National Socialist Political Soldier's Handbook
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Far-Right Music and the Use of Internet: Final Conflict and the British National Party Compared1
35 FAR-RIGHT MUSIC AND THE USE OF INTERNET: FINAL CONFLICT AND THE BRITISH NATIONAL PARTY COMPARED1 ANTON SHEKHOVTSOV riting in 1997, David Lyon called it ‘extravagant’ to consider that ‘the Internet portends new kinds of networks and a transformation of society Was we know it’.2 Today, however, it would be banal to proclaim that the internet has already transformed the way we conduct research, studies, business, services, and entertainment. With the rise of cyber-politics, web-based pressure groups, and whistle-blower websites like WikiLeaks, the internet continues to exert increasing influence both on the rulers and the ruled. Although its extensive use has resulted, as one researcher put it, in ‘the reconfiguration of the reality of everyday life and the transformation of the ways in which individuals construct the lifeworld’,3 the internet is nevertheless a medium, and as such it depends heavily on the contents or products created by people. Turning to far-right music on the internet, here we find that it comprises of various websites as well as articles of merchandise. In general, one can find this type of music for free on YouTube videos uploaded by either bands/artists themselves or their fans; Myspace and other social network pages dedicated to individual far-right bands; radio-stations like Skrewdriver Radio4 or 28 Radio;5 or numerous blogs that give links to mp3-albums uploaded – primarily illegally – to various file-sharing web-pages. A number of internet sites, ranging from specialised right-wing mail- order companies like the UK-based Rampage Productions to various online auction/shopping websites like eBay, iTunes or Amazon UK, also sell far-right music, either in physical (CD/DVD) or digital (mp3) form. -
“Every Inch a Fighting Man”
“EVERY INCH A FIGHTING MAN:” A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON THE MILITARY CAREER OF A CONTROVERSIAL CANADIAN, SIR RICHARD TURNER by WILLIAM FREDERICK STEWART A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of History School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham March 2012 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract Lieutenant-General Sir Richard Ernest William Turner served Canada admirably in two wars and played an instrumental role in unifying veterans’ groups in the post-war period. His experience was unique in the Canadian Expeditionary Force; in that, it included senior command in both the combat and administrative aspects of the Canadian war effort. This thesis, based on new primary research and interpretations, revises the prevalent view of Turner. The thesis recasts five key criticisms of Turner and presents a more balanced and informed assessment of Turner. His appointments were not the result of his political affiliation but because of his courage and capability. Rather than an incompetent field commander, Turner developed from a middling combat general to an effective division commander by late 1916. -
1 European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key
European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key Findings • European far-right ethno-nationalist groups have cast immigrants as a scapegoat for economic hardship faced by young Europeans. Rather than promote overt white supremacy, these groups denigrate minorities—particularly Muslim immigrants—as detrimental to European culture. • Far-right political parties like Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland and Italy’s Lega Nord have been able to generate substantial popular support by promising to defend their respective countries against the cultural attacks of immigrants and foreign influences, and have consequently made gains in domestic parliamentary elections. • Groups like Les Identitaires and its youth wing, Generation Identity, have renounced violence in favor of utilizing social media and public demonstrations to portray themselves as legitimate, mainstream movements protecting European culture. These groups have directly targeted Europe’s youth through social media and public demonstrations. • Groups including Combat 18 and the Nordic Resistance Movement, which openly embrace neo-Nazi ideology and violent tactics, are still able to recruit for violent activities, despite the rise of non-violent, populist groups. Executive Summary More than 70 years after the defeat of Nazi Germany, ethno-nationalist and white supremacist movements in Europe continue to thrive. They include far-right political parties, neo-Nazi movements, and apolitical protest groups. Some groups openly espouse violent white supremacy, while others have -
“You Are a Political Soldier:” the People's War in N'wamitwa 1989
“You Are a Political Soldier:” The People’s War in N’wamitwa 1989-1994 by Faelan Lundeberg Bachelor of Arts, University of Victoria, 2014 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History Faelan Lundeberg, 2019 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii “You Are a Political Soldier:” The People’s War in N’wamitwa 1989-1994 by Faelan Lundeberg Bachelor of Arts, University of Victoria, 2014 Supervisory Committee Dr. Elizabeth Vibert, Department of History, University of Victoria. Supervisor Dr. Andrew Wender, Department of History, University of Victoria. Departmental Member iii Abstract: In the waning days of apartheid, an operative of Umkhonto we Sizwe, the armed wing of South Africa’s most powerful dissident organization the African National Congress, returned to his home community of N’wamitwa after over a decade in exile. His mission was to spark a people’s war, an imported form of revolutionary warfare developed by Mao Zedong and perfected by the North Vietnamese in their revolutionary struggles. In this thesis I examine the political context in which the ANC chose to adopt the strategy and how it was imported into South Africa. The later chapters of this thesis use N’wamitwa as a case study examining how a people’s war is successfully implemented on the ground. I argue that one can see the three phases of a people’s war as articulated by Mao play out in N’wamitwa between the years 1989 to 1994 This piece was largely written and researched using oral testimony from nine former members of the MK in N’wamitwa and thus can also be seen as a collection of personal histories of the South African Freedom Struggle. -
Introduction
Notes Introduction 1 Labour History Archive and Study Centre: Labour Party National Executive Committee Minutes, 1 March 1934. 2 See N. Copsey, Anti-Fascism in Britain (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 2000), p. 76. 3 See J. Bean, Many Shades of Black: Inside Britain’s Far Right (London: New Millennium, 1999). 4 See Searchlight, no. 128, Feb. 1986, p. 15. 5 See for example, C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’, New Community, vol. 20, no. 4 (1994), pp. 563–79. 6 For discussion of legitimacy as a social-scientific concept, see D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1991). 7 For earlier work on the BNP by this author, see N. Copsey, ‘Fascism: The Ideology of the British National Party’, Politics, vol. 14, no. 3 (1994), pp. 101–8 and ‘Contemporary Fascism in the Local Arena: The British National Party and “Rights for Whites”’, in M. Cronin (ed.) The Failure of British Fascism: The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (Basingstoke: Macmillan- Palgrave, 1996), pp. 118–40. For earlier work by others, see for example C.T. Husbands, ‘Following the “Continental Model”?: Implications of the Recent Electoral Performance of the British National Party’; R. Eatwell, ‘Britain: The BNP and the Problem of Legitimacy’, in H.-G. Betz and S. Immerfall (eds), The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Estab- lished Democracies (Basingstoke: Macmillan-Palgrave, 1998), pp. 143–55; and D. Renton, ‘Examining the Success of the British National Party, 1999–2003’, Race and Class, vol. -
British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939 MAY, Rob Available from Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/26108/ This document is the author deposited version. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. Published version MAY, Rob (2019). Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939. Doctoral, Sheffield Hallam University. Copyright and re-use policy See http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive http://shura.shu.ac.uk Breaking Boundaries: British Fascism from a Transnational Perspective, 1923 to 1939 Robert May A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Sheffield Hallam University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2019 I hereby declare that: 1. I have been enrolled for another award of the University, or other academic or professional organisation, whilst undertaking my research degree. I was an enrolled student for the following award: Postgraduate Certificate in Arts and Humanities Research University of Hull 2. None of the material contained in the thesis has been used in any other submission for an academic award. 3. I am aware of and understand the University's policy on plagiarism and certify that this thesis is my own work. The use of all published or other sources of material consulted have been properly and fully acknowledged. 4. The work undertaken towards the thesis has been conducted in accordance with the SHU Principles of Integrity in Research and the SHU Research Ethics Policy. -
Who Is Thaksin Shinawatra?
THE THAKSINIZATION OF THAILAND Ukrist Pathmanand Duncan McCargo Duncan McCargo and Ukrist Pathmanand For decades, Thailand was economically dynamic, yet politically shambolic. 1997 changed all that: the Asian economic crisis, closely followed by the promulgation of a new liberal constitution in Thailand, paved the way for the political rise of Thaksin Shinawatra, a fabulously wealthy telecommuni- cations magnate often compared with Italian premier Silvio Berlusconi. Although presenting itself as a national, transformative party, at heart Thaksin’s ruling Thai Rak Thai Party was little more than a vehicle for the OF THAILAND THE THAKSINIZATION interests and ambitions of its founder-leader. After winning a landslide election victory in 2001, Prime Minister Thaksin exercised an extraordinary degree of personal dominance over the Thai political scene. He was re- elected in 2005, the first Thai premier to do so. Though toppled by a military coup in 2006, Thaksin continues to exert a powerful influence on Thai poli- tics today, both in terms of his legacy and ongoing political activities. This book – by two leading scholars in the field – is an analysis of Thaksin at the height of his power. It examines Thaksin’s background, his business activities, the emergence of Thai Rak Thai, his relationship with the military, Thaksin’s use of rhetoric through media such as radio, his wider political economy networks, and what this all meant for the future. The result is essential reading for students, academics, journalists, dip- lomats, investors – and anyone else who needs to understand the Thaksin phenomenon in present-day Thailand. Winner of the 2009 Bernard Schwartz Book Award for his Tearing Apart the Land, Duncan McCargo is professor of Southeast East Asian politics at the University of Leeds. -
1 European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key
European Ethno-Nationalist and White Supremacy Groups Key Findings • European far-right ethno-nationalist groups have cast immigrants as a scapegoat for economic hardship faced by young Europeans. Rather than promote overt white supremacy, these groups denigrate minorities—particularly Muslim immigrants—as detrimental to European culture. • Far-right political parties like Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland and Italy’s Lega Nord have been able to generate substantial popular support by promising to defend their respective countries against the cultural attacks of immigrants and foreign influences, and have consequently made gains in domestic parliamentary elections. • Groups like Les Identitaires and its youth wing, Generation Identity, have renounced violence in favor of utilizing social media and public demonstrations to portray themselves as legitimate, mainstream movements protecting European culture. These groups have directly targeted Europe’s youth through social media and public demonstrations. • Groups including Combat 18 and the Nordic Resistance Movement, which openly embrace neo-Nazi ideology and violent tactics, are still able to recruit for violent activities, despite the rise of non-violent, populist groups. Executive Summary More than 70 years after the defeat of Nazi Germany, ethno-nationalist and white supremacist movements in Europe continue to thrive. They include far-right political parties, neo-Nazi movements, and apolitical protest groups. Some groups openly espouse violent white supremacy, while others have -
The Banning of National Action in Britain by Graham Macklin
PERSPECTIVES ON TERRORISM Volume 12, Issue 6 ‘Only Bullets will Stop Us!’ – The Banning of National Action in Britain by Graham Macklin Abstract This article explores the banning of National Action (NA), a small, violent national-socialist group, which, in December 2016, became the first extreme right-wing group proscribed by a British government since 1940. It charts how NA evolved from public order irritant to its designation as a ‘terrorist’ group. Following a short overview of NA’s history and politics, and the circumstances in which the government banned it, the article assesses the ban’s impact upon its activists and milieu. Several subsequent trials have highlighted the ban’s success in dismantling NA as an organization. However, this case study also suggests that it has engendered a period of ideological and organisational adaption as former activists sought out new modes and methods of activism to enable them to circumvent the ban, highlighting the tactical flexibility of extreme right militancy. In line with the wider literature, this case study finds that although the ban succeeded in deterring some activists, others remained defiant, continuing to operate clandestinely until the police disrupted their activities. The article concludes with a discussion of where the ban has been less successful, highlighting the protracted difficulties faced by the authorities in eradicating NA’s digital footprint - one of the aims of banning the group in the first place, since the tools to do so lie with social media conglomerates and are thus -
A.K. Chesterton and the Problem of British Fascism, 1915-1973
A.K. CHESTERTON AND THE PROBLEM OF BRITISH FASCISM, 1915-1973. Luke LeCras Bachelor of Arts in History with Honours. THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY MURDOCH UNIVERSITY, AUGUST 2017 THESIS DECLARATION I declare that this thesis is my own account of my research and contains as its main content work which has not previously been submitted for a degree at any tertiary education institution. .................................... Luke LeCras i ABSTRACT Fascist and extreme right-wing political movements in Britain have been the subject of enduring interest to historians since 1945, with the majority of works centring on the British Union of Fascists (BUF), a political party founded and led by Sir Oswald Mosley between 1932 and 1940. Despite the BUF’s failure to achieve levels of support on par with many fascist movements in continental Europe, there is now a sizeable body of historiography dealing with the party as a minor case within the study of European fascism and as a unique phenomenon of radical politics in interwar Britain. By comparison, little interest has been devoted to aspects of British fascism not connected to Mosley or the BUF. Moreover, extreme right movements operating in Britain since 1945 have largely been characterized as either a direct legacy of the interwar movement or an attempt to reform British fascism under a different guise. This thesis re-examines the continuity between the interwar and the post-war iterations of the extreme right in Britain by focusing on the ideas and activism of Arthur Kenneth (A.K) Chesterton. A high-ranking member of the BUF who made substantial contributions to the party’s propaganda, Chesterton split with Mosley in 1938 to pursue an independent career in extreme right-wing politics that persisted until his death in 1973. -
National Action and National Socialismsocialism for the 21St Century By:By:By: Dr Paul Jackson 111
Winter 2014 /15 Nr. 1 #hitlerwasright: National Action and National SocialismSocialism for the 21st Century By:By:By: Dr Paul Jackson 111 Abstract This article examines the new neo-Nazi organisation National Action. It begins with a brief overview of the group, from its formation in 2013 to its latest activism at the end of 2014. It then develops three analytical concepts to explore the nature of the group in greater depth. It firstly presents National Action as a neo-Nazi groupuscule operating within a wider milieu of extreme right organisations in the UK, some of this it has developed working relationships with, others it rejects as inauthentic. Secondly, it analyses the transnational dynamics of the group, revealing its engagement with groups outside of Britain. Finally, it examines how the group historicises it activity, linking the contemporary situation with the history of interwar fascism, especially Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists. It concludes that, at the present moment, National Action poses limited risks to the public, however this could change over time given its extremist ideology and its links to international organisations. 1 Dr Paul Jackson is a Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Northampton. He is co-editor of Wiley- Blackwell's journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith , and editor of Bloomsbury's book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. His books include Great War Modernisms and the New Age Magazine (Bloomsbury, 2012) and The Postwar Anglo-American Far Right (Palgrave, 2014), co-edited with Anton Shekhovtsov. 97 Paul Jackson: National Action and National Socialism for the 21st Century Winter 2014 /15 Nr. -
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Fascism 10 (2021) 186-201 Radical-Nationalist Podcasting under a Post-Fascist Condition The Swedish Podcast Motgift Tomas Poletti Lundström | ORCiD: 0000-0002-9500-6274 Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies on Racism, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden [email protected] Markus Lundström | ORCiD: 0000-0003-3579-2143 Centre for Multidisciplinary Studies on Racism, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden [email protected] Abstract This article sketches fascism’s ideological morphology under a post-fascist condition. It builds empirically on three years of ethnographic studies of the radical-nationalist podcast Motgift [Antidote], disclosing that (i) fascist multivocality characterizes and feeds the rhizomic structure of Swedish radical nationalism; (ii) fascist narration locates protagonists and antagonists in driving a plot of ‘genocide against the white race’; and (iii) fascist temporality reinforces ideas of a lost past and degenerated present – prompting a struggle for cultural rebirth and racial revival. The multivocality, narration, and temporality of Motgift illuminate the radical-nationalist politics at work under a post-fascist condition: the state of ideological reconfiguration pondering fascism’s historical downfall. Keywords Sweden – podcasts – Motgift – post-fascism – radical nationalism – ethnography – rhizome – temporality In popular discourse, the term fascism is commonly used as a desig- nation for authoritarian rule or as a pejorative accusation of political © TOMAS POLETTI LUNDSTRÖM AND MARKUS LUNDSTRÖM,