Genetic Hygiene: Discourses of Causation in North American Medicine
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Genetic Hygiene: Discourses of Causation in North American Medicine by Sarah Emily Blacker A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in English Department of English and Film Studies University of Alberta © Sarah Emily Blacker, 2015 Abstract Written in an era that is witnessing an epistemic shift through which human health is increasingly being geneticized by North American science and medical institutions, this dissertation interrogates the discourses that make such a shift—and all of its material repercussions—possible. I contend that the naturalization of reductive and mono-contextual discourses of causation have acted as conceptual precursors to the epistemic dominance now secured by genomic and “personalized” medicine in 2015. Reading these discourses of causation as part of a larger hegemonic set of processes that find expression as a liberal form of self-management in the context of Canada as a state that invests in the productive capacities of its citizenry, this thesis narrates the development of reductive causation through three case studies that examine how state institutions have parsed forms of social inequality from forms of biological inequality, while epistemologically cementing the latter as the scientific mechanism of causation. Ultimately, this thesis aims to disrupt the hegemony of these discourses to create space for other knowledges concerning health and illness, including that of Indigenous Traditional Knowledge. I contend that the state’s parsing of social and biological forms of inequality is informed by a notion of biovalue—a concept developed by Catherine Waldby and Robert Mitchell to theorize a biologically novel form of value produced by innovations in molecular biology. But, for the purposes of my analysis, I situate biovalue on a macro scale that I argue is particular to a neoliberal state that retains social-democratic features such as social security and universal health care, and the ways in which economic considerations of such a state have led to institutions and policies that distribute resources based on calculations of gradients of biovalue. Biovalue measures capacity for productivity, and yet longstanding biological and ! ""! political notions of variation and inequality, such as eugenic ideas concerning varying capacities for productivity along race and class divides, continue to inform state policy. The first chapter presents an early articulation of personal hygiene being framed as a form of self-management into which individuals—especially those living in poverty—are hailed as hygienic subjects, which is, in the interwar period, synonymous with responsible, self-determinate subjectivity. This chapter traces how the eugenic ideas and policies of the Canadian physician and policymaker Helen MacMurchy betray a calculation of biovalue that explicitly takes into account the perceived “drain” on state resources presented by unproductive citizens in the period preceding the implementation of universal health care following the passing of the Medical Care Act in 1966. The second chapter turns to a particular application of genomic science in the form of the development of pharmacogenetic drugs that divide therapeutic populations on the basis of race. This chapter draws attention to the multiple sites of power and knowledge production that have an interest in figuring race as a biological entity that “naturally” determines differential forms of biovalue, and the way in which science has been positioned as the preferred channel through which this knowledge is disseminated. In addition to revealing the extent to which science and the state are intertwined in their production of race as a form of valuation, this chapter notes how articulations of urgency accompany the shift into therapeutic applications, functioning as a political justification for intervention while eliding their centrality to modern racial projects. The third chapter considers how state calculations of biovalue in Indigenous communities in Canada have informed the development of two-tier public health in ! """! Canada in the form of race-targeted public health campaigns. Through an analysis of government policy, this chapter finds that these public health campaigns betray a persistent colonial attitude towards, and devaluation of, Indigenous lives—indirectly, through policy—and that in this sense, these public health campaigns can be understood as a logical extension of the colonial project that was at work in the Canadian government’s Indian Residential Schools. The overarching aim of this project is to bring to the forefront the multiple ways in which dominant discourses of causation prevent the development of new imaginaries, and keep us from asking critical questions beyond the reductive thinking produced by our current epistemological, technological, and funding infrastructures. ! "#! Preface This thesis is an original work by Sarah Blacker. Chapter Two of this dissertation includes a revised and expanded version of my published article “Epistemic Trafficking: On the Concept of Race-Specific Medicine.” Copyright © 2010 for English Studies in Canada by the University of Alberta. This article first appeared in English Studies in Canada 36.1 (2010): 127-148. Reprinted with permission by English Studies in Canada. Chapter Three of this dissertation includes a revised and expanded version of my published article “‘Your DNA Doesn’t Need to Be Your Destiny’: Colonialism, Public Health and the Financialization of Medicine.” Copyright © 2014 for TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies by York University, Toronto, Canada. This article first appeared in TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 30-31 (2014): 123-146. Reprinted with permission by TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies. ! #! Acknowledgements It is such a pleasure to have the chance to thank the many people who have helped me reach the point of completing my Ph.D. In acknowledging my debts here and expressing my gratitude, I am aware that these thanks cannot be but partial; my debts can never be fully accounted for. I have been especially fortunate to receive support from five different institutions in four different countries during the course of my Ph.D., so these thanks will not be brief. This dissertation has benefitted from financial support from McMaster University, the University of Alberta, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science. I have been lucky to have such a wonderful supervisory committee. Imre Szeman, Heather Zwicker, and Mark Simpson have modeled the kind of mentorship and generosity that I hope to extend to my own graduate students. Since the first time I met him at McMaster, Imre has expressed an unflagging confidence in my abilities and in my ideas. He has always treated me as a colleague; collaborating with him on various projects has greatly enriched my experience of the Ph.D., and for this I will always be grateful. I thank Heather Zwicker for her incomparable guidance, care, and mentorship, as well as for her challenging questions that helpfully pushed me beyond my own thinking. Mark Simpson is an extraordinarily perceptive reader and has provided insightful comments that have greatly enriched this thesis. I also thank my examiners, Amy Kaler and Margery Fee, for their deep engagement with my work and for the generative questions they have posed of it. For their support and guidance during my time at the University of Alberta, I thank Karyn Ball, Teresa Zackodnik, Nat Hurley, Cecily Devereux, Mike O’Driscoll, Keavy Martin, Julie Rak, Terri Tomsky, Sue Howard, Kim Brown, and Mary Marshall Durrell. I thank, too, my wonderful colleagues at both McMaster and the University of Alberta, especially Jennifer Adese, Phanuel Antwi, Brent Bellamy, Adam Carlson, Alexandra Carruthers, Rich Cole, Jeff Diamanti, Ashley Dryburgh, Andrea Hasenbank, Lisa Haynes, Tim Kaposy, Ailsa Kay, Matt MacLellan, Mike Mikulak, Dana Mount, Clare Mulcahy, Andrew Pendakis, Malissa Phung, Jen Pybus, Laura Schechter, Brianna Wells, Caitlin Wells, and Liam Young. The time I have spent working at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science has had a profound influence on the framing of the research questions that lie at the heart of this thesis. For sharing ideas, productively challenging mine, and providing an unendingly inspiring research environment, I thank Jenny Bangham, Saskia Bultman, Shih-Pei Chen, Samuël Coghe, Rohan Deb Roy, Judy Kaplan, Lara Keuck, Veronika Lipphardt, Robert Meunier, Yuriditzi Pascacio-Montijo, Dagmar Schäfer, Martina Schlünder, Skúli Sigurdsson, Mihai Surdu, Honghong Tinn, and Sandra Widmer. I thank Sandra for inviting me to join the “Twentieth Century Histories of Knowledge About Human Variation” research group in 2012, as well as for her generous support and mentorship in the years that have followed. I was extremely fortunate to share an office with Jenny Bangham during the final stages of the writing of this dissertation. Being able to share books, writing space, ideas, meals, commutes, and close friendship with Jenny was a pleasure and greatly ! #"! enriched the pages of this dissertation. Martina Schlünder’s bright mind and creativity know no bounds, and she is a wonderful teacher. Daily conversations with Martina on biomedicine, STS, interdisciplinarity, Zwischenraum, and the history of science and medicine have without a doubt inflected the ideas in the following pages. I thank Martina