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The Neronian Literary Revolution Mark Morford the Classical Journal, Vol
The Neronian Literary Revolution Mark Morford The Classical Journal, Vol. 68, No. 3. (Feb. - Mar., 1973), pp. 210-215. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0009-8353%28197302%2F03%2968%3A3%3C210%3ATNLR%3E2.0.CO%3B2-7 The Classical Journal is currently published by The Classical Association of the Middle West and South, Inc.. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/journals/camws.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers, and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Tue Jan 22 02:09:04 2008 THE NERONIAN LITERARY REVOLUTION N LITERATURE, as in politics and architecture, the Age of Nero was a time of I change. -
Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Livy's View of the Roman National Character
James Luce, December 5th, 1993 Livy's View of the Roman National Character As early as 1663, Francis Pope named his plantation, in what would later become Washington, DC, "Rome" and renamed Goose Creek "Tiber", a local hill "Capitolium", an example of the way in which the colonists would draw upon ancient Rome for names, architecture and ideas. The founding fathers often called America "the New Rome", a place where, as Charles Lee said to Patrick Henry, Roman republican ideals were being realized. The Roman historian Livy (Titus Livius, 59 BC-AD 17) lived at the juncture of the breakdown of the Roman Republic and the rise of the Roman Empire. His 142 book History of Rome from 753 to 9 BC (35 books now extant, the rest epitomes) was one of the most read Latin authors by early American colonists, partly because he wrote about the Roman national character and his unique view of how that character was formed. "National character" is no longer considered a valid term, nations may not really have specific national characters, but many think they do. The ancients believed states or peoples had a national character and that it arose one of 3 ways: 1) innate/racial: Aristotle believed that all non-Greeks were barbarous and suited to be slaves; Romans believed that Carthaginians were perfidious. 2) influence of geography/climate: e.g., that Northern tribes were vigorous but dumb 3) influence of institutions and national norms based on political and family life. The Greek historian Polybios believed that Roman institutions (e.g., division of government into senate, assemblies and magistrates, each with its own powers) made the Romans great, and the architects of the American constitution read this with especial care and interest. -
Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St. -
The Supernatural in Tacitus When Compared with His Predecessor Livy, Tacitus Has Been Said to Be Less Interested in the “Super
The Supernatural in Tacitus When compared with his predecessor Livy, Tacitus has been said to be less interested in the “supernatural,” a rubric under which we include the prodigies and omens of traditional Roman religion; characters’ participation in forms of religious expression, both traditional and non-normative; and nebulous superhuman forces such as fate and fortune. In this panel, we seek to modify this perception by investigating aspects of the superhuman, religious, and/or inexplicable in Tacitus’ works that contribute in important ways to his historiographical project and to our view of Tacitus as an historian. As the most recent contribution on this topic shows (K. Shannon-Henderson, Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals. Oxford, 2019), religion and its related fields are extremely important to Tacitus’ narrative technique, and ‘irrational’ elements such as fatum and fortuna are constantly at play in Tacitus’ works, particularly, but not exclusively, in his historical narratives. Each of the five papers that we have gathered for this panel addresses these topics from different angles, whether focusing more on the literary, historical, or linguistic elements of the Tacitean narrative under examination. Two papers focus on omens and other ways of predicting the future; two examine religious experiences of Tacitus’ characters; and one considers the role of fortuna in the world of the Dialogus. In the first paper, Contributor #1 examines the value of observing supernatural signs for decision-making in the Histories. In particular, s/he looks at the practical value of observing and interpreting supernatural signs as predictors of the future success or failure of military leaders. -
Latin Criticism of the Early Empire Pp
Cambridge Histories Online http://universitypublishingonline.org/cambridge/histories/ The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism Edited by George Alexander Kennedy Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063 Online ISBN: 9781139055338 Hardback ISBN: 9780521300063 Paperback ISBN: 9780521317177 Chapter 9 - Latin Criticism of the Early Empire pp. 274-296 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CHOL9780521300063.010 Cambridge University Press LATIN CRITICISM OF THE EARLY EMPIRE The name 'Silver Latin' is often given to the literature of the first century of the Christian era and is generally understood to imply its inferiority to the Golden Age of the late Republic and Augustan era. Analogy with the five Hesiodic ages, in which the silver age was both later and less worthy than the golden, suggests the cliche of decline. To what extent did the Romans of the early imperial period feel that they and their contemporaries were a falling away from the previous generation? We will see that the change in form of government, by denying opportunities for significant political speech, trivialised the art of oratory. But was there any such external constraint on poetry? Modern critics have reproached Silver Latin epic and tragedy with being 'rhetorical'. Certainly it is clear from Tacitus' Dialogus that men thwarted from political expression transferred to the safer vehicle of historical or mythical poetry both the techniques and ideals of public oratory. But just as no one suggests that Juvenal's satires were poorer compositions because of his apparent rhetorical skill, so rhetorical colouring in the higher poetic genres of tragedy and epic is not necessarily a fault. -
Fantasy As History in Annals Book 4
Histos Working Papers 2015.05 FANTASY AS HISTORY IN ANNALS BOOK 4 Aujourd’hui, je ne suis pas sûre que ce que j’ai écrit soit vrai. Je suis sûre que c’est véridique. —Today I am not sure that what I wrote is true. I am certain it is truthful. —This is why I say today that while knowing perfectly well that it corresponds to the facts, I no longer know if it is real.1 efore I begin to talk specifically about Annals Book 4, I should like to address the larger question of what we are talking about in the disci- Bplines of Classical history and historiography when we talk about truth, as it is one that has been for some time well-examined in other genres of his- torical inquiry.2 The theories and debates that have marked these other dis- cussions will be useful in opening up what has become repetitious in the querelle between historians and historiography scholars of antiquity; namely whether the literary interest of an ancient historian’s work has much or anything to do with uncovering the past events it relays. In particular Holocaust studies finds it urgent to discover a satisfactory way of thinking about this problem that does justice to the testimony of survivors. This testimony is not always congruent with what historians have discovered to be the ‘facts’ of the testimony, and the debate over the ‘truth’ of the testimony has much in common with the divide between Classical historians and we who take a more ‘literary’ approach. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses A study of the client kings in the early Roman period Everatt, J. D. How to cite: Everatt, J. D. (1972) A study of the client kings in the early Roman period, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10140/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk .UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM Department of Classics .A STUDY OF THE CLIENT KINSS IN THE EARLY ROMAN EMPIRE J_. D. EVERATT M.A. Thesis, 1972. M.A. Thesis Abstract. J. D. Everatt, B.A. Hatfield College. A Study of the Client Kings in the early Roman Empire When the city-state of Rome began to exert her influence throughout the Mediterranean, the ruling classes developed friendships and alliances with the rulers of the various kingdoms with whom contact was made. -
A Fork in the Road: the Catilinarian Conspiracy's Impact
A Fork in the Road: The Catilinarian Conspiracy‘s Impact on Cicero‘s relationships with Pompey, Crassus` and Caesar Jeffrey Larson History 499: Senior Thesis June 13, 2011 © Jeffrey Larson, 2011 1 But concerning friendship, all, to a man, think the same thing: those who have devoted themselves to public life; those who find their joy in science and philosophy; those who manage their own business free from public cares; and, finally, those who are wholly given up to sensual pleasures — all believe that without friendship life is no life at all. .1 The late Roman Republic was filled with crucial events which shaped not only the political environment of the Republic, but also altered the personal and political relationships of the individuals within that Republic. Four of the most powerful, and most discussed, characters of this time are Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 BC – 43 BC), Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (106 BC – 48 BC), Marcus Licinius Crassus (c. 115 BC – 53 BC), and Gaius Julius Caesar (c. 100 BC – 44 BC). These men often crossed paths and some even had close friendships with each other. Other than Pompeius, better known as Pompey, all the aforementioned individuals were involved, or reportedly involved, in one event which had profound effects on the personal and political relationships of all four individuals. This event is known as the Catilinarian Conspiracy of 63 BC. The Catilinarian Conspiracy was a pivotal episode in the politics of the Late Roman Republic that damaged both the political and personal relationships of Cicero, Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar. Politics in the Roman Republic was dominated by a small number of members of the senatorial class. -
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate from the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty
Aristocratic Identities in the Roman Senate From the Social War to the Flavian Dynasty By Jessica J. Stephens A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Professor David Potter, chair Professor Bruce W. Frier Professor Richard Janko Professor Nicola Terrenato [Type text] [Type text] © Jessica J. Stephens 2016 Dedication To those of us who do not hesitate to take the long and winding road, who are stars in someone else’s sky, and who walk the hillside in the sweet summer sun. ii [Type text] [Type text] Acknowledgements I owe my deep gratitude to many people whose intellectual, emotional, and financial support made my journey possible. Without Dr. T., Eric, Jay, and Maryanne, my academic career would have never begun and I will forever be grateful for the opportunities they gave me. At Michigan, guidance in negotiating the administrative side of the PhD given by Kathleen and Michelle has been invaluable, and I have treasured the conversations I have had with them and Terre, Diana, and Molly about gardening and travelling. The network of gardeners at Project Grow has provided me with hundreds of hours of joy and a respite from the stress of the academy. I owe many thanks to my fellow graduate students, not only for attending the brown bags and Three Field Talks I gave that helped shape this project, but also for their astute feedback, wonderful camaraderie, and constant support over our many years together. Due particular recognition for reading chapters, lengthy discussions, office friendships, and hours of good company are the following: Michael McOsker, Karen Acton, Beth Platte, Trevor Kilgore, Patrick Parker, Anna Whittington, Gene Cassedy, Ryan Hughes, Ananda Burra, Tim Hart, Matt Naglak, Garrett Ryan, and Ellen Cole Lee. -
Romans and Barbarians in Tacitus' Battle Narratives
ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER (Under the direction of Dr. Susan Mattern-Parkes) ABSTRACT The purpose of the study is to examine how Tacitus constructs ethnic stereotypes, namely those of the Romans and of the barbarians, in his battle narratives. The first section of the study explores his descriptions of technical aspects of the battle narrative, such as topography, use of weaponry, battle formations, and sieges. The second section examines the value judgments that Tacitus makes about the combatants and their actions, discussing the themes of discipline and virtus, as well as the leaders’ ability to lead by example and stifle dissent. In his descriptions of both the technical and the “moral” aspects of battle, Tacitus shapes his Romans quite differently from his barbarians. Tacitus constructs identities in his battle narratives possibly to satisfy his audience’s expectations or to make the scenes more understandable. Such constructions indicate that ethnocentrism plays an important role in Latin historiography, revealing racial prejudice in Roman society. INDEX WORDS: Tacitus, battle narratives, Roman army, barbarians, ethnicity. ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER B. A., Appalachian State University, 1998 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The University of Georgia in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS ATHENS, GEORGIA 2002 © 2002 Ryan Michael Seeger All Rights Reserved ROMANS AND BARBARIANS IN TACITUS’ BATTLE NARRATIVES by RYAN MICHAEL SEEGER Approved: Major Professor: Susan Mattern-Parkes Committee: James Anderson Erika Thorgerson-Hermanowicz Electronic Version Approved: Gordhan L. Patel Dean of the Graduate School The University of Georgia August 2002 iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Several people were instrumental in the completion of this thesis. -
Roman Banditry: Scorning Senatorial Skullduggery in Sallust
Penn History Review Volume 18 Issue 1 Fall 2010 Article 6 December 2010 Roman Banditry: Scorning Senatorial Skullduggery in Sallust Brady B. Lonergran University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/phr Recommended Citation Lonergran, Brady B. (2010) "Roman Banditry: Scorning Senatorial Skullduggery in Sallust," Penn History Review: Vol. 18 : Iss. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol18/iss1/6 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/phr/vol18/iss1/6 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Roman Banditry Roman Banditry: Scorning Senatorial Skullduggery in Sallust Brady B. Lonegran It is generally accepted that during both the Republican and Imperial eras (including the Pax Romana), banditry was commonplace throughout the known world.1 Due to its prevalence outside of urban centers, contemporary writers regarded brigandage as an unremarkable natural phenomenon only warranting a cursory glance.2 For this very reason, in his book Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality (1999), Grünewald argues that an empirical study on banditry is simply impossible.3 However, as MacMullen notes in his appendix on ‘Brigandage,’ the Latin term latro (or the Greek: lestes) was applied to men apart from the traditional bandit. For example, it included individual usurpers or challengers of legitimate Imperial power rather than bands of marauders from the ‘barbaric’ border-states.4 Grünewald takes this observation further in his work on bandits and emphasizes latrones and lestai as historical categories, which can be used to classify social realities. For him, the latro is a literary topos, an “artifact of the literary imagination.”5 ‘Banditry,’ as viewed in Rome, was synonymous with the illegitimate exercise of personal power.