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Di Siyaseta Kurdî De Ji Şoreşê Ber Bi Restorekirinê Ve? Hamit Bozarslan * BDP ______Vahap Coşkun * ______

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Di Siyaseta Kurdî De Ji Şoreşê Ber Bi Restorekirinê Ve? Hamit Bozarslan * BDP ______Vahap Coşkun * ______ Arşîva Bîra Kurdan: Ji Michel Verrier gotara bi serenavê "Li Kurdistanê ji bo artêşa tirk rêya vekirî" (1993) R. 12 LE MONDE diplomatiquediplomatique kurdî Çile 2012 - Hejmar 26 www.lemonde-kurdi.com • [email protected] 24 Rûpel Wolfgang Streeck P. Daum - P. Aurel Pierre Bourdieu Antoine Champagne John Marsh Hevwelatî hikûmetên xwe êdî wekî "Di 5ê Tîrmeha 1962yê de, li bajarê Lîstikeke ku tê de herkes derewan li Dewlet û şirket îro çawa tevna Înternetê Gelo pergala perwerdehîyê dikare dezgehên xwe nabînin, lê belê di şûna Oran ê Cezayîrê bi dehan jin û mêrên hev dike û pê dizanin ku derewan jî li û telefonên destan ên GSM kontrol xizanîya li welatekî kêm bike? Weke wê de wekî dezgehên welatên din, yan ewropî bi derbên kêran, bi biviran, hev dikin. Bi rêya avakirina komîsyonan dikin? Înternet, di roja îroyîn de çawa ji ku piranîya amerîkîyan jî pê bawer jî yên rêxistinên navneteweyî yên wekî an jî bi guleyan hatin kuştin. Rast e û anketan rastîya serdestan çawa bo dewletan bûye yek ji baştirîn riyên in, yek ji sedemên bingehîn ên newek- IMF, an jî Yekîtîya Ewropî dibînin… barbarîyeke mezin bû, lê…" vediguhere rastîya herkesî? kontrolkirina muxalifan? hevîya aborî "pergala perwerdeyîyê" ye? R. 8 R. 14 R. 18 R. 20 R. 21 Di siyaseta kurdî de Ji şoreşê ber bi restorekirinê ve? HAMIT BOZARSLAN * BDP __________ Vahap Coşkun * __________ elepûra siyasî, ku navneteweyî de were nas kirin. Piştî niha Partîya Aştî û ku meseleya kurdî bala cîhanê kişand, Demokrasîyê (BDP) raya giştî ya navneteweyî -û nemaze jî nûnertîya wê dike, ji salên Yekîtîya Ewropî- bi awayekî rexnegir K1990ê û vir ve, di warê temsîlkirina nêzî siyaseta kurdî ya dewletê bûn û lêgerînên ji bo maf û azadîyên rewa tê de bêhtir mudaxîl bûn. Li ser vê yên kurdan a di qada siyasî de, bi yekê jî dewletê, hewl da ku rexneyên roleke girîng rabû. Di hawîrdoreke ku dihatin bertaraf bike, naçar ma ku weha de, ku tê de partîyên navendî di warê meseleya kurdî de hin gavên yên çepgir û rastgir ên li Tirkîyeyê li huqûqî û demokratîk bi cih bîne. hember daxwazên kurdan dijber bûn -an jî qet nebe bîyanî diman-, BDP Têkoşîna wê ya siyasî ya xwedî û partîyên selefên wê, bi awayekî dîrokeke çaryeka sedsalekê û biryardar û azwer daxwazên kurdan bidestxistinên encamên vê têkoşînê anîn qada siyasî. Di her serdema hişt ku BDP bibe yek ji girîngtirîn MEHMET LATIF SAGLAM: Rêza batirsokan, li ser tuwalê boyaxa rûnî, 40 x 80 cm dîrokê de, ên ku berevanîya mafên partîyên Tirkîyeyê. An ku, meseleya kurdan kiriye, tûşî xezeba dewletê kurdî girîngtirîn meseleya Tirkîyeyê hatine; BDPê jî heman aqûbet par ye û siyaseta ku di van 30 salên ve kir û berdêlên giran dan. Endam û dawîyê de tê sepandin, zelal kiriye i bilî alîyê bûyeran ên mirov li Xilasbûna ji westa civakî bûn; li hemberî vê me nedikarî alîgirên wê bi înfazên bê darizandin ku ev meseleya hanê, ku di warê bendê nîne, em dikarin hêmanên hêmanên dînamîka tevgeran pêş re rû bi rû man, endamekî wê yê aborî, siyasî û huqûqî de Tirkîyeyê avaker ên daîmî tesbît bikin da Di rêza duyemîn de çawa ku min bibînin. Dînamîka tevgerê timî bi parlamentoyê li naverasta kolanekê bêhêz dihêle, nikare bi siyasetên ku em şoreşên seranserê cîhana di pirtûka xwe ya li ser civaknasîya awayekî bi tevahî pêş neyê dîtin hat kuştin, gelek wekîlên wê bi salan asayîşê were çareser kirin. Rêbazên Jerebî dayî ber xwe fêm bikin. Ez li siyasî ya Rojhilatê Navîn de jî kirî, dikeve dewrê; berîya ku bandoreke ji azadîya xwe bêpar hatin hiştin, leşkerî nikarin pirsgirêkeke civakî vir venagerim rastîya demografîk: herêmî bikin, li gor çarçoveyên cihî her tim partîyên wan hatin girtin, em dikarin behsa "westa civakî" ya çareser bikin, berevajî wê pirsgirêkê Giranîya ciwanan û pirsa nifşî, yên taybet pêk tên. Belê ji niha û pê avahîyên wan ên partîyê hatin bombe li herêmê bikin. Ev "westa civakî" dijwartir û kûrtir dikin. Lewma, nerehetîya nifşên ciwan, hostekarîya ve em dikarin tişta ku van mehên kirin. Lê belê digel van pêkutîyên naşibe ya sedsalên 19ê û 20ê yên zemîna çareserîyê ya meseleya kurdî, wan a di teknolojîyên nû de (em pê derbasbûyî qewimî fêm bikin. Em huqûqî û fîîlî jî BDPê xwe ji dika li Ewropayê, lewra mirov bibêje siyaseta ewlekarîparêz nîne, siyaseta hisiyan ku bêyî ku ferz be teçhîzata niha bi xêra dîrokçe û kronolojîya siyasetê nekişand, her berdewam kir rojava beramber rojhilatekî ciwan demokratîk e. Da ku mekanîzmayên wan li malan hebe, 23 mîlyon misirî muxalefeta tûnisî pê dizanin ka çiqas û daxwazên kurdan anîn qada giştî westayîbû; a di dewra mezinbûnê de siyaseta demokratîk bi rê ve biçin, xwedîyên derfeta girêdana Înternetê tevnên nefermî hebûn, piştgirîya û herweha bi awayekî serkeftî karî wê bibe perspektîfeke li gor nêrîna hewcedarî bi partîyekê heye, ku di navbera bêparhiştîyan de çiqas meseleya kurdî di rojeva welêt de bûn, ev hejmareke mirov ne li bendê fîlozofê alman Spengler, ku ez bixwe xwedî destûrmendîya nûnertîya bû, dûrî çavan, çalak bû, civakê bigire. ye û herweha pir e). ne alîgirê wê me. rewa ya pirsê be. Di vî warî de BDP beramberî desthilatdarîya li taxan, di rewşeke weha ya aktorîya siyasî çendîn xwe bi xwe xweser kiribû Herçend ew bi dijwarîyan re rû bi Divê em serê pêşî ji rastîya otorîteyê Dema ez behsa "westa civakî" de ye, ku dikare meseleya kurdî ku êdî nedikarî fêm bike, li kevîyên rû ma jî, wekî encama israra wê ya û beridîna dewletê bidin rê, em ji wir dikim, ev ji ber beramberbûna pêlên pê re were axaftin, gotûbêj kirin bajaran û bajarên dûrî navendê çi di warê bikaranîna zemîna legal de, dest pê bikin. Li piranîya welatên seferberbûna pir girseyî ya tevahîya û muzakere kirin. Lewma dikare diqewime, kêsên bêmal û milk û BDPê du serkeftinên siyasî bi dest Rojhilatê Nêzîk û Rojhilatê Navîn sedsala 20ê bû. Ji 1920ê heta bi were gotin ku di pêvajoyeke cidî ya dezgehdarên seyar di nav civakê de xistin: Yek, BDPê bi bikaranîna rêyên çawa ku fikreke Michel Camau jî 1980yê. Pêla yekem a vê seferberîyê, muzakereyê de, ku giranîyê bide ser xwedîyên cihekî navendî bûn. Her siyasî toreke rêxistî ava kir, ku pê bi bîr dixe, dewlet xwedîya awayekî pêla neteweperest bû. Paşê di salên çareserîyê, beşdarkirina BDPê ji bo tiştî bi wî tûnisîyê ciwan ê xwende dikare daxwazên kurdan ragihîne û bi mîna yekdestdarîyekê ye, ango 1950yê de em dikevin pêvajoyeke danîna çekan û da ku parlamento û xwedî dîplome dest pê kir; polîsan demê re ev avabûn hêzdartir kir. Di ew di navbera komên xwedîyê seferberîya bi awayekî zelal. Di bibe navenda çareserîyê, yek ji şert û dezgeha wî xira kir û li ber çavên rewşa îro de BDP, bi wekîl, şaredarî, desthilatdarîyê de mijara dabeşkirinê salên 1980 û 1990ê de seferberîyek mercên bingehîn e. herkesî piçûk hat xistin. Tevgerê rêxistinên sîvîl, çapemenî û rûspîyên ye. Bi xistina dewrê ya pêkhênerên bi pêş dikeve ku di warê hegemonîk li ser navê xîretê dest pê kir, piştre xwe ve xwedî rêxistîbûneke weha nû yên elaqedarî ewlekarîyê, dewlet de bi kêrî îslamîzmê tê, ev seferberî www.arsivakurdi.orgEv rewşa BDPê- an ku wekî mifteya veguherî dildarîyên wekhevîxwaz ye, ku dikare bi rêgezên cur bi cur herweha di warê birêvebirina kirina siyasî ji nû ve terîf dike û bi çareserîya demokratîk a meseleya û azadîxwaz. Ev ew dildarî ne ku bandorê li civakê bike. Ev rêxistîbûn, ewlekarîyê de jî beridîye. Di nav peyv û gotinên rizgarîya eskatolojîk kurdî- BDPê hêja dike û rêzdarîyê dide François Furet di xwendina xwe ya dihêle ku argumanên siyasî yên BDPê salên 1990ê û 2000ê de hejmara sazî derdibire. Lê dema van seferberîyên wê, lê belê hevdem berpirsîyarîyên pergalên şoreşgerî de derxistî pêş, bi awayekî leztir bigihîje xelkê û bibe û dezgehên ewlekarîyê pir zêde bû, pir mezin her çû bêtir ji hev xwar, wê jî digel xwe zêde dike. Îcar, gelo divê mirov berîya her dîyardeya din xwedî bandoreke mezintir. me dît ku di navbera sazî û dezgehên hev serf kir, bi me weha bû ku civak BDP dikare vê berpirsîyarîyê bi cih behsa vê bike. Ya rastî divê mirov ewlekarîyê, derdorên siyasî yên dikeve dewreke tevizînê ya ku bi xwe bîne? Dikare hêvîyên ku jê tên payîn, di demeke dîyar de behsa dildarîyan Ya duyemîn, tevgera di qada meşrû berjewendîparêz û burjûwayeke jî têra xwe bandor li mirovî dikir. bi cih bîne? bike yên ku muxalefeteke şoreşger ji ya siyasî de hişt ku meseleya kurdî nû ya di heman demê de pêkhatî de dîyarkerên wê yên civakî, yan jî nifşî him di asta neteweyî û him jî di asta R. 3 jihevcihêbûnek pêk hat. Li navenda Çarenûsa Cezayîrê, sahneya şerekî rizgar dike da ku alîyekî navnifşî û ji yekdestdarîyê primus inter pares [di navxweyî yê xedar ê salên 1990ê, û çînan wêdetir yê ku tevahîya civakê Almanya: 4,50 € nav hevtayan de yê yekemîn; nota tevgera gerîla ya li Misirê bêguman digire nav xwe bidiyê. Awûstûrya, Belçîka, Fransa, Holanda: 5,00 € wergêr] heye ku navê reîs lê tê kirin... di vê jitaqetketinê de xwedî rol bûn. Brîtanya: 4 £, Danîmarka: 40 DKK, Norweç: 40 NOK, ku di lihevnekirinên navxweyî de Hêmanên wan ên avaker ên analîza Swêd: 50 SEK, Swîsre: 6,50 CHF, Tirkiye: 7 TL weke meqamê biryardêr bi kêr tê. civakan ji bo têgihiştina me berdest R. 4 2 ÇILE 2012 • LE MONDE diplomatique kurdî EDITO ûsya, Fransa, Dewletên yekbûyî yên amerîkayê, Dema ku kredî ji bo dewletan bihatir din bi bîr dixe ku "bazar ti caran îcaze R dibe, hewldana deynkirinê jî pir kêm û destûrek nebû da ku mirov her tiştê Le Monde diplomatique kurdî dibe." (3) Û heke welatên herî zêde bikare ji herkesî bistîne" û ku divê sala hilbijartinan û şanoya siyê Ji aliyê Independent deyndar fêr nebin "hewldanên" xwe "çîna navîn a vî welatî ji nû ve were bi Kurdish Media Group GmbH gem bikin, heke rawestîna mezinbûna gewde kirin." ve tê weşandin aborîyê pêşîyê li wan bigire û ew tewazûneke malî çêkin, heke "karên Tu kes bawer nake ku ew ê vê armanca INDEPENDENT KURDISH Werdekên bêserî xwe bibe serî, ne jê bawer dikin ku her diçe zêdetir" ên deyndêrên wan MEDIA GROUP GMBH bi qurpika wan bigirin û bînê li wan ew ê bandora pereyan li ser sîstema SERGE HALIMI biçikînin, hingê Yekîtîya Ewropî wê siyasî kêm bike, ne jî bawer dikin ku Carnotstr.
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