Xv. I , Winter 1993 Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument

INFORMAL LOGIC xv. I , Winter 1993

Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument

MICHAEL WEILER Emerson College

Key Words: Ideology; rhetorie; argumentation; novels to high school textbooks. Its range rhetorical criticism; legitimation; authority; of contexts is similarly broad: from presi power; political philosophy. dential campaigns to corporate seminars; Abstract: Rhetorical criticism examines ideology from PTA meetings to private conversa as a form of strategic argumentation that functions tions. And its range of methods reflects to legitimize political authority. Ideology presents this breadth as well: from voter survey re itself as political philosophy in a way that calls at search to close textual reading; from par tention to its argumentation. Ideological argu ticipant observation to content analysis. ments support claims (1) that those who wield Amid this near infinite variety, however, political power represent the interests of all, and (2) that the existing social order is natural and in there is always rhetorical criticism's evitable in light of human nature. Functionally, unique focus: the triangular relationship of ideology is indispensible, but perverse. Formally, persuasive discourse, audience and effect. 2 ideology is argumentation that obscures its Rhetorical criticism of ideology pre partiality under claims to universality. supposes that ideology takes the form of persuasive discourse. At a minimum, this My purpose in this essay is to investi means that ideology must be isolable as a gate what a rhetorical perspective might verbal text, must be addressed to an actual contribute to the criticism of ideology. audience, and must aim at persuasion. Another way of putting this is to ask Understood as a species of rhetoric, whether and in what ways ideology can be ideology is both generic and unique. Ideol viewed as rhetoric. I will suggest that ogy, like all rhetoric, may employ the full though ideology can be located at a range of inventional and figural resources, number of different linguistic levels, and in but presents itself primarily as political a number of rhetorical and perhaps even philosophy. Ideology, like all rhetoric, is non-rhetorical forms, the concerns of the addressed to audiences, but by its nature critic of rhetoric and the critic of ideology obscures the differences among the multi coincide most clearly and productively at ple audiences to which it is addressed. Ide the point where ideology is seen as a type ology, like all rhetoric, is designed to of strategic argumentation. persuade, but does so by distorting reality The criticism of rhetoric describes, ex in distinctive ways. plains and evaluates the effects of forceful Insofar as it assumes rhetorical form, a expression on audiences.' It investigates form open to criticism from a rhetorical instances of persuasive discourse, dis perspective, ideology tends to present it course designed to influence the attitudes, self as political philosophy; that is, as ar beliefs and/or actions of real people in real guments in support of a more or less situations. coherent view of the political world. More Rhetorical criticism's subject matter over, ideology is self-referencing; it draws ranges across a spectrum of discursive attention to its arguments as such. Its plau forms: from inaugural addresses to com sibility rests in part on audiences recogniz mercial advertisements; from political ing that argumentation (as opposed to 16 Michael Weiler authoritative assertion) is what it is about. process aimed at audiences capable of dis This means, I will suggest, that argument, tinguishing reason-giving from bald asser though not the sole rhetorical form in tion and plausible from implausible which ideology does its work, is claims. indispensable to producing its rhetorical Ideological arguments, like all argu effects. Accordingly, in my analysis of ments in the public sphere, are founded on ideology, I will be emphasizing what I the common opinions of audiences. These term "ideological arguments." opinions are conditioned by particular his It is important to note here that I am torical circumstances, and may be partially talking of the presentation of arguments to or (in rare cases) wholly false, but, as the audiences, not the technical properties of substance of arguments, the process by the arguments themselves. In other words, which they are brought to bear on political ideological arguments need not conform to ly significant questions is as rational as any particular standards of philosophical that employed in other any context.4 coherence or logical consistency; it is suf My analysis of ideology as rhetoric ficient merely that audiences accept them will be descriptive, primarily. It would be as "coherent" and "logical." This is not to wrong, however, to ignore the evaluative say that there is no correspondence be dimension of the rhetorical criticism of tween the formal properties of arguments ideology. Ideology, inherently, is a distor and audience perceptions of those proper tion of social truth, and not just any kind of ties. Rather, it is to acknowledge that one distortion. For ideology's function is to of ideology's crucial functions is to ob help make possible the domination in soci scure or deny actual contradictions. This ety of one group over others.s Ideology can be accomplished covertly through aims at securing the consent of the gov strategies of diversion, or overtly through erned. It is both alternative and comple plausible rationalization. In either, case, ment to coercion: alternative, in that however, argumentation is crucial to persuasion is different from and clearly successful persuasion. preferable to physical force; complement, I view "arguments" as claim statements in that the right combination of persuasion embodying, in Perelman and Olbrechts and physical force works more effectively Tyteca's words, "discursive technique[s] than either alone to produce political allowing us to induce or to increase the domination.6 mind's adherence to the theses presented To note these characteristics of ideolo for its assent. "3 Ideological arguments are gy is not necessarily to condemn it. Ideolo statements of this sort employed to support gy is essential to the existence of mass the legitimacy of a particular political societies; we cannot do without it. Politics system, to justify a particular configuration presupposes the need for legitimation. of power relations in society. Even the most coercive political systems This definition is not as expansive as it require for their survival some degree of may seem. It does not mean that any and popular consent. "Ideology's role," in Paul every declarative sentence is an argument. Ricoeur's words, "is to make possible an Insofar as ideology presents itself as politi autonomous politics by providing the cal philosophy, it must at least be plausible needed authoritative concepts that make it as such; it must advance theses, and offer meaningful. "7 Insofar as ideology is indis reasons for them. Accordingly, the discur pensible, the moral question becomes not sive techniques used in ideological argu whether it is present but what kind of mentation are not appeals to irrationality political system it supports, and by exten and arbitrariness, but rather are at the core sion, what alternative systems it helps to of an eminently reasonable inventional preclude. Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 17

In this essay, I will confine myself to a discussion and debate? What if institutions discussion of ideology's nature, functions such as schools serve ideological functions and forms from a rhetorical critic's per as much through disiplinary rules and spective. To explicate this perspective, I regular procedures as through didactic will address three questions: 1) What is pronouncements? ideology?; 2) What does it do?; and 3) These possibilities among others re How does it do it? My objective is not to flect contemporary debates about the na press for a "rhetorical theory" of ideology ture, functions and forms of ideology. My as such, but rather to ask: What can we purpose is not to reject them in favor of a learn about ideology when we treat it as a more traditional approach. Rather, I am kind of rhetoric and apply to it the methods suggesting that insofar as one's goal is to and analytical categories typical of rhetori investigate how rhetorical criticism can in cal criticism? In broad terms, then, I am form ideological criticism, ideology as po treating the question: How do the resourc litical argument is the most fruitful es of rhetoric help ideology to do its job, to perspective. undergird a particular set of power rela The history of ideology as a concept tions in society, to secure the consent of dates from post-Revolutionary France. In the citizenry to be ruled by a subgroup of 1795, a group of liberal intellectuals led by itself? Destutt de Tracy took as their self-appointed task the creation of a new "science of ideas." These liberals, representing as they I. What Is Ideology? did the politics of free thought and expres sion, and embracing the Enlightenment This question can be answered in many faith in human rationality, believed that different ways. Joan Robinson once re their "ideology" could discover the stand marked that ideology is like an elephant, ards by which politically significant claims difficult to describe, but you know one could be judged. The point was to identify when you see one.8 The variety and com those "ideals" on which the good society plexity of contemporary theories of ideolo ought to be based. The old sources of au gy, however, suggest that her assessment is thority, whether religious or royal, were re only half-right. Not only, apparently, does jected. A new logic of politics was to description present great difficulties, but replace them.9 instinctive identification as well. Significantly, this was not a logic in It is not clear, for example, that it search of absolutes, but one grounded in makes sense to talk of "an ideology" or rational/empiricist assumptions. De Tracy "ideologies." These common locutions and his associates believed that the ideals suggest distinctive belief systems expressi they sought could emerge only from the ble, in most accounts, as statements about study of human beings in all their social politics. This "traditional" sense of "ideol contexts. The Institut de France they ogy" suggests that such belief systems op founded became a place for empirical erate publicly, as the explicitly studies in everything from experimental acknowledged principles on which politics psychology to the history of art. Thus, is based. for the French ideologues, as they came to But what if ideology resides not just or be called, ideology had a paradoxical even mainly in public, political philoso character; it was "a system of normative phies, but in the structure of everyday (pri ideas and ... an incipient critique of the very vate) language? What if ideology operates notion of absolute norms."IO covertly rather than openly, at the level of The ideologues exercised considerable the taken-for-granted rather than in public influence on French public opinion for a 18 Michael Weiler time, particularly among the middle class. ideas made sense so long as one assumed But their advocacy of republican values that capitalism was the way the material made them a threat to Napoleon Bonaparte's world was and/or ought to be. But insofar despotic inclinations and during the next as these things might not be true, liberal twenty years, his posture toward them ideology helped to maintain a false con alternated between ridicule and active re sciousness of historical reality. This was so pression. Indeed, it was the former strategy because ideology, though linked integrally that first gave ideology the bad name it still to a particular stage of history, presented possesses. Though Marx, in the mid itself as detached from the material cir nineteenth century, was the first to produce cumstances that gave it birth and condi a formal critique, it was Napoleon whose tioned its view of the world. Its advocates oft-expressed contempt for the ideologues presented their ideas as good for all people transformed ideology from a term of philo and all time, not just as good for the ruling sophical inquiry into one of opprobrium. He class within a finite historical period and made them out to be sheltered intellectu socio-economic milieu. als, secure in their "ivory tower" but out of Paradoxically, the "rational/empirical" touch with political reality. Here again, approach to the discovery of socio-political ideology took on a dual meaning: it was a ideals simply worsened the problem. For political philosophy to be sure, but one that, to derive those ideals from a study of exist owing to the circumstances of its produc ing social relations was to guarantee that tion, could not philosophize about itself. the resultant ideology was appropriate In 1845-46, Karl Marx took the critical only to that particular social structure, one analysis of ideology a giant step further. tied directly to the capitalist mode of His target was not so much the ideologues production. themselves; they were no longer a political Ideology, then, was not completely factor. Nor did he stop with a rejection of false. But because its historical contingen their liberal bourgeois ideas. Rather, he as cy was obscured, it could not provide a sat sailed the very preeminence of ideas in isfactory framework for perceiving the general as determinative factors in human dynamics of the historical process, one in history. II which capitalism was seen as an intermedi In The German Ideology, Marx argued ate rather than final stage. that a critical analysis of human society Since Marx, ideologiekritik has taken had to begin not with the dominant politi many twistings and turnings. To review cal philosophy or consciousness of the age, a century's worth of developments in but with the system by which people pro ideology theory is well beyond this essay's duced the means of their subsistenceP scope. What this brief history of the Specifically, it was crucial to realize that concept suggests, however, is the essential liberalism as a way of understanding the ly dialectical nature of ideology. In its political world and of assigning one's role original incarnation, ideology was both within it sprang from and reflected the cap a search for absolutes and a challenge to italist mode of production. The dominant the notion that absolutes could be ideas of any historical period were the discovered. In the Napoleonic era, ideas of the dominating class, and that class's ideology was both the philosophy of the dominance arose in the first instance from newly empowered middle class, and the its role within the system of production. In product of a detached elite. In Marx's capitalism, the bourgeois class dominated; version, ideology was both the historically therefore, so did bourgeois ideas. '3 appropriate consciousness of an era, Admittedly, the ideas of an age pos and an ahistorical distortion of material sessed a certain appropriateness. Liberal reality. Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 19

As I will suggest below, this dialectical Marx) on idea statements as the chief units character of ideology is reflected as well in of analysis. Such an emphasis necessarily its functions and forms. Functionally, ide directs a critic's attention to the arguments ology is indispensible but perverse. For by which the political philosophy that is mally, ideology is argumentation, but of a ideology is expressed. These two elements kind that obscures rather than exposes the of ideology, its dialectical nature and its partiality and distortedness of its truth. argumentativeness, can be seen by examin These nineteenth-century conceptions ing its functions and forms: what ideology of ideology share a second feature. They does and how it does it. The dialectical all place ideology at the level of ideas, character of ideology emerges most principles, propositions. Ideology, on this clearly from the former; its argumentative view, is not far from what we would call character from the latter. political philosophy. Ideology is not sim ply an inchoate collection of attitudes, val ues and beliefs. It is a system of political II. What Does Ideology Do? ideas coherent to the extent that they can be made to seem so (to audiences) via Viewed as political apologetics, what argumentation. 14 function(s) does ideology perform? One To see ideology as philosophical and way of approaching this question is to ask argumentative does not, of course, pre what functions in political society need to clude attention to language, or to socio be performed: "What is to be done?" 16 political institutions. jS Indeed, such con At the most basic level, individuals in cerns are always part of any fully-rounded society must be willing to cooperate with rhetorical critique, whether of ideology or each other. Such cooperation is necessary anything else. But a point of view that de in any social group; that is, in any situation fines ideology essentially as political phi where the principle of "might makes right" losophy direets a critic's attention first and works against the interests of a majority of foremost to the most obvious units of that group members. Social cooperation, how philosophy; namely, propositions and sup ever, is always "unnatural" in the sense that porting reasons; that is, to arguments and individuals must compromise their partic argumentation. ular interests for the sake of the effective By political philosophy, then, I mean operation of the group as a group. Usually, not just the basic tenets of that philosophy, they must settle for less than they want and but the entire justificatory edifice on which believe they are entitled to. it rests. Accordingly, it might be more ac The larger the group, the more difficult curate to define ideology as "political apol the reconciliation of conflicting individual ogetics." For it is in the process of arguing interests. In modern liberal societies, the for both the truth and relevance of a politi solution to this problem is representative cal philosophy that ideology does its pri democracy. The claim to legitimacy of mary persuasive work. Similarly, it is this democratic political systems rests on the argumentative process toward which the assumption that roughly equal (or, at least, rhetorical critic of ideology directs his/her just)17 compromises of individual interests attention most productively. are required of all members. This cannot My approach to ideology emphasizes, be true, however, for two reasons. First, in first, its dialectical nature: ideology as both mails societies, it is impractical for every true and false, functional and dysfunction one to share equally in political power, and al, desirable and perverse. Second, that ap voting, the only "universal" form of mass proach incorporates the traditional political participation, is a notoriously emphasis (of both the ideologues and indirect, infrequent and uncertain way of 20 Michael Weiler affecting its exercise. Therefore, those who which these principles are understood by rule will always be in a position to benefit and salient to the lives of citizens will vary disproportionately themselves and those widely. Philip Converse's famous study of with whom they identify. The only question the political belief systems of American (albeit, a very significant one) is the extent voters found that no more than two percent to which they can do so, and for how long. could articulate a coherent set of ideologi Second, and more fundamentally, lib cal convictions. 19 Recent research has con eral societies are capitalist societies. Capi firmed the persistence of this apparent talism, by its nature, requires radical ideological illiteracy.20 disparities in economic power, and these It would be a mistake, however, to as show up both directly and indirectly as dis sume that because most people do not parities in political power. Indeed, the seem to possess an articulable ideology power to compel (through economic ne that the effects of ideological argumenta cessity) a person to work for wages less tion are confined to a tiny elite. Ideological than the value of his/her labor (as reflected understanding may be fragmentary, but in the final market value of the product or nonetheless significant politically. One can service) lies outside the realm of politics believe that the federal government ought only if one accepts the dominant ideology's to stay out of private affairs, and be able to definition of the boundaries of that realm. offer reasons why, without framing this In modern societies in general, and in conviction in terms of liberalism or con liberal societies in particular, there will al servatism or reconciling it with the belief ways be a gap between the claims of mem that abortion should be illegal. bers of the dominant group to rule Ideological justifications of public acts legitimately and the belief of individuals in and offices can reassure even if their casu society (including those who rule) in that istic subtleties are virtually uncompre legitimacy. One way of dealing with this hended. To argue at all about political gap, of rendering it politically insignifi principles suggests that a set of such prin cant, is coercion. But even in the most re ciples exists as an ideological basis for po pressive societies, simple coercion is never litical society. One need not be involved or a completely satisfactory course. It is simply be competent to participate in the process too difficult to physically control all of the of ideological argumentation to take that people all of the time. In relatively unre process as confirmation of the relevance to pressive societies, an alternative to coer public life of ideological principles. Ideol cion is all the more essential. Somehow ogy, in this case, satifies vicariously, but political systems, from the mildly to the in nevertheless potently. tensely repressive, do remain more or less Ideology's effects, as well as its audi intact for substantial periods of time. Why? ences, are multiple. It seldom acts as a rhe If coercion cannot be the whole answer, torical pep pill arousing the populace to then what is? In large part, it is ideology that frenzied heights of political commitment; closes the legitimation gap. As Paul Ricoeur nor is it a kind of persuasive hallucinogen puts it, "ideology must bridge the tension by which people are maintained in a Nev that characterizes the legitimation process, er-Never Land of unreality. More often, a tension between the claim to legitimation ideology acts as a tranquilizer, promoting made by the authority and the belief in this neither intense enthusiasm nor hypnotized legitimacy offered by the citizenry."ls passivity, but accomodation and even Ideology comprises a set of philosoph resignation. 21 ical principles by which the legitimacy A rhetorical critic of ideology must be claims of those who rule can be judged. In alert not only to ideology's range of possi any mass society, however, the degree to ble effects and audiences, but to the differ- Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 21 ent circumstances in which it works. In rulers and the grounds of their legitimacy liberal democratic societies, for example, become too large, and/or should the beliefs where the coercive power of the state is of individuals in society become too much relatively limited and the power of the citi at odds with the dominant philosophy, then zenry to influence who rules is relatively no amount of rhetorical legerdemain will great, widespread cynicism is most dan be enough to close the legitimation gap. In gerous to the ruling elite. Most people at these circumstances, even in repressive so least need to believe that the standards of cieties, ideology will be unable to contrib legitimacy are accepted as appropriate ute very much to holding the system more or less universally, and that if they together. And should the repressive appa are violated too flagrantly, the political ratus or resolve of the state falter, decades system has procedures adequate for restor of ideologizing will prove to have been of ing its own legal equilibrium. A president little use. 2J That is why an ideology must of the United States, for example, may be historically appropriate; to perform its break the law; indeed, many people may integrative functions, it must be "true" in believe that most presidents have done so. an historically-contingent sense. But if a president strays too severely and frequently, he may be impeached and con victed of his "high crimes and misdemean III. How Does Ideology Work? ors." Such, at least, must be the widespread view if the legitimacy gap of representative Arguments advance substantive claims democracies is to be bridged. and possess formal characteristics. It is But even in liberal societies, most peo possible to divide the analysis of argu ple need not agree with or even be aware of ments into these two categories and move all of the tenets of a dominant political phi on from there. But a rhetorical analysis of losophy. They need only accept, at a gener argument cannot rest on this forml al level, that the political system is based substance dichotomy. Arguments advance on some more or less plausible philosophy, claims both in what they say and by what that this philosophy is operative. For ex they are. 24 The former may be explicit, al ample, so long as most people believe that though, in many ways will not be. The lat the government of the United States is ter are always implicit. but rhetorically based on the Constitution, it is not fatal for significant nonetheless, especially in the ideology that many of them, when asked, context of ideological argumentation. will be unaware of or will disagree with In this section, I want to examine both some of that document's most basic the explicit and implicit claims of ideologi principles.22 In other words, the perceived cal arguments. As to the former, I will use relevance of the dominant political philos as organizing categories Marx's specifica ophy is as much an ideological issue as its tion of the two substantive claims ideology comprehended truth. The significance to advances. As to the latter, I will rely sub their own lives of the dominant political stantially on the analysis of sociologist philosophy may be felt as social rather Alvin Gouldner. than personal; it is a matter as much of In The German Ideology, Marx argued what people believe about the nature of that political domination occurred on an their society as about themselves within it. economic class basis. Clearly, he was Except under conditions of extensive, thinking primarily of capitalism, and the organized repression, a dominant ideology domination by the employing class. But cannot long survive widespread and deep even if (for Marx, it was "when") the work ly-felt public cynicism or disbelief. Should ing class became dominant, Marx ob the disjunction between the behavior of served, the same ideological claim would 22 Michael Weiler

have to be made, the claim that the class in seem desirable. These strategies alone are power represented not just its own interests not enough to create a people, but when but the best interests of society as a whole.25 wedded to a political philosophy consist In addition, Marx identified a second ge ent with their message, and in circum neric claim. Dominant classes, he argued, stances where economic and social strains tend to present the existing social system, are not too great, a politically potent con the system that favors them, as inevitable, cept of the people can be maintained. Thus natural, timeless, and/or independent of when an opposition political party objects human decision and action.26 Beyond to a proposal to reduce the taxes of the specifying them, however, Marx had virtu wealthy, the sponsoring party can accuse it ally nothing to say about this inherently of "preaching class conflict" without anyone rhetorical and argumentative process. (almost) asking whether the interests of The claim that a ruling group repre different classes do not inherently conflict.29 sents the interests of all the people, as op In representative democracies, the posed to itself only, invites appeals to power of the people is both a substantive populist principles. Indeed, it is hard to see philosophical claim and a complementary how, in liberal democracies, such a claim theme. This makes it all the more signifi could be advanced without resort to such cant. Ronald Reagan, for example, despite appeals. Though, as Ernesto Laclau has his personal wealth and movie-star back noted, populism as a political theme seems ground, was well known for his constant at home amid political doctrines from fas and apparently successful efforts to identi cism to socialism, from conservatism to fy with "ordinary people." The signifI liberalism, in a society ostensibly ruled by cance of this strategy is not simply that it and for the people, it is an essential themeP leads a given individual to feel that a leader The claim of any ruling group (actual is like him/her in ways that maUer. At a or potential) to represent the common peo more fundamental level, populist appeals ple is inherently ideological. "The people" help to make meaningful the very concept is always a "cultural fabrication" in of "the people" itself. Ricoeur's phrase. 28 Ideology, of necessity, Consider the following excerpt from supports political domination. It is in the Ronald Reagan's first inaugural address: business of undergirding the rule of one Those who say that we're in a time when group over society as a whole. To do so, it there are no heroes-they just don't know must present that domination as something where to look. You can see heroes everyday different from itself, whether as represent going in and out of factory gates. Others, a ative democracy, the rule of God, or the ul handful in number, produce enough to feed timate expression of the Volksgeist. To all of us and then the world beyond .... Now I have used the words "they" and "their" in obscure the reality of political domination, speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" ideology must present the dominant phi and "your" because I'm addressing the he losophy as representing the interests of all roes of whom I speak-you, the citizens of (more or less equally), not just of the rul this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, ing group. One way to enhance this pres your goals are going to be the dreams, the entation is through professions of faith in hopes and the goals of this Administration, 30 and subservience to the common people. so help me God. How do you get people to think of This passage presents an explicit argument themselves for political purposes not as followed by a promise. Reagan's thesis is workers, or farmers. or Mormons but as that average Americans are heroes. His Americans? One way is to talk constantly proof is an enumeration (quoted only par as if that is what they are, and to make tially here) of the things Americans do, membership in such an inclusive group mostly at their jobs. He does not attempt to Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 23 argue explicitly for a definition of heroism a theme inherent to Marx's first category of that embraces the work of most people; to ideological claim: the presentation of the do so merely would draw attention to the ruling group as representative of the inter obvious incongruity between what is usu ests of all. Obviously, this sample covers ally thought of as heroic (the exceptional but a small comer of the argumentative and uncoerced) and the mundane, obliga space devoted to persuading audiences of tory toil of the average factory worker or the truth of this claim. But it is an instruc farmer. But the argument can still succeed tive case of how ideological arguments rhetorically so long as people are inclined identify with commonly held values (of to accept the identification of their work paid work) and attitudes (toward work) to with heroism. 31 serve their persuasive ends. Reagan is banking on this tendency Marx's second category of ideological and with good reason. For though few claim is that the existing social system is workers would see themselves, in the natural, inevitable and thus, eternal. It rep course of their day-to-day jobs, as Her resents the way the world is and will al culean figures, more might feel themselves ways be. To support such a claim, it is courageous fellow sufferers, willing to essential to defend a theory of human na show up each day for work and to do that ture, one that accords with the social world work well despite its mundaneness and as defined ideologically. If human beings lack of financial rewards. There is, then, a are by nature competitive and acquisitive, kind of heroism in persistent sacrifice and then a system designed to encourage the even in victimage. In this speech, Reagan expression of these traits is "natural." And is signalling that he understands this if these elements of human nature are so irony.32 strong that efforts to suppress them are Reagan's promise, to make the aspira bound eventually to fail, then a competi tions of the common people his own, is re tive, consumption-oriented system is in deemed in advance by the skill with which this sense the inevitable expression of this he expresses the heroism of working men human nature. and women, the extraordinary amid the or The political economists of the late dinary. His understanding of the nature of eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that heroism is a kind of proof that he will tended to see human nature as a battle make the popular will his master. ground whereon the forces of rationality Though these populist arguments are on the one hand and passion on the other not wholly explicit, they are relatively struggled for control. 33 Though rational straightforward and require little interpre action was to be preferred, passion could tation. A less obvious implication of his re never be suppressed successfully. The an marks, however, is the claim that the only swer was to channel the passions toward sufferers in American society worthy of behaviors that would serve rational eco the name "hero" are those who work. All nomic goals. In other words, capitalism.34 of his examples of heroes are occupational. George Gilder is a modem political Insofar as work is understood as heroic economist, and a stalwart of the neo sacrifice, its absence might be viewed conservative movement in the United as disqualification from membership in States. His ideal economic actor is the en the legion of American heroes, and, by trepreneur, for him a sort of economically extension, from the ranks of "true" optimal version of Captain Blood. That the Americans, period. entrepreneurial instinct is, in the profound This sample of Reagan's rhetoric is one est sense, a part of human nature (or, example of the web of explicit and implicit rather, of male human nature), is suggested argumentation comprising populist appeals, in the following argument of why men 24 Michael Weiler should be encouraged to be autonomous This means that they persuade via socially economic actors: meaningful symbols. Rhetorical analysis Because of the long evolutionary hunting of their effects must account for the forms experience of the race in hunting societies, and contexts of this symbolizing. Such the provider role accords with the deepest analysis can occur at several different levels. instincts of men. When they are providing For example, anthropologist/sociologist for women and protecting them, men feel Clifford Geertz suggests that no satisfacto maculine and sexual; when they cannot ry account of ideology can neglect its use perform these roles, as in the welfare culture, they prefer the company of the of tropes and figures: all-male group at the bar or on the street. 35 With no notion of how metaphor, analogy, irony, ambiguity, pun, paradox. hyperbole, The identification of economic behav rhythm, and all the other elements of what ior and sexual instincts is not accidental or we lamely call "style" operate--even, in a even all that eccentric, particularly in the majority of cases, with no recognition that post-Freudian age. This is true especially these devices are of any importance in cast when an economic system and the set of ing personal attitudes into public form, so power relations it requires are justified not ciologists lack the symbolic resources out only on utilitarian grounds, but as reflec of which to construct a more incisive formulationY tions of human nature. In a secular age in which God's plan is generally an insuffi Talking about how these rhetorical de cient warrant, only by the latter claim can a vices operate is often more a mattcr of in particular social system be presented as terpretation than description. The methods natural and inevitable. of the critic of literary texts are liable to be Arguments from the popular will and more helpful than the methodological arguments from human nature are ideolog arsenal of the behavioral scientist.3s ical arguments par excellance. The sub Michael Calvin McGee has suggested stantive claims they advance, of a political another level at which ideological symbol system's universal representativeness and ization can take place. He has identified of a social world's naturalness and inevita certain common language words and bility, must be redeemed if a citizenry's phrases whose invocation can arouse a net willingness to accept a given set of power work of cognitive associations. These "ide relations is to be maintained. The consent ographs" are short-hand representations of of the governed may reflect commitment, the ideology to which they refer. Though accomodation and/or resignation, but in they may appear as part of ideological ar liberal democracies, it must be obtained guments, their power at a given moment to for the ruling group to go on ruling. invoke attitudes and beliefs independently The function of persuading people that of such argumentation tends to reinforce these claims are true is fulfilled partly by that ideology without resort to formal the presentation of plausible reasons. In arguments. 39 Indeed, the very fact that they this sense, ideological argumentation is or seem to substitute for such arguments may ought to be "rational" and can be judged by render ideographs more powerful rhetori standards appropriate to such an assump cally than their referents. This is because tion. But ideological argumentation per an essential element of ideology is its abil suades not only because it offers "good" ity to disguise itself. Perhaps, ideographs reasons, but because it presents them in are the ultimate disguise. rhetorically powerful ways. It persuades I have argued, however, that ideology's not only by what it says but by what it is. persuasive power can best be appreciated Ideological arguments occur in "natu at the level of its arguments. I have justi rallanguage"36 and in real social contexts. fied this view historically by reference to Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 25

ideology theory's origins, and rhetorically, wish, bounded only by standards of deco by emphasis on the importance of the rum, that is, a willingness to allow expres substantive political/philosophical claims sion of points of view other than their own. ideology advances and defends. The ideological significance of this lib A third rationale for emphasizing argu eral form of discourse is that it may ob ments combines historical and rhetorical scure as much about the nature of power elements. Alvin Gouldner has examined and its exercise as it reveals. For liberal de what he calls "the dialectic of ideology and mocracies are not just liberal, they are cap technology. "40 Ideology is a product of the italist. Typically, capitalist systems tend to modern age of mass industrialized socie concentrate large amounts of economic ties. These societies are characterized by a power in a few hands. In a technologically disintegration of old authority structures advanced, mass society, this includes pow and social commitments. In their place, the er over the means of mass communication. modern age has substituted secularism, ra This control may mean that the great bulk tionalism and scientism. Ideology is a form of communication people receive accords of discourse designed to deal with the anx with the dominant ideology. Though many ieties that the loss of the old world created other points of view may be available, their and to accomodate people to the require number and relative obscurity may render ments of the new.41 What about ideology them little more than an inchoate babble of qualifies it for this role? distant and alien voices. The answer is that ideology presents Appearances, however, are otherwise. itself in the form of rational, philosophical It cannot be denied that opposition voices argument. It presents theses and gives are allowed; with enough persistence, one reasons. It supports these reasons not with can seek them out. This fact can be in divine revelation or royal pronouncement voked to demonstrate the basic fairness of but with scientific, empirical evidence. the political system, its commitment to Ideology's argumentation incorporates the truth. Moreover, the system structures its rules of conduct of all modern rational dis own public argumentation according to the course. An opportunity for refutation must same rules of discourse: open debate, tak be afforded to would-be opponents in con ing turns, etc. Finally, the structure of the ditions allowing for each side to fairly discourse itself, its apparent reliance on present its case. The audience must be al reasoning and evidence rather than on au lowed to judge these conflicting cases thoritative assertion, amounts to a recom side-by-side in circumstances free of mendation not just of its claims but of the coercion, and so on. system in which it takes place and thus, The point of enumerating these formal which it helps to legitimate. aspects of ideological argument, and of ar gument in general, is not to suggest that there is anything wrong with them neces IV. Conclusion sarily, but to observe that such discursive forms favor a certain socio-political con I have defined ideology as political tiguration; namely, the modern pluralist apologetics, and have suggested, following democratic society. The rules of such soci Ricoeur, that ideology bridges the tension eties require that all (responsible) points of between the claims to legitimacy of the view be given an opportunity to be heard. rulers and the willingness of the ruled to The paradigm case of this form of dis accept such claims. Exploring the nature of course is the modern university where this function of ideology further, I have ar (ideally) Communists, socialists, liberals, gued that ideology is a kind of social con conservatives, etc. can all teach what they sensus, at once real and unreal, true and 26 Michael Weiler false. Ideology is real in the sense that I have suggested that argumentation is most people may believe that a political/ essential to ideology's persuasive task, and philosophical consensus actually exists; it that arguments help fulfill that task both is unreal in the sense that many individuals substantively and formally, explicitly and may not believe in or even fully compre implicitly. Ideological arguments advance hend the tenets of the political philosophy and defend particular kinds of claims, an ideology comprises. Ideology is true in claims that distort social reality in ways the sense that it cannot survive divorced that induce the consent of the citizenry to from the historical/cultural context in the arrangements by which they are ruled. which it operates, and therefore, must be Ideological arguments present themselves appropriate to that context; it is false in the as a form of discourse which in itself at sense that it presents itself as a philosophy once legitimates the existing political sys that serves the universal rather than merely tem and obscures that system's nature. In the partial interest and whose dominance is this sense, as ideology is inherently argu natural and eternal rather than a human, mentative, so too are political arguments historically-contingent creation. inherently ideological.

Notes

1 This definition's emphasis on rhetorical ef 7 Paul Ricoeur, Lectures On Ideology and fects derives from Herbert A. Wichelns' pio Utopia (New York: Columbia University neering essay "The Literary Criticism of Press, 1986), p. 12. Oratory," in Studies in Rhetoric and Public Speaking in Honor of James Albert Winans, 8 Quoted in R.B. Carson, Economic Issues ed. A. M. Drummond (New York: Century, Todav (New York: SI. Martin's Press, 1987), 1925), pp. 181-216. p.IO. Donald Bryant's definition of rhetoric as "ad 9 George Lichtheim, "The Concept of Ideology," justing people to ideas and ideas to people" in The Concept of Ideology and Other Essays captures this triangularity. See "Rhetoric: Its (New York: Random House, 1967), pp. 4-11. Functions and Its Scope," Quarterly Journal of 10 Lichtheim, p. 7. Speech, 39 (1953), 401-424. II "The German Ideology," in The Marx-Engels 3 Ch. Perelman and L. Olbrechts-Tyteca, The Reader, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: New Rhetoric: A Treatise on Argumentation, Norton, 1978), pp. 154 and \65. trans. John Wilkinson and Purcell Weaver (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame i2 "The German Ideology," p. 157. Press, 1971), p. 4. 13 "The German Ideology," pp. 172-173. 4 Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca, pp. 7-8. 14 This too is an important distinction given the 5 Not all theorists agree that domination inheres similarity between many definitions of ideolo in ideology. For example, see Martin Seliger, gy and of "culture." For example, political so Ideology and Politics (London: Allen and Un ciologist Ronald Inglehart defines the latter as win, 1976). For a clear statement of the point "a system of attitudes, values and knowledge of view that ideology inherently implies domi that is widely shared within a society and nation, see John B. Thompson, Studies In the transmitted from generation to generation," Theory of Ideology (Berkeley: U of California See Culture Shift (Princeton: Princeton Press, 1984), pp. 73-147. University Press, 1990), p. 18.

6 One recalls comedian Professor Irwin Corey's is For a semantic emphasis, see Michael Calvin remark that you can get more with a gun and a McGee, "The Ideograph: A Link Between kind word than with a kind word. Rhetoric and Ideology," Quarterly Journal of Ideology, Rhetoric and Argument 27

Speech 66 (1980), 1-16. For an emphasis on often has viewed as effective indoctrination, of institutions, especially of the state, see Louis a substantial residual effect of Communist Ahhusser, "Ideology and Ideological State ideology. Apparatuses," in Lenill and Philoscphy and 24 Speech act theory is of obvious relevance here. Other Essays (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), pp. 127-186. See J. L. Austin, How To Do Things With Words (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 16 Borrowing the title from Lenin's famous tract 1975). is not gratuitous, for Lenin particularly is fa 25 "The German Ideology," p. 174. mous for demanding that Communism not wait for the ineluctable laws of history to bring 26 "The German Ideology," p.173. See also it about, but instead, help history along by a Anthony Giddens, Central Problems In Social program of political education aimed at work Theory (Berkeley: University of California ers, a program distinctly philosophical in con Press, 1979), p. 195. tent. See What Is To Be Done?, (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1975). 27 Politics and Ideology In Marxist Theory (London: New Left Books, 1977), pp. 173-175. 17 John Rawls's famous formula for a just distri 28 Lectures On Ideology and Utopia, p. 13. bution of social benefits requires that each new benefit distribution should aid the least advan 29 In the latest battle over reducing the U.S. Gov taged members of society at least as much as ernment tax on capital gains, the Democratic any other group. This apparently unequal Party's opposition succeeded only because it scheme. however, derives from an assumption was expressed in terms of equity and fairness. of equality in society's "original position"; that Indeed, any explicit reference to classes might is, at the imaginary point at which democra have raised questions as to the class member cy's social contract is signed. See A Theory of ship of most Democratic politicians. Justice (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard 30 "Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan, Janu University Press. 1971). ary 20, 1981," in Contemporary American 18 Ricoeur, Lectures On ideology and Utopia, p. 12. Speeches, eds. Wil A. Linkugel, et aI., (Dubuque: Kendall Hunt, 1982), p. 376. 19 Philip Converse, "The .!'lature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics," in Ideology and Discontent, 3J In Aristotle's terms, the argument works via an ed. David Apter (New York: Free Press, 1964). enthymeme. The identilication of heroism Converse avoids the term ideology, but his use with work need not be explicated because it is of the alternative "belief system" is consistent based on commonly held values and attitudes. with my use of "ideology" in this essay. Indeed, this argument can work only en thymematically. because once the assumptions 20 See Eric R.A.N. Smith, The Unchanging underlying it are exposed and dissected, they American Voter (Berkeley: University of cease to be plausible. See The Rhetoric and California Press, 1990). Poetics (~l Aristotle, trans. W. Rhys Roberts 21 For a discussion of the various responses that (New York: Modern Library, 1954), pp. 21-22 ideology can produce, see Goren Therbom, [1355a; 3-IOJ. The Ideology of Power and the Power of Bruce Springsteen signalled the same thing Ideology (London: Verso, 1982), pp.93-100. with his hit song "Born in the U.S.A." In this case, the irony is deepened with the identifica 22 Robert Lane's famous study of ideology in an American town is an example of the oft-re tion of patriotism with feelings of economic corded phenomenon that citizens of the U.S. exploitation. It was not by accident, that the often disagree with the principles upon which Reagan Administration at various points tried their system of government is ostensibly to appropriate Springsteen's lyrics as their based. See Political Ideology (New York: Free own song. Press of Glencoe, 1962). 3., Of course, this was hardly a new insight. See, for example, Plato's Phaedrus and the allegory 23 One of the most remarkable things about the of the charioteer. The innovation of the liberal rapid disintegration of ruling regimes in East political economists, however, was to apply ern Europe surely has been the the apparent the notion of rationality vs. passion to individ absence, despite generations of what the West ual economic behavior. 28 Michael Weiler

34 See Albert O. Hirschman, The Passions and the audience reactions. Responses are recorded Interests (Princeton: Princeton University even down to the level of individual words. Press, 1977). 39 McGee, "The Ideograph," pp. 5-7. Elsewhere, 35 Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, McGee and Martha Anne Martin have at 1981), p. 136. tempted to specify some of the technical char acteristics of ideological arguments. See "Public 36 I borrow the term from Blair and Johnson's Knowledge and Ideological Argumentation," characterization of informal logic: "the area of Communication Monographs, 50 (1983), 47-65. logic which seeks to develop standards, crite ria and procedures for the interpretation, eval 40 The Dialectic of Ideology and Technology uation and construction of arguments and (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976). argumentation used in natural language. H See 41 With apologies to Gouldner, I am summarizing J. Anthony Blair and Ralph H. Johnson, "The and thus dissolving many of the intricacies of Current State of Informal Logic," Informal his analysis. I am relying particularly on his Logic, 9 (1987), p. 148. discussion of "Ideological Discourse as Ra 37 "Ideology As a Cultural System," The tionality and False Consciousness," The Dia Interpretations of Cultures (New York: Basic lectic (!f Ideology and Technology, pp. 23-66. Books, 1973), p. 209.

38 This is not to say that the latter are not useful at MICHAEL WEILER all. For example, advertisements, political and DIVISION OF COMMUNICATION STUDIES commercial, are now often "pre-tested" on focus EMERSON COLLEGE groups by using galvanic skin response and other 100 BEACON STREET tests to determine the intensity and valence of BOSTON, MA 02lJ6 0

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