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Minsk II a Fragile Ceasefire
Briefing 16 July 2015 Ukraine: Follow-up of Minsk II A fragile ceasefire SUMMARY Four months after leaders from France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia reached a 13-point 'Package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements' ('Minsk II') on 12 February 2015, the ceasefire is crumbling. The pressure on Kyiv to contribute to a de-escalation and comply with Minsk II continues to grow. While Moscow still denies accusations that there are Russian soldiers in eastern Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin publicly admitted in March 2015 to having invaded Crimea. There is mounting evidence that Moscow continues to play an active military role in eastern Ukraine. The multidimensional conflict is eroding the country's stability on all fronts. While the situation on both the military and the economic front is acute, the country is under pressure to conduct wide-reaching reforms to meet its international obligations. In addition, Russia is challenging Ukraine's identity as a sovereign nation state with a wide range of disinformation tools. Against this backdrop, the international community and the EU are under increasing pressure to react. In the following pages, the current status of the Minsk II agreement is assessed and other recent key developments in Ukraine and beyond examined. This briefing brings up to date that of 16 March 2015, 'Ukraine after Minsk II: the next level – Hybrid responses to hybrid threats?'. In this briefing: • Minsk II – still standing on the ground? • Security-related implications of the crisis • Russian disinformation -
Religion, Family, and Society in Andrey Zvyagintsev's Leviathan (2014)
Journal of Religion & Film Volume 24 Issue 2 October 2020 Article 1 October 2020 Corruption as Shared Culpability: Religion, Family, and Society in Andrey Zvyagintsev's Leviathan (2014) Maria Hristova Lewis and Clark College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/jrf Part of the Christianity Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, and the Other Film and Media Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hristova, Maria (2020) "Corruption as Shared Culpability: Religion, Family, and Society in Andrey Zvyagintsev's Leviathan (2014)," Journal of Religion & Film: Vol. 24 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. DOI: 10.32873/uno.dc.jrf.24.2.001 Available at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/jrf/vol24/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Religion & Film by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Corruption as Shared Culpability: Religion, Family, and Society in Andrey Zvyagintsev's Leviathan (2014) Abstract This article engages in close analysis of how Andrey Zvyagintsev depicts corruption and its various manifestations: moral, familial, societal, and institutional, in Leviathan (Leviafan, 2014). While other post- Soviet films address the problem of prevalent corruption in Russia, Zvyagintsev’s work is the first ot provoke strong public reactions, not only from government and Russian Orthodox Church officials, but also from Orthodox and political activist groups. The film demonstrates that the instances of legal and moral failings in one aspect of existence are a sign of a much deeper and wider-ranging problem that affects all other spheres of human experience. -
Izmena-Film.Com
S ABINA EREMEEVA p resents BETRAYAL ( IZMENA ) d irected by K IRILL SEREBRENNIKOV production STUDIO SLON, film company Sol’ with the support of the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, Russian Cinema Fund Russia 2012 • Color • 35 mm/DCP • Length 115’ • 1:2,35 • Dolby DTS 1 P RESS SCREENINGS: 29-08-2012 at 19.30 SALA DARSENA 29-08-2012 at 22.00 SALA PERLA O FFICIAL SCREENING: AUGUST 30TH 30-08-2012 at 16.45 SALA GRANDE R EPEAT SCREENINGS: 30-08-2012 at 22.30 PALABIENNALE 31-08-2012 at 8.30 PALABIENNALE 2 WORLD SALES: ELLE DRIVER www.elledriver.eu 66 rue de Miromesnil 75008 Paris - France [email protected] [email protected] Tel. +33-1-5643-4870 Fax. +33-1-4561-4608 INTERNATIONAL PRESS: Richard Lormand – FILM I PRESS I PLUS www.FilmPressPlus.com [email protected] - skype: intlpress Tel. +33-9-7044-9865 (France) In Venice (Aug 29 - Sept 9) +39-347-256-4143 ITALIAN PRESS: STUDIO SYSTEMA Venezia www.studiosystema.it [email protected] Adriana Vianello Tel. +39-349-008-1276 Olga Strada Tel. +39-328-649-5390 Andrea de Marchi Tel. +39-349-374-4356 PRODUCTION: Studio SLON www.slonstudio.su Mosfilmovskaya str., 1 119991 Moscow - Russia [email protected] izmena.fi[email protected] Tel. +7-499-143-9595 In Venice: +39-388-246-3293 All the press releases are available on our web site: www.izmena-film.com 3 SYNOPSIS A man and a woman learn that their respective spouses are having an affair with each other. This discovery drives the two casual acquaintances to do things they would never have dared before. -
Russian Media Organisations Banned for Three Years in Ukraine Ukraine
Russian Media Organisations Banned for Three Years in Ukraine Ukraine abides by all commitments and international standards of ensuring freedom of speech in spite of the continued Russian aggression, the occupation of Ukraine’s sovereign territory in violation of all international rules, the use by the aggressor State of some media of various forms of ownership with a view to carrying out special information operations in the information field of Ukraine and other States by its security services. This is confirmed by Ukraine’s performance in Press Freedom Index 2018, compiled by the international organization Reporters Without Borders. According to the rating, Ukraine has moved one position up and is now ranked 101st. With regard to the concern expressed in the alert published on the Council of Europe Platform on the alleged prohibition of Russian media in Ukraine, the following information shall be taken into account. It is common knowledge that since 2014 Ukraine has been subjected to hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation. This aggression manifested not only in the illegal occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and military aggression in Donetsk and Luhansk regions but also in an unprecedented disinformation and propagandistic campaign against Ukraine. With a view to establishing a legal framework to counter the aggression, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law of Ukraine “On Sanctions” (hereinafter referred to as the Law) on 14 August 2014. Article 1 of the Law states that, with a view to protecting national interests, national security, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, countering terrorist activities, as well as preventing infringement of rights and restoring infringed rights, freedoms and lawful interests of citizens of Ukraine, society and the state special economic and other restrictive measures (hereinafter referred to as ‘sanctions’) may be taken. -
Journalism in the Borderland. Barents Media Freedom
Journalism in the borderland Barents Media Freedom 2017 Published with support from Fritt Ord Authored by Atle Staalesen Atle Staalesen is journalist and Director of the Independent Barents Observer. In 2002, he founded the Barents Observer, which in the period 2005-2015 was hosted by the Norwegian Barents Secretariat. Atle was editor until 2009 and later worked as journalist and project coordinator for several European cross-border cooperation projects. He quit his job in the Barents Secretariat late 2015 following a conflict over editorial rights and subsequently re- established the Barents Observer as an independent and non-profit stock company along with the rest of the newspaper crew. Atle has a degree in Russian studies from the University of Oslo and studied journalism at the Moscow State University. Kirkenes, 2017 The Independent Barents Observer [email protected] @BarentsNews Introduction «You will not write about politics, will you?» The question comes from one of the border guards checking my passport at the Russian checkpoint of Borisoglebsk. I am on my way across the Norwegian-Russian border heading for Murmansk, the Russian Arctic city, on a work assignment. It is not uncommon that Russian border guards ask journalists about the purpose of their visit. However, this time the question is more intriguing than normal. And the timing is extraordinary. Only few weeks earlier had Thomas Nilsen, my colleague and Editor of the Barents Observer, been stopped on the very same spot and taken aside by the border guards. In a back room he was told that he was no longer wanted in Russia and that he would be rejected entry for the next five years. -
Instrumentalizing the Sources of Attraction. How Russia Undermines Its Own Soft Power
INSTRUMENTALIZING THE SOURCES OF ATTRACTION. HOW RUSSIA UNDERMINES ITS OWN SOFT POWER By Vasile Rotaru Abstract The 2011-2013 domestic protests and the 2013-2015 Ukraine crisis have brought to the Russian politics forefront an increasing preoccupation for the soft power. The concept started to be used in official discourses and documents and a series of measures have been taken both to avoid the ‘dangers’ of and to streamline Russia’s soft power. This dichotomous approach towards the ‘power of attraction’ have revealed the differences of perception of the soft power by Russian officials and the Western counterparts. The present paper will analyse Russia’s efforts to control and to instrumentalize the sources of soft power, trying to assess the effectiveness of such an approach. Keywords: Russian soft power, Russian foreign policy, public diplomacy, Russian mass media, Russian internet Introduction The use of term soft power is relatively new in the Russian political circles, however, it has become recently increasingly popular among the Russian analysts, policy makers and politicians. The term per se was used for the first time in Russian political discourse in February 2012 by Vladimir Putin. In the presidential election campaign, the then candidate Putin drew attention to the fact that soft power – “a set of tools and methods to achieve foreign policy goals without the use of arms but by exerting information and other levers of influence” is used frequently by “big countries, international blocks or corporations” “to develop and provoke extremist, separatist and nationalistic attitudes, to manipulate the public and to directly interfere in the domestic policy of sovereign countries” (Putin 2012). -
Russia's Information War Propaganda Or Counter-Propaganda?
Briefing October 2016 Russia's information war Propaganda or counter-propaganda? SUMMARY In the West, Russia is more often seen as an instigator than a target of propaganda. However, Kremlin documents and Russian media argue that Russia itself faces serious threats from external information activity. Allegedly, such threats could undermine political stability in the country, curtail its international influence, and jeopardise traditional values. Moscow therefore argues that it needs to take defensive measures. The Kremlin claims that the USA and its allies are waging an information war against Russia. ISIL/Da'esh, which produces an increasing amount of Russian-language material, is another major adversary. At home, the Kremlin has clamped down on media and civil society to exclude external influences. Internationally, it has launched media weapons such as news channel RT to compete with Western media, and bankrolled pro-Russian NGOs. Critics of the Kremlin dispute its claims of a Western-led information war against Russia, and accuse it of conducting disinformation campaigns to justify aggression in neighbouring countries such as Ukraine. In terms of meeting their declared goal of protecting Russia from information threats, Russian measures have succeeded in excluding most foreign influences from the country. The international impact is more questionable; Russia's image is still very poor, but that does not mean that the Kremlin cannot defend what it sees as the country's external interests. In this briefing: Strategy and priorities Roles and responsibilities Adversaries Main tools Insights and criticism EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Martin Russell Members' Research Service PE 589.810 EN EPRS Russia's information war: Propaganda or counter-propaganda? Definitions: 'information', 'information war', 'propaganda' Russian official texts refer to 'information' rather than to 'propaganda'. -
Putin and Russia in 2018–24 What Next? Putin and Russia in 2018–24: What Next?
Research Paper Andrew Wood Russia and Eurasia Programme | March 2018 Putin and Russia in 2018–24 What Next? Putin and Russia in 2018–24: What Next? Summary • Following his re-election on 18 March 2018, by a respectable but not wholly earned margin of victory, Vladimir Putin will embark on what will, under present constitutional arrangements, be his final six-year term in office. • Putin’s Russia is ruled by an opaque and shifting power structure centred on the Kremlin. It is now devoid of authoritative institutions beyond that framework that would enable Russia to develop into a fully functional or accountable state. The main objective of the incumbent regime is to protect its hold on power. It will therefore continue, between now and 2024, to follow the three main policy guidelines set by Putin in 2012: to do without significant structural economic reforms because of the political risks attached to them; to control the population; and to pursue ‘great power’ ambitions. • Notwithstanding some modest economic recovery latterly, all indications are that economic performance will be mediocre at best in the coming years. A context of ‘neo-stagnation’ is anticipated. The domestic interests of the population at large will continue to take second place to the security and military expenditure favoured by the leadership. Managing the relationship between the regions and the federal centre will take imagination and care. • The ‘vertical of power’ of Putin’s vision is not the coherent structure that its name suggests. Shifting ‘understandings’ of what is permitted or required determine patterns of behaviour, not clear laws or independent courts. -
The Kremlin's Proxy War on Independent Journalism
Reuters Institute Fellowship Paper University of Oxford WEEDING OUT THE UPSTARTS: THE KREMLIN’S PROXY WAR ON INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM by Alexey Eremenko Trinity Term 2015 Sponsor: The Wincott Foundation 1 Table of Contents: ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 INTRODUCTION 4 1. INTERNET & FREEDOM 7 1.1 STATISTICAL OVERVIEW 7 1.2 MEDIA REGULATIONS 8 1.3 SITES USED 9 2. ‘LINKS OF THE GODDAMN CHAIN’ 12 2.1 EDITORIAL TAKEOVER 12 2.2 DIRECT HIT 17 2.3 FINDINGS 22 3. THE MISSING LINKS 24 3.1 THE UNAFFECTED 24 3.2 WHAT’S NOT DONE 26 4. MORE PUTIN! A CASE STUDY IN COVERAGE CHANGE 30 4.1 CATEGORIES 30 4.2 KEYWORDS 31 4.3 STORY SUBJECTS 32 4.4 SENTIMENT ANALYSIS 32 5. CONCLUSIONS 36 BIBLIOGRAPHY 38 2 Acknowledgments I am immensely grateful, first and foremost, to the fellows at the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, whose expertise and good spirits made for a Platonic ideal of a research environment. James Painter and John Lloyd provided invaluable academic insight, and my past and present employers at the Moscow Times and NBC News, respectively, have my undying gratitude for agreeing to spare me for three whole eventful months, an eternity in the news gathering business. Finally, my sponsor, the Wincott Foundation, and the Reuters Institute itself, believed in me and my topic enough to make this paper possible and deserve the ultimate credit for whatever meager contribution it makes to the academia and, hopefully, upholding the freedom of speech in the world. 3 Introduction “Freedom of speech was and remains a sacrosanct value of the Russian democracy,” Russian leader Vladimir Putin said in his first state of the nation in 2000. -
The Russian Federation
Asylum Research Centre The Russian Federa�on: LGBTI Country of origin informa�on to support the adjudica�on of asylum claims from Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (‘LGBTI’) asylum seekers /shutterstock.com Bennian 17 July 2012 Cover photo © 17th July 2012 Country-of-origin information to support the adjudication of asylum claims from Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex (‘LGBTI’) asylum-seekers The Russian Federation Commissioned by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Division of International Protection. Any views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and not necessarily those of UNHCR. Contents 1. The legal position of LGBTI persons in the country concerned including criminalisation p. 3 2. Evidence of the implementation of legal provisions, including police and judicial treatment p. 11 and punishment of same sex activity 3. Societal attitude to LGBTI persons, evidence of non-state persecution and discrimination p. 31 4. Homophobia and transphobia in government institutions (including but not limited to p. 47 government statements state owned media, prisons, education, health system) 5. State willingness and ability to provide effective protection to LGBTI persons; (particularly p. 54 police attitude to LGBTI persons, investigations into crimes perpetrated against LGBTI persons) 6. (Limitations in) access to social and economic rights for LGBTI persons p. 60 7. Sources consulted (including descriptions of lesser known sources) p. 72 1 Explanatory Note The following non-exhaustive excerpts of COI are from 2011-2012. The COI is presented in reverse chronological order and is cited directly from the original source, including original footnotes. -
Outside Kirill Serebrennikov Ren Hang And
/EN AND... OUTSIDE PRESS CONFERENCE with the artistic team, “Life is a lie. Truth is a lie. When I take a picture, I’m naked...” Ren Hang July 17 at 11:00, cour du Cloître Saint-Louis Outside. Bodies. Mischievous, distant, disinhibited, nonchalant. Naked. CINEMATIC TERRITORIES Windows open on the roofs of the city. Chinese artist Ren Hang photographed cinéma Utopia-Manutention both cityscapes and nature, unclothing bodies like so many stylised, dreamlike Leto by Kirill Serebrennikov, July 18 at 14:00 landscapes. With tenderness, humour, or detachment, he exalted the grace of Le Disciple by Kirill Serebrennikov, July 19 at 11:00 Chinese youths, rebellious, beautiful, and free. His poems, darker, are suffused with sex and loneliness, love and death. A life pulverised, persecuted, fragile, and melancholic. A much too short existence, which moved director Kirill Serebrennikov deeply. Two artists whose personal histories and works echo each other. Banned and attacked, they nonetheless managed to create their own art, free to explore themes of identity, sexuality, and of the place of the individual in his or her environment. Art as provocation, as a disturbing wake-up call. Raw, poetic, and insolent, it attacks conventional morality and totalitarianism. A necessary weapon in the fight to regain one’s freedom of expression... KIRILL SEREBRENNIKOV Born in Rostov-on-Don in Russia in 1969, Kirill Serebrennikov turned to theatre in 1992 after studying science at university. He adapted Maxime Gorki, William Shakespeare, Bertolt Brecht, or Mark Ravenhill for Moscow theatres and directed operas at the Bolshoi Theatre and in Europe. The winner of several awards for his work in television, he has also directed feature films (The Disciple, Leto). -
Leto (2018) 7.30Pm Cine Lumière by Kirill Serebrennikov
31 January 2020 Melodia! Discovering Musicals 31 January Leto (2018) 7.30pm Cine Lumière by Kirill Serebrennikov Kirill Serebrennikov’s Leto deals with history that has a vital The soundtrack includes songs by both men, as well as some place in contemporary Russia’s sense of itself and its brilliant evocations of what might have happened in the relationship to the Soviet past. From the mid-1960s onwards, characters’ heads when they hummed songs by T. Rex, Talking the Soviet Union thronged with fans of western rock music. In Heads or Lou Reed. Tsoi’s songs are somewhat better known the cities, over what turned out to be the last two-and-a-bit than Mike’s, but, as the film tells us, Mike was a huge influence decades of Soviet rule, lively music scenes developed. These on the development of rock in Russian. To his fellow musicians scenes encompassed bands that mainly wrote and performed he, more than anyone else in Leningrad, seemed the their own songs and that were denied opportunities to make embodiment of a kind of primeval essence of rock and roll – records or publicise their music via state media, until the though aside from instinct this was something at which he advent of Gorbachev and perestroika. By the late 1970s, the studied hard: he sought out records, listened widely, he paradox of the obvious popularity some bands had transcribed and translated lyrics, read everything he could get nonetheless achieved and the haphazard circumstances in his hands on (as a result, his English was extremely good).