Creating Memories in Late 8Th-Century Byzantium Creating Memories in Late 8Th-Century Byzantium Central European Medieval Studies
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Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11Th and Early 12Th Century
Studia Ceranea 10, 2020, p. 31–45 ISSN: 2084-140X DOI: 10.18778/2084-140X.10.02 e-ISSN: 2449-8378 Marcin Böhm (Opole) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5393-3176 Nikephoros Bryennios the Younger – the First One Not to Become a Blind Man? Political and Military History of the Bryennios Family in the 11th and Early 12th Century ikephoros Bryennios the Younger (1062–1137) has a place in the history N of the Byzantine Empire as a historian and husband of Anna Komnene (1083–1153), a woman from the imperial family. His historical work on the his- tory of the Komnenian dynasty in the 11th century is an extremely valuable source of information about the policies of the empire’s major families, whose main goal was to seize power in Constantinople1. Nikephoros was also a talented commander, which he proved by serving his father-in-law Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118) and brother-in-law John II Komnenos (1118–1143). The marriage gave him free access to people and documents which he also enriched with the history of his own family. It happened because Nikephoros Bryennios was not the first representative of his family who played an important role in the internal policy of the empire. He had two predecessors, his grandfather, and great grand- father, who according to the family tradition had the same name as our hero. They 1 J. Seger, Byzantinische Historiker des zehnten und elften Jahrhunderts, vol. I, Nikephoros Bryennios, München 1888, p. 31–33; W. Treadgold, The Middle Byzantine Historians, Basingstoke 2013, p. 344–345; A. -
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics The eighth-century revolution Version 1.0 December 2005 Ian Morris Stanford University Abstract: Through most of the 20th century classicists saw the 8th century BC as a period of major changes, which they characterized as “revolutionary,” but in the 1990s critics proposed more gradualist interpretations. In this paper I argue that while 30 years of fieldwork and new analyses inevitably require us to modify the framework established by Snodgrass in the 1970s (a profound social and economic depression in the Aegean c. 1100-800 BC; major population growth in the 8th century; social and cultural transformations that established the parameters of classical society), it nevertheless remains the most convincing interpretation of the evidence, and that the idea of an 8th-century revolution remains useful © Ian Morris. [email protected] 1 THE EIGHTH-CENTURY REVOLUTION Ian Morris Introduction In the eighth century BC the communities of central Aegean Greece (see figure 1) and their colonies overseas laid the foundations of the economic, social, and cultural framework that constrained and enabled Greek achievements for the next five hundred years. Rapid population growth promoted warfare, trade, and political centralization all around the Mediterranean. In most regions, the outcome was a concentration of power in the hands of kings, but Aegean Greeks created a new form of identity, the equal male citizen, living freely within a small polis. This vision of the good society was intensely contested throughout the late eighth century, but by the end of the archaic period it had defeated all rival models in the central Aegean, and was spreading through other Greek communities. -
A Love Story: God's Enduring Love for an Unfaithful People
Hosea A Love Story: God’s Enduring Love for an Unfaithful People Introduction •Overview •Context •Language Challenges •Structure •Author/Development •Hosea and Chapter 1:1 – 2:3 •Image of Marriage Overview • Hosea – “YHWH has rescued” • The only writing prophet who was raised in and prophesized in the northern kingdom of Israel (Amos was from Judah) • What we know of Hosea is found in the prophet’s text • Hosea felt deeply - anger and tenderness Context •Prophesized in the 8th century BC: 750s – 710s •Difficult to specifically place the time of the prophet’s message •Political •Economic •Religious Political - Context • Kings (not appointed by God) advanced through seeking opportunity • Less about pleasing God, more about pleasing the king • Sought strength and protection from neighboring kingdoms through alliances and deals • Lack of trust God! Economic - Context • Landowners & Poor: “2 Classes” • Assyrian takeover – Israel had to pay huge tributes to Assyria • Forced the poor into working harder and longer - Poor only getting poorer • Forgot to look out for the poor… • Lack of obedience to God! Religious - Context • Polytheism and syncretism • Baal – bringer of rain, thus the fertility connection; sexual acts performed in Baal’s temple was thought to “contribute” to fertility • Many sought the blessing of both religions • Israel has failed to keep the covenant! Language Challenges • Hebrew text of Hosea offers more problems than any Old Testament book except Job • Dialects distinct from other books • Seemingly a “series of fragments” -
Byzantine Conquests in the East in the 10 Century
th Byzantine conquests in the East in the 10 century Campaigns of Nikephoros II Phocas and John Tzimiskes as were seen in the Byzantine sources Master thesis Filip Schneider s1006649 15. 6. 2018 Eternal Rome Supervisor: Prof. dr. Maaike van Berkel Master's programme in History Radboud Univerity Front page: Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas entering Constantinople in 963, an illustration from the Madrid Skylitzes. The illuminated manuscript of the work of John Skylitzes was created in the 12th century Sicily. Today it is located in the National Library of Spain in Madrid. Table of contents Introduction 5 Chapter 1 - Byzantine-Arab relations until 963 7 Byzantine-Arab relations in the pre-Islamic era 7 The advance of Islam 8 The Abbasid Caliphate 9 Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty 10 The development of Byzantine Empire under Macedonian dynasty 11 The land aristocracy 12 The Muslim world in the 9th and 10th century 14 The Hamdamids 15 The Fatimid Caliphate 16 Chapter 2 - Historiography 17 Leo the Deacon 18 Historiography in the Macedonian period 18 Leo the Deacon - biography 19 The History 21 John Skylitzes 24 11th century Byzantium 24 Historiography after Basil II 25 John Skylitzes - biography 26 Synopsis of Histories 27 Chapter 3 - Nikephoros II Phocas 29 Domestikos Nikephoros Phocas and the conquest of Crete 29 Conquest of Aleppo 31 Emperor Nikephoros II Phocas and conquest of Cilicia 33 Conquest of Cyprus 34 Bulgarian question 36 Campaign in Syria 37 Conquest of Antioch 39 Conclusion 40 Chapter 4 - John Tzimiskes 42 Bulgarian problem 42 Campaign in the East 43 A Crusade in the Holy Land? 45 The reasons behind Tzimiskes' eastern campaign 47 Conclusion 49 Conclusion 49 Bibliography 51 Introduction In the 10th century, the Byzantine Empire was ruled by emperors coming from the Macedonian dynasty. -
BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production. -
Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity. -
Krumbacher's History of Byzantine Literature Geschichte Der
318 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW. to Rome before 729 A.U.C. (25 B.C.) ; he was The chapters on the language and metre one of the first of the poets included by cannot be here summarized. It is enough Philip of Thessalonica in his Corona, and was to say that the author has shown much the friend and contemporary of Parthenius. insight and acumen in his observation and He was in all likelihood a tep.cher of Greek analyses, and that his task is indispensable and was perhaps the tutor of the children of to the student of the Greek Anthology, Octavia, as his fellow-countryman Potamon especially from the point of metre, and of (according to Westermann) became the contemporary historical references and al- teacher of Tiberius. lusions ; it is not without its value to the In a brief niantisa Variana the author student of Roman poetry, as well as in endeavours to controvert Mommsen's view pointing out many Latin turns of thought that in Ep. 33 (A.P. ix. 291) the defeat of and expression, as in giving us in a con- Varus is referred to; he claims that the venient form a collection of epigrams which reference is to the expedition of Germanicus without doubt the poets of the Augustan in 769 A.U.C. (16 A.D.). Likewise in Ep. 24 age were wont to con over and aimed to (A.P. vii. 741) he cannot, with Mommsen, reproduce in Latin form. see a necessary reference to the defeat of J. H. WEIGHT. Varus. KRUMBACHER'S HISTORY OF BYZANTINE LITERATURE. -
Part of Princeton's Climate Change & History Research Initiative
The climate of survival? Environment, climate and society in Byzantine Anatolia, ca. 600-1050 Part of Princeton's Climate Change & History Research Initiative J. Haldon History Department, Princeton University, USA Project Team: Tim Newfield (Princeton); Lee Mordechai (Princeton) Introduction Problem and context No-one doubts that climate, environment and societal development are Between the early 630s and 740s the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) empire lost some The onset of this simplification cannot be made to coincide either with known political linked in causally complex ways. The problem is in the actual mechanics 75% of its territory (Fig. 2) and an equivalent amount in annual revenue to the events, such as the Arab invasions, nor can it be made to fit neatly with any single linking the two, and in trying to determine the causal associations, or in Arab-Islamic conquests or, in the Balkans, to various ‘barbarian’ groups. How did it ‘climate change’ event. In some areas the simplified regime does indeed coincide assigning these causal factors some order of priority. Key questions survive such a catastrophic loss, and how was it able to recover stability and go with the onset of the more humid conditions, in others it begins much later, and in include, for example, at what scale are the climatic and environmental onto the offensive in the later 9th and 10th centuries? There are many factors, as others there is no change at all. So a first conclusion must be that while some farmers events observed, and how does this relate to the societal changes in noted already, but environmental aspects have hitherto been largely disregarded. -
Iconoclasm: a Christian Dilemma
ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY By STEPHEN CHARLES STEACY •• Bachelor of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1969 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS December, 1978 ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY Thesis Approved: '. ~- Dean of the Graduate College 1019541 ii P~F~E This thesis is concerned with Iconoclasm, the religious upheaval which troubled the Byzantine conscience for over a century. There have been numerous theories adduced by his torians to account for this phenomenon. It is the purpose of this study to view the varying interpretations, analyze their shortcomings, and to put forth a different view of the controversy, one that more adequately expresses the deeply rooted religious nature of the movement, a movement not only of the eighth and ninth centuries but an idea which was nurtured in fertile soil of the Old Testament and Apostolic Christianity. The author wishes to express heartfelt appreciation to his thesis adviser, Dr. George Jewsbury, whose unflagging solicitude, support, and inspiration were instrumental in the preparation of this work. A note of thanks is given to Mrs. Karen Hoyer, whose typing expertise, in the final analysis, made the difference between success and failure. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY 1 II. THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL COURSES OF THE CONTROVERSY. • • . • . • • . • . 13 Genesis of the Cult of Icons .•.• 13 The Scriptures as the Foundation of Iconoclasm. 26 Precursors of ·the Iconoclast Movement . 30 Origen . 31 Eusebius . -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith Bithos, George P. How to cite: Bithos, George P. (2001) Methodios I patriarch of Constantinople: churchman, politician and confessor for the faith, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4239/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 METHODIOS I PATRIARCH OF CONSTANTINOPLE Churchman, Politician and Confessor for the Faith Submitted by George P. Bithos BS DDS University of Durham Department of Theology A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Orthodox Theology and Byzantine History 2001 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published in any form, including' Electronic and the Internet, without the author's prior written consent All information derived from this thesis must be acknowledged appropriately. -
The World View of the Anonymous Author of the Greek Chronicle of the Tocco
THE WORLD VIEW OF THE ANONYMOUS AUTHOR OF THE GREEK CHRONICLE OF THE TOCCO (14th-15th centuries) by THEKLA SANSARIDOU-HENDRICKX THESIS submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF ARTS in GREEK in the FACULTY OF ARTS at the RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY PROMOTER: DR F. BREDENKAMP JOHANNESBURG NOVEMBER 2000 EFACE When I began with my studies at the Rand Afrikaans University, and when later on I started teaching Modern Greek in the Department of Greek and Latin Studies, I experienced the thrill of joy and the excitement which academic studies and research can provide to its students and scholars. These opportunities finally allowed me to write my doctoral thesis on the world view of the anonymous author of the Greek Chronicle of the Tocco. I wish to thank all persons who have supported me while writing this study. Firstly, my gratitude goes to Dr Francois Bredenkamp, who not only has guided me throughout my research, but who has always been available for me with sound advice. His solid knowledge and large experience in the field of post-classical Greek Studies has helped me in tackling Byzantine Studies from a mixed, historical and anthropological view point. I also wish to render thanks to my colleagues, especially in the Modern Greek Section, who encouraged me to continue my studies and research. 1 am indebted to Prof. W.J. Henderson, who has corrected my English. Any remaining mistakes in the text are mine. Last but not least, my husband, Prof. B. Hendrickx, deserves my profound gratitude for his patience, encouragement and continuous support. -
The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature Author(S): Romilly J
The Hellenistic Origins of Byzantine Literature Author(s): Romilly J. H. Jenkins Source: Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 17 (1963), pp. 37+39-52 Published by: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1291189 . Accessed: 29/09/2013 21:24 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Dumbarton Oaks Papers. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 96.242.69.165 on Sun, 29 Sep 2013 21:24:22 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE HELLENISTIC ORIGINS OF BYZANTINE LITERATURE ROMILLY J. H. JENKINS This content downloaded from 96.242.69.165 on Sun, 29 Sep 2013 21:24:22 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions E can make no attempt to survey Byzantine literature as a whole, not merely because of the sheer magnitude of the task, but also because much of it, and much of the best of it, does not derive from a Hellenistic source. The best poetry of Byzantium, which is found in her rhythmical hymnology, is an instance of this.' The great Krumbacher has warned us against the fallacy of regarding Byzantine literature as a mere offshoot of classical antiquity.2 It was an independent entity, created out of a fusion of Greek, Roman, oriental and native Byzantine elements, and perme- ated by an Orthodox Christianity which included not only the areas of dogmatic belief and everyday conduct, but also those of political theory and practice.