“ „Knowing As We Are Known‟ in Confessions 10 and Other
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Iamblichus and Julian''s ''Third Demiurge'': a Proposition
Iamblichus and Julian”s ”Third Demiurge”: A Proposition Adrien Lecerf To cite this version: Adrien Lecerf. Iamblichus and Julian”s ”Third Demiurge”: A Proposition . Eugene Afonasin; John M. Dillon; John F. Finamore. Iamblichus and the Foundations of Late Platonism, 13, BRILL, p. 177-201, 2012, Ancient Mediterranean and Medieval Texts and Contexts. Studies in Platonism, Neoplatonism, and the Platonic Tradition, 10.1163/9789004230118_012. hal-02931399 HAL Id: hal-02931399 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02931399 Submitted on 6 Sep 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Iamblichus and Julian‟s “Third Demiurge”: A Proposition Adrien Lecerf Ecole Normale Supérieure, Paris, France [email protected] ABSTRACT. In the Emperor Julian's Oration To the Mother of the Gods, a philosophical interpretation of the myth of Cybele and Attis, reference is made to an enigmatic "third Demiurge". Contrary to a common opinion identifying him to the visible Helios (the Sun), or to tempting identifications to Amelius' and Theodorus of Asine's three Demiurges, I suggest that a better idea would be to compare Julian's text to Proclus' system of Demiurges (as exposed and explained in a Jan Opsomer article, "La démiurgie des jeunes dieux selon Proclus", Les Etudes Classiques, 71, 2003, pp. -
Pythagorean Music in Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy
32 RAMIFY 8.1 (2019) “How Pythagoras Cured by Music”: Pythagorean Music in Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy KIMBERLY D. HEIL Interpretive schemata for reading Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy are plentiful. Some of the more popular of those schema read the work along the divided line from Plato’s Republic, taking as programmatic the passage from Book Five in which Boethius discusses the ways in which man comes to know through sensation first, then imagination, then reason, and finally understanding.1 Others read the work as Mneppian Satire because of its prosimetron format. Some scholars study character development in the KIMBERLY D. HEIL is a PhD candidate in Philosophy at the Institute of Philosophic Studies at the University of Dallas; she received a BA in Philosophy from the University of Nebraska at Kearney and an MA in Philosophy from the University of South Florida. She is currently a Wojtyła Graduate Teaching Fellow at the University of Dallas, where she teaches core curriculum philosophy classes. She is writing a dissertation on the relationship between philosophy and Christianity in Augustine of Hippo’s De Beata Vita. The title of this piece is taken from a section subtitle in the work The Life of Pythagoras by the second-century Neopythagorean Iamblichus. 1 See, for instance, McMahon, Understanding the Medieval Meditative Ascent, 215. He references two other similar but competing interpretations using the same methodology. “How Pythagoras Cured by Music” : HEIL 33 work as it echoes Platonic-style dialogues. Still others approach the work as composed of several books, each representing a distinct school of philosophy.2 Furthermore, seeing it as an eclectic mixture of propositions from various schools of philosophy re-purposed and molded to suit Boethius’s own needs, regardless of the literary form and patterns, is commonly agreed upon in the secondary literature. -
A Correspondent of Iamblichus TD Barnes
A Correspondent of Iamblichus Barnes, T D Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies; Jan 1, 1978; 19, 1; ProQuest pg. 99 A Correspondent of Iamblichus T. D. Barnes HE CORRESPONDENCE of the emperor Julian, as transmitted in T various manuscripts, includes six letters addressed to the philosopher Iamblichus (Epp. 181, 183-187 Bidez-Cumont).l Since Iamblichus died before Julian was born, it is impossible that the emperor could ever have written to the philosopher. On the other hand, the letters do not read like the productions of a deliberate forger, nor do they simulate an emperor's authorship. On internal criteria, one would naturally interpret them as letters from an absent pupil to his former teacher. Accordingly, Franz Cumont argued that these six letters, together with another two (Epp. 180, 182) and possibly another ten (Epp. 188-197), are genuine letters, which were mistakenly attributed to the emperor Julian because their real author was Julianus of Caesarea, otherwise known as a sophist active in Athens in the early fourth century.2 Joseph Bidez subsequently amplified Cumont's arguments into a study of Iamblichus and his circle which remains, after more than fifty years, the standard account of the philosopher's life. 3 The central thesis of Cumont and Bidez seems as secure as the nature of the case admits, but their deductions from it need some important modifications. First, as Bidez and Cumont later realised, a sophist from Caesarea in Cappadocia (Suda I 435) cannot be supposed to have written these letters,4 for one of the letters to Iamblichus states that writer and recipient share the same fatherland (Ep. -
Iconoclasm: a Christian Dilemma
ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY By STEPHEN CHARLES STEACY •• Bachelor of Arts Oklahoma State University Stillwater, Oklahoma 1969 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS December, 1978 ICONOCLASM: A CHRISTIAN DILEMMA - A BYZANTINE CONTROVERSY Thesis Approved: '. ~- Dean of the Graduate College 1019541 ii P~F~E This thesis is concerned with Iconoclasm, the religious upheaval which troubled the Byzantine conscience for over a century. There have been numerous theories adduced by his torians to account for this phenomenon. It is the purpose of this study to view the varying interpretations, analyze their shortcomings, and to put forth a different view of the controversy, one that more adequately expresses the deeply rooted religious nature of the movement, a movement not only of the eighth and ninth centuries but an idea which was nurtured in fertile soil of the Old Testament and Apostolic Christianity. The author wishes to express heartfelt appreciation to his thesis adviser, Dr. George Jewsbury, whose unflagging solicitude, support, and inspiration were instrumental in the preparation of this work. A note of thanks is given to Mrs. Karen Hoyer, whose typing expertise, in the final analysis, made the difference between success and failure. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. INTRODUCTION AND HISTORIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY 1 II. THEOLOGICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL COURSES OF THE CONTROVERSY. • • . • . • • . • . 13 Genesis of the Cult of Icons .•.• 13 The Scriptures as the Foundation of Iconoclasm. 26 Precursors of ·the Iconoclast Movement . 30 Origen . 31 Eusebius . -
THE SENTENCES of SEXTUS Wisdom Literature from the Ancient World
THE SENTENCES OF SEXTUS Wisdom Literature from the Ancient World Leo G. Perdue, General Editor Reinhard Gregor Kratz, Associate Editor Area Editors Bendt Alster Pancratius C. Beentjes Katharine Dell Edward L. Greenstein Victor Hurowitz John Kloppenborg Michael Kolarcik Manfred Oeming Bernd U. Schipper Günter Stemberger Loren T. Stuckenbruck Number 1 THE SENTENCES OF SEXTUS THE SENTENCES OF SEXTUS By Walter T. Wilson Society of Biblical Literature Atlanta THE SENTENCES OF SEXTUS Copyright © 2012 by the Society of Biblical Literature All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by means of any information storage or retrieval system, except as may be expressly permit- ted by the 1976 Copyright Act or in writing from the publisher. Requests for permission should be addressed in writing to the Rights and Permissions O! ce, Society of Biblical Literature, 825 Houston Mill Road, Atlanta, GA 30329 USA. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sentences of Sextus. The sentences of Sextus / Walter T. Wilson. p. cm. — (Wisdom literature from the ancient world ; number 1) ISBN 978-1-58983-719-5 (paper binding : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-1-58983-720-1 (electronic format) — ISBN 978-1-58983-727-0 (hardcover binding : alk. paper) 1. Christian life—Early works to 1800. 2. Sentences of Sextus. I. Sextus, Pythagoreus. II. Wilson, Walter T. III. Sentences of Sextus. English. 2012. IV. Sentences of Sextus. Greek. 2012. V. Title. VI. Series: Wisdom literature from the ancient world ; no. 1. BV4500.S4913 2012 248.4—dc23 2012041820 Printed on acid-free, recycled paper conforming to ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) and ISO 9706:1994 standards for paper permanence. -
Iamblichus' Exegesis of Parmenides'
IAMBLICHUS’ EXEGESIS OF PARMENIDES’ HYPOTHESES AND HIS DOCTRINE OF DIVINE HENADS Svetlana Mesyats 1. Henads and the Problem of the Transcendent First Principle The question about the First Principle is one of the central problems of Neoplatonism as well as that of every monistic system of philosophy, that considers the world as a creation of a single divine Cause. The problem here is the following: the absolutely transcendent and self-su cient Principle does not need to cause anything outside itself, because to be transcendent means to be entirely independent from all the rest. But a principle, which is entirely independent from its own efects, cannot be a cause, since causality presupposes some relationship between the causative principle and its efects. Consequently we are faced with a dilemma: either to de ne some principle as a cause, so that it depends by nature on its own efects and is no longer transcendent; or to de ne it as transcendent, so that it cannot be a cause. In the history of Platonic philosophy there were many eforts to solve this dilemma. In one of his treatises Plotinus described the One as a “productive power of all things” (δύναµις τῶν πάντων)1 and so to some extent introduced into the Absolute all the plurality of its efects, at least in the mode of potency, power. Plotinus’ pupil Porphyry abandoned the idea of the transcendent Principle and identi ed the supreme One with Being.2 Iamblichus after him proposed the theory of “two” Ones, rst of which he thought to be completely inefable and inexpressible, whereas the second one he understood as a cause in the true sense of the word in so far as it 1 Plotinus, Enneads III, 8, 10, 1. -
Analysis of Justice in St. Augustine's Political Philosophy and Nigerian
International Journal of Education and Human Developments, Vol. 6 No 2; July 2020 ISSN 2415-1270 (Online), ISSN 2415-1424 (Print) Published by Center for Global Research Development Analysis of Justice in St. Augustine’s Political Philosophy and Nigerian Political System ONUCHE, Joseph PhD. Department of Philosophy Kogi State University Anyigba, Kogi State Nigeria Abstract St Augustine of Hippo (354-430CE) is the most influential Christian philosopher in western Christianity after Paul the Apostle. This paper analyses justice in Augustine‟s political philosophy as contained in His „City of God‟. It will be argued that, we could learn from his answers to bad politicking which resulted in destruction of State. His answers on various theological and philosophical issues have continued to be relevant in modern theological and philosophical debate. A lot can still be learnt from him even in the area of Church‟s response to bad governance. Augustine‟s argument is that Kingdoms (Countries, nations) without justice are robberies, as Kings (Governors) of such are robbers. This supposition is illustrated with three historical allusions namely: the encounter of Alexander the Great with a Pirate, the establishment of Roman Empire by Romulus, and the establishment of Assyrian Empire by Ninus. Contextually, Nigeria as it is today falls into this category of robberies as the British colonial masters forced this unequal union for their personal, self-seeking and self-interest, to satisfy their libido dominandi. An analysis of what Augustine meant by justice will be carried out. Philosophically, Augustine evaluated justice from Neo-Platonic background and theologically from Pauline concept of justice. -
Epicurus on Socrates in Love, According to Maximus of Tyre Ágora
Ágora. Estudos Clássicos em debate ISSN: 0874-5498 [email protected] Universidade de Aveiro Portugal CAMPOS DAROCA, F. JAVIER Nothing to be learnt from Socrates? Epicurus on Socrates in love, according to Maximus of Tyre Ágora. Estudos Clássicos em debate, núm. 18, 2016, pp. 99-119 Universidade de Aveiro Aveiro, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=321046070005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Nothing to be learnt from Socrates? Epicurus on Socrates in love, according to Maximus of Tyre Não há nada a aprender com Sócrates? Epicuro e os amores de Sócrates, segundo Máximo de Tiro F. JAVIER CAMPOS DAROCA (University of Almería — Spain) 1 Abstract: In the 32nd Oration “On Pleasure”, by Maximus of Tyre, a defence of hedonism is presented in which Epicurus himself comes out in person to speak in favour of pleasure. In this defence, Socrates’ love affairs are recalled as an instance of virtuous behaviour allied with pleasure. In this paper we will explore this rather strange Epicurean portrayal of Socrates as a positive example. We contend that in order to understand this depiction of Socrates as a virtuous lover, some previous trends in Platonism should be taken into account, chiefly those which kept the relationship with the Hellenistic Academia alive. Special mention is made of Favorinus of Arelate, not as the source of the contents in the oration, but as the author closest to Maximus both for his interest in Socrates and his rhetorical (as well as dialectical) ways in philosophy. -
La Prière Dans La Tradition Platonicienne
446 Recensiones La prière dans la tradition platonicienne TIMOTIN, ANDREI (2017). La prière dans la tradition platonicienne, de Platon à Proclus. RRR 22. Turnhout: Brepols. 296 pp., 80,00€ [ISBN 978-2-5035- 5748-20]. GARY M. GURTLER, S. J. Boston College [email protected] This book provides a marvellous retrieval of Greek philosophical reflection on the nature of prayer in the wider context of Greek culture and its evolving un- derstanding of the relation of the human and the divine. It thus joins a remarkable project overcoming the scholarly assumptions of the last two centuries. This project is international and multilingual, as Andrei Timotin (AT) makes clear in his notes and bibliography here and his collaboration with John Dillon in Platonic Theories of Prayer (2016). The bibliography, spanning 20 pages, has references in English, French, German, and Italian. Where the religious dimension of ancient thought had been relegated to the fringes, it has now become a central topic. Where the prayers in Platonic dialogues had been passed over in silence, they are now examined with all the resources of modern scholarly method. AT’s approach is both chronological, from Plato to Proclus, and thematic, examining philosophy, religion, and rhetoric. https://doi.org/10.20318/arys.2019.5005 - Arys, 17, 2019 [446-449] issn 1575-166x Recensiones 447 Beginning with Plato, AT divides his attention between the discussion in the Laws and the Republic, with the relation of prayer to the religious tradition and the role of civic cult, and the examination of Homer and religious poetry. In both in- stances, AT shows that Plato sees his task as defining the proper prayer for indi- viduals and cities and critiquing those expressions of prayer that fall outside what is proper, whether in the writings of the poets or the attempts of the immoral to influ- ence the gods. -
Pseudo-Dionysius and CG Jung
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Goldsmiths Research Online ! ∀# ∀ ∃%% &∀∋ (∀ ! % )∗+)% ! ∀# ∀ ∃%% &∀∋ % , % − . ! % / ! !00 %∋%%∀102++20 ∋ ∋ , % ∀∀/ ∀ ∋ / ∀% ∀∋ ∀ / / ∃∋ / 3% ∋ ∋ ∀ ∋ 4 5 / # / 3 ∀ 0 6∀ / ∀/ 3∀ 3 ∀% # 7∀ # / / ∋ ∀ ∋ ∀∋ 3 ∀ ∋ ∋ 3 13 ∋ ∀ ∋ % 8 ∀ 6∀ ∀ ∀ / ∀∋ ∋ ∋ % ∀ / 4 5 / ∋ ∀ ∋ ∀ ∃ 7 / ∀ / ∀ ∀ ∀ ∀ ∀ % (∀ ∀ / ∀ % / 3 3 % / ∀ ∀ ∋ ∋ 6∀ / ∀/ 3∀ 13 ∋ % !00 #∋%∋ %%∀1 ∃ ! /# 9∋%%∀1 Apophatic Elements in the Theory and Practice of Psychoanalysis: Pseudo-Dionysius and C.G. Jung by David Henderson Goldsmiths, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ! ∀! I declare that the work in this thesis is my own. David Henderson Date: ! #! Acknowledgements I am grateful for the help I have received from my supervisors over the time I have been working on this project: Robert Burns believed in the value of the original proposal and accompanied me in my exploration of the work of Dionysius and neoplatonism. Brendan Callaghan supported me when I was in the doldrums and was wondering whether I would reach port. Roderick Main gave me encouragement to finish. He read my work intelligently and sympathetically. I regret -
Philosophy in the Roman Empire: Ethics, Politics and Society: Ethics
PHILOSOPHY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Drawing on unusually broad range of sources for this study of Imperial period philosophical thought, Michael Trapp examines the central issues of personal morality, political theory, and social organization: philosophy as the pursuit of self- improvement and happiness; the conceptualization and management of emotion; attitudes and obligations to others; ideas of the self and personhood; constitutional theory and the ruler; the constituents and working of the good community. Texts and thinkers discussed range from Alexander of Aphrodisias, Aspasius and Alcinous, via Hierocles, Seneca, Musonius, Epictetus, Plutarch and Diogenes of Oenoanda, to Dio Chrysostom, Apuleius, Lucian, Maximus of Tyre, Pythagorean pseudepigrapha, and the Tablet of Cebes. The distinctive doctrines of the individual philosophical schools are outlined, but also the range of choice that collectively they presented to the potential philosophical ‘convert’, and the contexts in which that choice was encountered. Finally Trapp turns his attention to the status of philosophy itself as an element of the elite culture of the period, and to the ways in which philosophical values may have posed a threat to other prevalent schemes of value; Trapp argues that the idea of ‘philosophical opposition’, though useful, needs to be substantially modified and extended. To NGD, SWBT and NWBT Philosophy in the Roman Empire Ethics, Politics and Society MICHAEL TRAPP Kings College London, UK First published 2007 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © 2007 Michael Trapp Michael Trapp has asserted his moral right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work. -
Manetti's Socrates and the Socrateses of Antiquity
Manetti's Socrates and the Socrateses of Antiquity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Hankins, James. 2008. Manetti’s Socrates and the Socrateses of antiquity. In Dignitas et excellentia hominis: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi su Giannozzo Manetti, Ed. Stefano U. Baldassarri, 203-219. Florence: Le Lettere. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:2961810 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Manetti’s Socrates and the Socrateses of Antiquity Towards the middle of his Life of Socrates (c.1440), the first biography of the great philosopher written since antiquity, Giannozzo Manetti roundly states that the opinions attributed to Socrates in the books of Plato were genuine, and that furthermore they were shared by Plato too: Nullum igitur doctrinae [Socratis] apud nos monumentum extat, nisi si quis forte Platonis libros Socratis, magistri sui, monumenta appellare vellet. In quibus fere omnibus, cum Socrates loquens exprimatur, eas Socratis sententias fuisse vere simul atque eleganter dici potest quae in Platonis dialogis illius verbis efferuntur; et versa vice eas Platonis opiniones extitisse dicemus, quae ex ore Socratis pronuntiantur.1 The remark is one that a modern classical scholar could not but regard as staggeringly naïve, given the shelves full of books that have been written over the last two centuries attempting to recover the historical Socrates and, in particular, to distinguish his teaching from that of Plato.