVORY COAST Valentin Katzer INTRODUCTION West Africa is currently running a veritable election marathon: Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Niger, Ghana – the cards in the region are being reshuffled in the 2015 and 2016 electoral period.1 Past experience indicates that polls always prove to be a test for security, as well as social and political stability in the electoral democracies between Sahel and the Gulf Dr. Valentin Katzer of Guinea. The presidential and semi-presidential systems of the is a trainee in the Promotion region have repeatedly given rise to tension and conflict in the of Democr acy in past, and even more so where the newly elected head of state the West Africa is endowed with extensive powers. The “Présidentielles” in Ivory program of the Konrad-Adenauer- Coaste fiv years ago resulted in a particularly dramatic escalation. Stiftung. Due to the Civil War (2002/2007), the elections, which had been originally scheduled for 2005, were postponed several times, and were finally held against the backdrop of a deeply divided country. The first ballot of the belated 2010 presidential elections initially put southern incumbent Laurent Gbagbo ahead, but during the run-off, northern challenger Alassane Ouattara was certified to have received the highest number of votes by the Independent Electoral Commission (Commission Électorale Independente de Côte d’Ivoire). The Constitutional Council, however, declared Gbagbo the victor. Both candidates took their oath, resulting in two Ivorian presidents being in office at the same time. -
Page 1 of 2 Allafrica.Com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila Is Being Set up For
allAfrica.com: Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Page 1 of 2 HOME Kenya: Is It Possible Raila is Being Set Up for Failure? Makau Mutua 5 June 2010 OPINION Nairobi — This is a warning to Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Call it a yellow card. Mr Odinga needs to remember the biblical proverb that "pride cometh before a fall". It is a law of gravity that whatever goes up must come down. He should know that it's a bad omen to count one's chickens before they hatch. The exuberance in the Yes camp is irrational because it belies some irreconcilable contradictions. Some senior PNU members - who are ostensibly in the Yes camp - are setting Mr Odinga up for a hard fall. They are fattening his ego for slaughter. Mr Odinga must remember that the leopard never changes its spots. It's now a fact that the referendum is a contest to succeed President Kibaki. It is no longer only about reform. The leader of the camp that wins the referendum will easily jog to State House in 2012. This is where Mr Odinga becomes an endangered species. There is no doubt that he is the clear leader of the Yes camp. Nor is there any question about President Kibaki's unequivocal support for the proposed constitution. Mr Kibaki is fully behind Mr Odinga. But the two plausible PNU presidential candidates - Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka and Finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta - have only given tepid support to the proposed constitution. Mr Musyoka has refused to unequivocally back the constitution, or vigorously campaign for it. -
English Version
Diaspora Voting and Ethnic Politics in Kenya Beth Elise Whitaker and Salma Inyanji To cite this article: Beth Elise Whitaker, Salma Inyanji, “Vote de la diaspora et ethnicité au Kenya,” Afrique contemporaine 4/2015 (n° 256), p. 73-89. URL : www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2015-4-page-73.htm. ABSTRACT: Many African governments have extended voting rights to nationals living abroad, but little is known about the political behavior of diaspora populations. In the context of Kenya, where the 2010 constitution authorized diaspora voting, we ask whether nationals living abroad are as likely to vote along ethnic lines as their counterparts at home. Using data from public opinion polls prior to the March 2013 presidential election, we compare levels of support for presumed ethnic candidates among Kenyans surveyed in the diaspora and those surveyed in the country. Overall, diaspora respondents were significantly less likely than in-country respondents to support the presumed ethnic candidate from their home province. The results provide preliminary support for our hypothesis that diaspora Africans are less likely to vote along ethnic lines than their in-country counterparts, and thus are less reliable for the construction of ethnic coalitions. More survey data are needed from Kenyans and other Africans living abroad to further examine the relationship between diaspora voting and ethnicity in African politics. As migration patterns have become increasingly global, African diaspora populations have emerged as an important political consideration (Akyeampong 2000). The African Union has held a series of conferences to engage the diaspora with a view toward recognizing it as the continent’s “sixth region.” African governments have been reaching out to nationals living abroad to seek their economic and political participation at home. -
Download the Full Report
Cote d’Ivoire “They Killed Them HUMAN Like It Was Nothing” RIGHTS WATCH The Need for Justice for Côte d’Ivoire’s Post-Election Crimes “They Killed Them Like It Was Nothing” The Need for Justice for Côte d’Ivoire’s Post-Election Crimes Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-819-8 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 51, Avenue Blanc 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBER 2011 ISBN: 1-56432-819-8 “They Killed Them Like It Was Nothing” The Need for Justice for Côte d’Ivoire’s Post-Election Crimes Maps ................................................................................................................................................ -
Côte D'ivoire Country Focus
European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9476-993-0 doi: 10.2847/055205 © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2019 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Mariam Dembélé, Abidjan (December 2016) CÔTE D’IVOIRE: COUNTRY FOCUS - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT — 3 Acknowledgements EASO acknowledges as the co-drafters of this report: Italy, Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for the Right of Asylum, International and EU Affairs, COI unit Switzerland, State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), Division Analysis The following departments reviewed this report, together with EASO: France, Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (OFPRA), Division de l'Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches (DIDR) Norway, Landinfo The Netherlands, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, Office for Country of Origin Information and Language Analysis (OCILA) Dr Marie Miran-Guyon, Lecturer at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), researcher, and author of numerous publications on the country reviewed this report. It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. -
Côte D'ivoire Freedomhouse.Org
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/c-te-divoire#.VdW5qZfjxA4.cleanprint Côte d'Ivoire freedomhouse.org In 2014, Côte d’Ivoire continued to grapple with the aftermath of a 2010–11 postelection civil crisis that left 3,000 dead and another one million displaced. The Rally of the Republicans (RDR)—the party of the 2010 election winner, President Alassane Ouattara—dominates both local and national politics. In March, former president Laurent Gbagbo’s Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) led the formation of a new 12-party coalition, the Alliance des Forces Démocratiques de Côte d’Ivoire (AFDCI), in an attempt to consolidate a dominant position among opposition parties in advance of 2015 general elections. Direct talks between the government and the FPI resulted in the release of more than 100 Gbagbo associates and the unfreezing of assets in the first part of the year, but dialogue has since stalled. The Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission, established in 2011, began hearing evidence in September 2014. Meanwhile, the International Criminal Court (ICC) moved forward with cases against Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé, a former youth minister and leader of a pro-Gbagbo militia. The Ivorian government disputed the ICC’s jurisdiction over Simone Gbagbo, Laurent Gbagbo’s wife, who faces four counts of crimes against humanity at the ICC even though she is on trial in Côte d’Ivoire for crimes related to the postelection crisis. In June, the government passed the Law on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights Defenders—the first of its kind on the continent. Meanwhile, attacks against LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) activists early in the year escalated into incidents of mob violence. -
The Trial of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé at the ICC
Open Society Justice Initiative BRIEFING PAPER The Trial of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé at the ICC JAJ January 2016 Laurent Koudou Gbagbo, former president of Côte d’Ivoire, faces charges at the ICC for crimes against humanity committed in the aftermath of contested presidential elections in 2010. Charles Blé Goudé, Gbagbo’s Youth Minister and long-time supporter, is facing similar charges. The two will be tried together before the ICC for allegedly conspiring to keep Gbagbo in office by any means necessary—including by committing crimes against humanity. 224 West 57th Street, New York, New York, 10019, United States | TEL +1-212-548-0600 | FAX +1-212-548-4662 | [email protected] BRIEFING PAPER GBAGBO AND BLÉ GOUDÉ 2 The Defendants Laurent Koudou Gbagbo is the former president of Côte d’Ivoire. Prior to assuming the presidency in 2000, Gbagbo was a historian and a political dissident. After secretly founding the Front Populaire Ivoirien (Ivorian Popular Front (FPI)) as an opposition party to President Felix Houphouët-Boigny’s one-party rule, Gbagbo spent most of the 1980s in exile in France. Gbagbo returned to Côte d’Ivoire in 1988 to compete against incumbent Houphouet-Boigny in the 1990 presidential race, the country’s first multi-party elections. Though defeated for the presidency, Gbagbo later won a seat in the National Assembly. Amid ongoing political and ethnic unrest throughout Côte d’Ivoire, Gbagbo won the highly contentious and violent 2000 Ivorian presidential elections. Gbagbo remained president until 2010, when he was defeated in a highly contentious presidential election by Alassane Ouattara.