BUILDING RESILIENT COMMUNITIES in MEXICO: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence

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BUILDING RESILIENT COMMUNITIES in MEXICO: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence BUILDING RESILIENT COMMUNITIES IN MEXICO: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence Edited by David A. Shirk, Duncan Wood, and Eric L. Olson BUILDING RESILIENT COMMUNITIES IN MEXICO: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence Edited by David A. Shirk, Duncan Wood, and Eric L. Olson Woodrow Wilson University of San Diego International Center for Scholars Justice in Mexico Project One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 5998 Alcalá Park 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW San Diego, CA 92110 Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.justiceinmexico.org www.wilsoncenter.org/mexico ISBN: 978-1-938027-37-6 March 2014 THE WILSON CENTER, chartered by Congress as the official memorial to President Woodrow Wilson, is the nation’s key nonpartisan policy forum for tackling global issues through independent research and open dialogue to inform actionable ideas for Congress, the Administration, and the broader policy community. Conclusions or opinions expressed in Center publications and programs are those of the authors and speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Center staff, fellows, trustees, advisory groups, or any individuals or organizations that provide financial support to the Center. Please visit us online at www.wilsoncenter.org. Jane Harman, Director, President, and CEO BOARD OF TRUSTEES Thomas R. Nides, Chair Sander R. Gerber, Vice Chair Public members: James H. Billington, Librarian of Congress; G. Wayne Clough, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution; Arne Duncan, Secretary of Education; David Ferriero, Archivist of the United States; John F. Kerry, Secretary of State; Kathleen Sebelius, Secretary of Health and Human Services. Designated appointee of the president from within the federal government: Fred P. Hochberg, Chairman and President, Export-Import Bank of the United States Private Citizen members: Timothy Broas, John T. Casteen III, Charles E. Cobb Jr., Thelma Duggin, Carlos M. Gutierrez, Barry S. Jackson, Jane Watson Stetson WILSON NATIONAL CABINET Eddie & Sylvia Brown, Melva Bucksbaum & Raymond Learsy, Paul & Rose Carter, Armeane & Mary Choksi, Ambassadors Sue & Chuck Cobb, Lester Crown, Thelma Duggin, Judi Flom, Sander R. Gerber, Ambassador Joseph B. Gildenhorn & Alma Gildenhorn, Harman Family Foundation, Frank F. Islam, Willem Kooyker, Linda B. & Tobia G. Mercuro, Dr. Alexander V. Mirtchev, Wayne Rogers, B. Francis Saul II, Ginny & L. E. Simmons, Jane Stetson, Leo Zickler THE JUSTICE IN MEXICO PROJECT (JMP) is the continuation of a collaborative research initiative entitled the Project on Reforming the Administration of Justice in Mexico and launched by Wayne Cornelius and David Shirk at the Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies of University of California, San Diego (2002–2005). In 2005, David Shirk relocated the project and its funding to the Trans-Border Institute of the University of San Diego, which became the host institution for this multi-year research project on the administration of justice and the rule of law in Mexico until 2013. Now a free standing program based at the University of San Diego, the Justice in Mexico Project continues to promote analysis, dialogue, and policy solutions to address a variety of urgent problems related to security and violence, transparency and accountability, and justice and human rights issues in Mexico and the U.S.-Mexican border region. Focusing on these main research areas, the three-fold rationale for the Justice in Mexico Project is based on: (1) the need to decentralize analysis and reform efforts in Mexico, (2) the need for a greater emphasis on promoting effective reform and best practices, and (3) the need for a U.S.-based partner for helping to generate and disseminate analysis on Mexican initiatives. Acknowledgments The editors and authors of this book are deeply indebted to a wide range of people who assisted in its production and execution. At the Justice in Mexico Project, which is supported by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, we would like to acknowledge the research and administrative assistance of Gladys Avalos, Joan Draper, Christina Falcone, Diana Garcia, Kimberley Heinle, Traci Merrill, Cory Molzahn, Maria Preciado, Lorena Quezada, Maritza Rodriguez, Susan Szakonyi, and Mike Williams. At the Mexico Institute we would like to recognize the assistance of those interns who helped with research for this project, including Pedro Ramirez, Eugenio Weigend Vargas, Ashley Nelcy Garcia, and Laura Kauer. We would also like to recognize the review and editing contributions of David Gaddis Smith, Miguel Salazar, and Christopher Wilson. However, our biggest vote of thanks and deepest appreciation goes to Allison Cordell of the Mexico Institute. Her contribution goes far beyond the hundreds of hours of editing, coordinating, reviewing, and working with designers and printers. In many ways she became the driving force behind the publication of this book, and without Allison’s commitment, this book would not have seen the light of day for many months. Contents Introduction 1 Building Resilient Communities in Mexico: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence Eric L. Olson, David A. Shirk, and Duncan Wood Section 1: The Roots of Violence, and Civil Society Responses 25 Community Resilience to Violence: Local Schools, Regional Economies, and Homicide in Mexico’s Municipalities Matthew C. Ingram 63 Civil Society, the Government, and the Development of Citizen Security Steven Dudley and Sandra Rodríguez Nieto 89 Understanding and Addressing Youth in “Gangs” in Mexico Nathan P. Jones Section 2: Mobilizing Communities Targeted by Violence 121 The Victims’ Movement in Mexico Lauren Villagran 143 The Effects of Drug-War Related Violence on Mexico’s Press and Democracy Emily Edmonds-Poli 173 The Private Sector and Public Security: The Cases of Ciudad Juárez and Monterrey Lucy Conger Section 3: Engaging and Strengthening Judicial Sector Institutions 213 Civic Engagement and the Judicial Reform: The Role of Civil Society in Reforming Criminal Justice in Mexico Octavio Rodríguez Ferreira 245 Co-Production and Oversight: Citizens and Their Police Daniel M. Sabet Conclusion 263 Toward a More Comprehensive and Community-based Approach to Public Security David A. Shirk, Duncan Wood, and Andrew Selee 277 About the Authors Building Resilient Communities in Mexico: Civic Responses to Crime and Violence ERIC L. OLSON, DAVID A. SHIRK, AND DUNCAN WOOD1 INTRODUCTION Mexico has suffered a severe security crisis over the last decade. As in several other Latin American countries, elevated levels of crime and violence—and especially the proliferation of violent organized crime groups—have presented a serious threat to the Mexican state and to ordinary citizens. During the presidency of Felipe Calderón (2006–2012), the Mexican government attempted to address these problems primarily through law enforcement and military operations to combat organized crime and reforms to enhance the institutional integrity and efficacy of police and judicial sectors. Calderón’s successor, President Enrique Peña Nieto (whose six-year term began in 2012) spent much of his first year in office attempting to shift the narrative within and about Mexico from security issues to other matters, including political, economic, and social reforms to help move the country forward. However, while placing less emphasis on such matters, Peña Nieto also largely continued Calderón’s approach to security by targeting major organized crime figures, deploying federal forces to address urgent local security crises, and pushing ahead with efforts to implement Mexico’s new criminal justice system. Still, for many Mexicans, there have been few improvements in their day- to-day sense of security, their confidence in law enforcement authorities, or their ability to attain access to justice. Indeed, crime and violence remains such a serious concern in certain parts of the country that ordinary citizens have taken to extraordinary measures—hiring private security guards and embracing vigilantism—to protect themselves. In recent years, the emergence of self-professed citizen self-defense groups has introduced a new dimension to Mexico’s security situation. Such developments raise concerns about the course of Mexico’s security 1 The authors wish to acknowledge the feedback and direct contributions of various colleagues who have generously contributed to this introductory chapter. In particular, the authors are deeply grateful to Andrew Selee, who was instrumental in conceptualizing and implementing this project and helped draft the initial framing paper for this introduction. In addition, the authors are also indebted to Christopher Wilson, Allison Cordell, Cory Molzahn, and Octavio Rodriguez for their keen insights, direct contributions, edits, and recommendations. 1 OLSON, SHIRK, AND WOOD Still, for many Mexicans, there have been few improvements in their day-to-day sense of security, their confidence in law enforcement authorities, or their ability to attain access to justice. situation over the longer term. On the one hand, there are serious questions about the capacity of the Mexican government to fulfill its responsibility to provide for basic citizen security. While not a failed state, Mexico has proved highly vulnerable to penetration and corruption by powerful organized crime groups, and the government’s ability to maintain a monopoly on the legitimate use of force has been challenged by both political insurgents and violent criminal organizations. On the other hand, while policy analysts have typically focused primarily on these issues of state
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