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“Each of Us Is Just a Little Microcosm of Scotland:” Identity, Politics, and Ideology in Folk

Music in Post-Brexit Scotland

A Thesis Presented to

The Faculty of the Department of Sociology

Colorado College

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree

Bachelor of Arts in Sociology

Celia O’Brien

November 2017

Emily Schneider

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On my honor, I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this thesis.

Celia O’Brien

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Thank you to Emily Schneider for her guidance, knowledge, and encouragement throughout this process, and for her patience as I fumbled my way through, sometimes while still jet-lagged.

A special thanks to the Keller Family Venture Grant Fund at Colorado College, whose financial support enabled me to carry out this research.

Thank you to all of my wonderful, talented, thoughtful interviewees; thank you for your craft and for opening up to me. I'm deeply indebted to everyone at Black Medicine Coffee Co. for the love, laughter, fuel and office space. Thanks also to beautiful family and friends for their love and support, even (especially) when I only (barely) made sense to myself.

I would also like to thank Kathy Giuffre for helping me nurture the seeds of ideas that eventually blossomed into this thesis, for the endless wisdom, and for understanding everything I mean about home.

This paper is dedicated to the incredible musicians I interviewed and listened to—singing, talking, playing, sometimes all at once—and who welcomed me into their world.

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ABSTRACT

The research presented in this paper seeks to understand whether political attitudes about the failed Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014, and Brexit in 2015, are manifested in contemporary folk music in Scotland. Building upon social identity and field theories, I examined how music serves to foster and negotiate national and political identities in this time of political turmoil. By conducting interviews and focus groups with 16 respondents, and through six sessions of participant observations, I investigated how musicians define notions of Scottish identity and authenticity regarding their and others’ folk music. I found that in general, musicians are not overtly political in their music, but the practice of “doing” folk music allows them to establish and validate their widespread left-wing, socially liberal ideologies.

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A BRIEF HISTORY OF SCOTTISH POLITICS

Scottish history involves a long thread of wars over, declarations of, and struggles for independence and self-sovereignty. The Declaration of Arbroath was signed in 1320, during the

First War of Scottish Independence, to declare Scotland as its own free nation (Goring 2014). In

1707, the Union of the Scottish and English Parliaments formed the United Kingdom. This marked a turning point in Scottish history, a “political twinning…[which] remains a painful subject in certain quarters, and some nationalists still gnaw over its bones” (Goring 2014:111).

The 18th century saw a series of failed attempts, known as the Jacobite Uprisings, to restore a

Catholic (and Scottish), rather than Protestant English, king to the British throne.

Over 200 years after the last of these rebellions, in the 1960s, the discovery of oil resources within Scottish territory helped fuel rapid economic development (Symon 1997). In

1967, the Scottish National Party (SNP) won a second seat in the English Parliament, showing that the party “would be a force to be reckoned with” (Goring 2014:380), thus demonstrating a growth in political growth. These developments fostered a new sense of Scottish national identity that was separate from England, although not strongly enough to pass the first proposed devolution referendum in 1979 (Symon 1997).

In 1999, though, a Scottish Parliament was established, giving the nation the autonomy to control certain (arguably small-scale) areas, such as the education and legal systems (McCracken

2014). All of these events have contributed to a growing sense of self-confidence within

Scotland; the most recent demonstration of which was the vote for Scottish independence in

2014. Despite promising (from the pro-Independence side) reports from polls leading up to the vote, Scotland voted “No,” 55 to 45 percent, to the question: “Should Scotland be an independent country?” The debate over independence was largely economical, but social and cultural issues 6 and differences also played a part. For example, McCracken (2014) mentions that David

Cameron, the United Kingdom (U.K.) Prime Minister at the time, symbolized “the archetype of

Imperialist privilege; something that is about as far removed from Scottish sensibilities as possible.” In this way, the effort to get out from under the Westminster government, so dominated by similar politicians, was an ideological concern as well as an economic one.

In 2015, another dramatic vote took place, and Britain opted to leave the European

Union. Nicola Sturgeon, the First Minister of Scotland and leader of the SNP, consequently demanded a new vote for Scottish independence because “Scotland must have a choice about

[its] future. A choice between following the U.K. down the Brexit path, and becoming an independent country” (Cheyne 2017, quoting Sturgeon). However, in the past year, this call for another referendum has been put on hold until Brexit negotiations become clearer (Bews 2017).

Thus, since the Union in 1707, Scotland has made several attempts to establish political autonomy, from restoring a Catholic king to the British throne, to aiming for full independence from the U.K. in 2014. Now, Scotland is at a liminal point in history, struggling with the

Westminster government and the isolating economic, political and cultural ramifications Brexit will have.

LITERATURE REVIEW

National Identity and Scottish Nationalism

As illustrated in the Introduction, Scotland’s political relationship to England has been contentious throughout history. As a result, its national identity has been partially constructed in relation (indeed opposition) to England. The history of this relationship has, for some, fuelled a desire to construct Scottish identity as distinct and separate from “the English,” because 7

“English” connotes domination and subjugation. Ian Telfer (1999), a Scottish musician from the

British group Oysterband, for example, wrote that “you [can] define yourself in opposition to whatever bits you don’t like of the society you actually have to live in...We [Scots] are artists at this, past-masters. We like to define ourselves versus the English” (p. 75, emphasis added).

Telfer’s statement demonstrates a phenomenon of social identity theory, whereby adopting and identifying with certain favorable qualities helps to paint oneself/one’s group as supposedly better than others (Tajfel and Turner 1979). This premise helps inform the research presented in this paper, which is concerned with the possible ways in which Scottish identity is being redefined and renegotiated in light of recent political struggles with England, specifically the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 and Brexit in 2015.

Social Identity Theory and Belonging

Social identity theory, developed by Tajfel and Turner (1979), seeks to explain how one’s membership in a group shapes one’s perception of self through the processes of social categorization, identification, and comparison (Tajfel and Turner 1979). They suggest that people’s sense of self-worth comes from their membership in groups; as a result, they ascribe positive definitions and qualities to their own group and negative ones to out-groups, to elevate their own group’s status. Michael Billig (1995) furthers this point by arguing that different identities become more or less salient in different contexts so that no individual is always consciously thinking about each identity all the time, a phenomenon he calls the “latency” of identity. In the research presented here, I seek to understand how folk music in Scotland helps to catalyze this salience. An “us and them” dichotomy ensues from people’s attempts to distinguish themselves and their group from non-members and out-groups. This relates to Bourdieu’s (1984) 8 field theory, because these attempts to distinguish oneself and one’s group is also a strategy to achieve dominance in a given field.

Bourdieu theorizes that cultural fields involve a struggle among actors for legitimacy and power (Bourdieu 1984, Swartz 1997). Due to the nature of the constant struggle, all actors are positioned relationally to each other; when the position of one actor or group shifts, so do those of other actors. Thus, anyone’s position is never fixed or guaranteed, and all positions are interrelated. For some actors to be dominant in the field, there must be others with subordinate positions. Building on social identity and field theories, this study is concerned with how folk music, as a platform for expression of identity and politics, can also function as a platform for questions and discourses about Scottish identity and Scottish nationalism post-Referendum and post-Brexit. As Scotland struggles for political autonomy from the Westminster government, it is worth investigating if and how these political struggles and attitudes, and understandings of identity, are playing into Scottish folk music (the reason for choosing this lens will be discussed below). In other words, given the potential for homologies to exist between different fields, it is important to think of possible homologies between the political field and folk music field, whereby changes in one might reflect changes in the other (Bourdieu 1984, Swartz 1997, Symon

1997).

One issue worth addressing, however, is the risk of essentializing what “Scottish” means, because it risks “[reproducing] notions of the ‘boundedness’ or ‘purity’ of territorial or national identities,” as Symon (1997) articulates. Posing questions about Scottish identity and

“Scottishness” is contentious and problematic because it essentializes identity, and risks presuming a certain fixed, frozen definition. Rather, my research aims to understand and highlight whatever shifts in people’s definitions might be taking place, as consequences of 9 current political events, and through the lens of folk music.

Music can empower groups and individuals who may lack it in other ways, and can function as both “the medium and outcome of experience” (Kong 1995:184). The experience of lacking certain forms of power or capital (Bourdieu 1984) invokes certain strategies for people in subordinate positions to either deal with or subvert these challenges. For example, Dick

Hebdige’s (1979) analysis of the rise of reggae music in post-World War II Britain illustrated how music can serve as a way of subverting the social hierarchy. By highlighting race and class divisions, “turning negritude into a positive sign…a weapon at once deadly and divinely licensed” (1979:37) and other subversive strategies, reggae music became a symbolic weapon that empowered its creators and listeners. Kong (1995) underscored this point, describing music as a consequence of experience, and thus a productive medium to deal with that experience.

Through this lens, we can begin to see how folk music in Scotland can provide ways of expressing and negotiating social and political identity and fostering a sense of belonging to a group (Shoupe 2001, Russell 2007, Campbell 2012, Wood 2012).

Musical Communion

Music, like other art forms, can be experienced in a variety of ways and levels. It can be experienced in everyday contexts as well as specialized ones, where music is the focal point of activity (Bauman and Sawin 1991, DeNora 2000, Knox 2008). Moreover, music can be produced at varying levels, ranging from that of the individual to that of an entire culture. On a cultural level, music has profound symbolic meaning because it has the ability to bring individuals together and foster a group identity, using music as a communal building block of social life

(Schutz 1951, Symon 1997, DeNora 2000, Russell 2007, Gilbert 2009, Campbell 2012). In 10

Making Music Together, Schutz (1951) theorized that music is produced in a co-formative process involving composer, performer, and beholder, who “[share]…the other’s flux of experiences in inner time, this living through a vivid present in common” (p. 92). From this standpoint, the shared experience of the music despite the subjective experience of inner time helps construct a group, a “We,” as Schutz said. This construction of “we” is relevant to my research as the communal aspects of music-making, the “re-fashioning and re-creation of the music by the community” (Campbell 2012, citing Bohlman 1988:xiii) makes this genre worthy of study, particularly when “community” operates on local, regional, national, and global levels.

The Search and Struggle for Authenticity

Cultural sociologists have argued that art fields are structured by tensions among actors, who fight for legitimacy and the power to define what is real and often “authentic” art (Symon

1997, Russell 2007, Giuffre 2009). Relationships of domination and subordination exist because certain actors and groups possess or lack this power, and use various strategies to maintain or obtain it (Bourdieu 1984, Hebdige 1979, Swartz 1997). In her study of artists and creativity in

Rarotonga, Giuffre (2009) found how issues of ethnicity, ancestry, location of upbringing and education, and language all constituted what she calls an “ideological battle” (2009:111) for power over the definitions of authenticity and quality. Similarly, Symon (1997) found examples of field struggles in his study of a famous Scottish folk band of the 1980s, Jock Tamson’s Bairns, who strove to cultivate a distinctly Scottish sound (in contrast to the more typically and prevailing “Irish” sound, which was more conventional at the time). Symon argues that the

Bairns asserted their Scottish identity through their conscious choice to have a distinctly

“Scottish” sound, which manifested in their instrumentation and repertoire (Symon 1997).

The definitions and boundaries of authenticity in art fields are contentious. The quest for 11 authenticity has often been studied and discussed in the context of tourism, seeking to understand tourists’ need and search for authentic experiences. (MacCannell 1976, Cohen 1988, Chhabra

2005). In his discussion of Scottish song traditions evolving from being banal to more spectacular, Knox (2008) claims that “authenticity is always emergent, contingent, and contestable” (2008:256). Bothy ballads are a subgenre of folk music rooted in the Northeast of

Scotland, whose songs and practice were about mundane, everyday aspects of farming life. Knox

(2008) discusses how they have become less mundane in practice and presentation and turned into a “fossilized heritage spectacle” (p. 257). One “category,” so to speak, of bothy ballads is the “Music Hall” songs, which were composed in the 20th century by folk who “did not live in bothies [houses for the hired farmworkers] nor live out the lifestyles conveyed [in the songs]” (p.

263). As such, the music hall ballads have been criticized and excluded by some scholars and folksong collectors for their inauthenticity. Knox’s (2008) essay helps demonstrate the subjective nature of the word “authenticity,” because despite academic definitions and impositions of the word, the music hall bothy ballads are still useful in their representation of a particular time period when bothy ballads began to be seen as “heritage product…to represent a vision of a disappearing rural northeast” (p. 263). Building upon this framework, as well as Giuffre’s (2009) concept of an “ideological battle,” notions of and claims about authenticity—particularly as it pertains to Scottish folk music—are political in themselves. Certain definitions of authenticity can serve to perpetuate hegemonic visions of “Scottishness,” consequently imposing restrictions and essentializing what it means to be Scottish.

The Banal, the Spectacle, and Upholding Regional Identity

Public ritual events such as music festivals and competitions have been widely 12 acknowledged as places that help to form group identity and a sense of belonging and community (Bauman and Sawin 1991, Russell 2007, Knox 2008, Gilbert 2009, Campbell 2012).

Bothy ballad competitions, for instance, have become new ways to “celebrate and dramatize the singing” of songs which were once central to the agricultural system in Scotland. Because industrialization and modernization have made agriculture less relevant to Scotland’s economic and cultural makeup, competitions have become modern contexts for bothy ballads to be sung, and consequently for this aspect of regional identity to be recognized and validated (Symon

2997, Russell 2007).

While the performance context has changed over time, Russell (2007) argued, the songs remain relevant as “musical illustrations of [Northeast Scotland’s] social history…with a shared understanding of who we think we have been and where we think we have come from” (p. 186).

The public spectacle of the bothy ballad competition reasserts this understanding by bringing community members together, continuing the tradition of the songs being experienced in group contexts and as a way of expressing social values, norms, and challenges. Moreover, Russell argued that despite changes in performance context, “the overarching function of bothy ballads in upholding a regional cultural identity has remained largely the same” (p. 186), which is to say, the function of expressing and adapting to contemporary social issues and challenges. Russell claimed that the repertoire performed—including modern compositions, which still deal with contemporary issues—combined with the consumption of whisky and traditional Scottish food, help “authenticity” to remain intact.

Dan Knox (2008) similarly claimed that such spectacles are avenues to “evoke a regional or national identity” (2008:260). He argued, however, that at the time these older songs and ballads were composed, their authors did not necessarily intend to construct such identities. 13

Knox wrote,

The ballad authors of 1820-1860 were not, in any way, interested in the creation of a distinctive regional tradition or voice. The bourgeoning of such a regional tradition has been a byproduct of collection and contemporary performance. Collections of folksong establish a broad tradition which acts as a legitimate institutional framework for contemporary (re)enactments (2008:264).

In other words, the field of at least this subgenre of Scottish music has not always been a field, and the spectacularization, so to speak, of bothy ballads “enables [performers and spectators] to position themselves within a broader imagined community” (Knox 2008:257). The songs have become memorialized over time as cultural artefacts by scholars and collectors. Building on

Bourdieu’s field theory, the transformation of a once banal tradition into a public spectacle such as those discussed by Russell (2007) and Knox (2008) entails the construction of a field, and consequent formations of power relations within it. The production of festivals and competitions validates these cultural objects as legitimate, because it demonstrates that they are worth performing and that the regional culture they represent (in this case, the northeast of Scotland) is one worth celebrating. Moreover, such processes demonstrate the “iterative practices” of culture that help, as Stein (2008) claimed, to formulate conceptions of national intelligibility. National intelligibility, Stein (2008) said, “identifies what we might call a national protocol of recognition” (p. 3). It can be understood as a medium of communication, allowing people to distinguish between in-groups and out-groups, in the same way that language and accent can distinguish members from non-members.

Negotiating “Scottishness” and Music as Banal Nationalism

Nicola Wood’s (2012) study discusses these very topics of Scottishness and musical performance, and “how music is ‘used’ by ethnic and social groups to either support or subvert 14 the political and cultural interests of a nation-state” (Wood 2012:197). Her research also addressed previous methodological problems that fail to recognize national identities as constantly re-forming through repetitive acts, in the form of both more spectacular events and through mundane acts in everyday life (Billig 1995, Knox 2008, Wood 2012). This echoes

Rebecca Stein’s (2008) concept of national intelligibility, which

can shift dramatically during periods of profound transition or upheaval within the nation-state…[and] a performative discourse that is sustained through iterative practices and can thus be contested and altered through such practices” (pp. 2-3).

Combining Stein’s (2008) notion of national intelligibility with Wood’s (2012) work, it follows that the performance—in either spectacular or banal contexts (Knox 2008)—of Scottish music can serve as one medium of iterative practice in order to contest and define national identity in this particular moment of Scotland’s political history. Wood (2012) articulates the ways in which

“Scottish” sounds in music are not necessarily or consciously sought after, but certain elements—such as instrumentation, rhythm, and language—make a piece recognizably

“Scottish.” She argues that the fusion of and experimentation with different styles and genres of music, particularly rock and jazz, demonstrates a broader ideology of social inclusivity and willingness to create “‘hybrid’ notions of ‘Scottishness’” (2012:208). Instead of remaining fixed in an essentialist definition of “traditional” or “Scottish,” folk music and its proponents are more outward-looking. However, and most importantly, Wood argued how playing “Scottish” music is not overtly for a political agenda, but is still a political act of banal nationalism (Billig 1995,

Wood 2012). Banal nationalism is the notion of mundane acts, practices, and objects seeping into our everyday lives, constantly and subconsciously reminding us of a national identity (Billig

1995). Building on Wood’s (2012) and Billig’s (1995) works, I hope to see whether and how music might function as banal (Scottish) nationalism in the present day context. 15

The studies and articles discussed above provide important frameworks for my questions, which concern the power dynamics and rules/standards that exist in the field right now, and whether or how they are shaped by concurrent political attitudes and events. Building on social identity and field theories, and on the premise that folk music is useful for cultural and political expression, I hope to answer the question of how political attitudes surrounding Scottish independence and Brexit are playing into contemporary folk music in Scotland. If folk music in

Scotland is a constantly evolving creation and expression of the community, then are the community’s concerns about Scotland’s political relationship to the U.K. and E.U. being reflected in their music? Within this question are concerns about how musicians define and understand their national identity, the notion of authenticity, and how music helps to navigate these issues. This is particularly worthy of study in this historical moment, when Scotland is in a state of political upheaval and transition since the Independence Referendum and Brexit.

METHODS

Qualitative data were collected through six sessions of participant field observation and

14 interviews. Two of these interviews were focus groups, each with two respondents, resulting in a total of 16 respondents. My sample was obtained through three primary methods: first, by contacting artists I knew of already through social media profiles; second, through snowball sampling, whereby informants and other interviewees connected me to other musicians; third, by attending pub sessions for participant observation and approaching musicians in person (some of whom also helped connect me to others).

The interviews focused on themes of authenticity, Scottishness, and political attitudes.

Questions about authenticity asked what songs/tunes, as well as performance styles, they 16 considered to be authentic. In terms of specific songs, I also probed about “kitschy” pieces, trying to understand whether certain songs might influence notions of authenticity, in the same way that Knox (2008) discusses in terms of the music hall bothy ballads. Early in the interview process, however, my questions about authenticity revealed a sort of reluctance to even apply the word to this music. I adjusted my questions, then, with the awareness and nuance that authenticity is problematic—but why?

When addressing the topic of “Scottishness,” I knew I had to be cautious of presuming and imposing an essentialist idea of Scottish identity. Moreover, labeling a piece of music as

“Scottish,” I was aware, could require and imply different things for different people. For example, is a song “Scottish” if it was written by an Englishman, but still talks about places in

Scotland and is sung by people in Scotland? Similarly, identifying oneself, much less a piece of music, as “Scottish” can be very contentious. My questions sought to understand the contingent qualities that respondents used in their definitions and conceptions of Scottish music and identity. Questions about political attitudes were specifically geared towards Scottish independence and Brexit, and whether/how these attitudes fit into the respondents’ own music and/or music they had heard from other artists.

The interviews were recorded on a handheld recording device and uploaded onto recording software on my personal computer. I transcribed each interview by hand in Microsoft

Word documents. All the names used in this thesis are pseudonyms.

I conducted four of the participant observation sessions at a small pub in Edinburgh known for its live music sessions seven nights a week. Having been to this pub before, I had at least a minor degree of entrée: I knew some of the social norms and etiquette that would help me blend in more easily, such as not to speak louder than the music, to contribute to the tip jar when 17 it was passed around, and even to remove my coat and bag upon entering—this simple act is, by and large, an easy way to distinguish oneself as familiar, settling into the place in a way that newcomers may not be ready or open enough to do. However, I was aware of how my being a young, lone female might make me stick out more than if I had a companion, and thus a potential target of unwanted attention (and although this never did become an issue, I brought a friend along to two of the sessions).

Another participant observation took place at a pub in Glasgow whose sessions are two days a week. I found this pub through an internet search for popular music pubs in Glasgow, since I was less familiar with the city and its venues; this pub was attached to a hotel, so attracted a few tourists. The methodological challenge with this set of observations was the spatial setup of the pub: It was a large room, in which the musicians and listeners were clearly divided between two opposite sides. The musicians were in a circle together, closed off visually from those of us listening and watching, making it difficult to see how the musicians were interacting with each other without getting up and either prowling around them or sitting myself down among them.

The BBC Radio Scotland Young Traditional Musician Awards Semi-Finals Concert was the other, more formal event for my field observations. I chose this event because, building upon

Knox’s (2008) ideas, it was more of a spectacle than the more “regular” pub sessions, and consequently would contrast with the banal settings of my other field observations. Additionally, its focus on young musicians could help provide insight on how they are working to establish themselves through a more formal, legitimized way (legitimized mainly due to the symbolic capital attached to the BBC sponsorship).

The observations were used to understand the communal aspect of the music making and 18 the social dynamics among the people present, players and listeners alike. I wanted to see how and whether Schutz’s (1951) idea of making music together, emotional response, and the consequent construction of a micro-community, were contingent on the performance context and style. Wood’s (2012) discussion of why it is important to study music through hearing and feeling (rather than only seeing/reading it) helped inform my methods. She emphasizes that as researchers, we must stay “attuned to the performative and musical dimensions of musical performances” (p. 199) rather than only studying the visual and semiotic aspects of music. With this in mind, I made a conscious effort in both my observations and interviews to notice and understand how individuals were feeling; how they responded to either the music or my questions. In the field observations in particular, it was important to me how the music created an emotional and potentially collective response among actors.

Table 1 below displays the list of respondents, their gender, and their primary instrument

(for example, whether they mostly sing, versus play the accordion), although it should be noted that several of these musicians played more than one instrument.

Table 1. List of Respondents and their Primary Instrument

Name Musical Occupation Name Musical Occupation Amelia (f) Singer, scholar Malcolm (m) Guitar

Donald (m) Guitar Imogen (f) Singer

Anna (f) Singer Jock (m) Guitar/singer

Mark (m) Guitar/singer Peter (m) Singer

Ewan (m) Accordion Hamish (m) Guitar

Mariah (f) Singer Jamie (m) Guitar/singer

Daniel (m) Piper, scholar Lucy (f) Singer

Silas (m) Concertina John (m) Piper, scholar

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RESULTS AND ANALYSIS Political and Cultural Confidence

While social identity and field theories suggest that groups and individuals will try to distinguish themselves as superior in status to other groups in order to gain autonomy in a given field, this study demonstrates that folk musicians in Scotland are not trying to distinguish themselves as more Scottish in order to paint themselves in contrast to England or English culture. Participants made it clear that their fight was not with the English, but specifically with

Westminster and the Tory government, “a class of people…who basically rule the roost,” as

Donald phrased it. Consequently, there is not a conscious or overt effort for musicians in

Scotland to distinguish themselves or their music as political or particularly “Scottish.” This was framed in terms of a strong sense of cultural confidence in Scotland. For example, Donald, a middle-aged musician living in Edinburgh, stated that

“that sense of Scotland as a different country, especially since devolution [in 1999], is something that’s quite widely assured. And because of that consciousness, I think that’s partly responsible for the reluctance to leave Europe.”

Sitting in his quiet university office, striped with books and studded with photographs of his old bands and various other musicians, Daniel, a piper and academic, echoed this idea. He said that

“There’s a confidence [in Scotland] now…what I would say is very recent, probably post- parliament…” This cultural confidence, flourishing since devolution, has dampened the need to aggressively distinguish Scottish culture or music because of its already established sense of self, nationhood, and legitimacy. Folk musicians already see Scotland as a legitimate political and cultural entity, and this political and cultural confidence translates into a relative lack of effort for distinctly “Scottish” music. Tying this back to Bourdieu’s (1984) field theory, the growth in political autonomy (i.e., devolution) has fed a growth in cultural autonomy in Scotland. This is 20 reflected in folk music in the sense that “[folk musicians] don’t have to sort of push [traditional music] down people’s throats anymore” (Daniel).

Peter Symon’s (1997) article about Jock Tamson’s Bairns, a Scottish band in the 1980s, helps to illustrate this point. Although not a political group, they were “‘sympathetic’ to the nationalist argument for Scottish independence” (Symon 1997:206). The failure of the 1979 devolution referendum mobilized efforts to establish a national identity separate and distinct from England. This translated, for the Bairns, into asserting a more “Scottish” sound and repertoire “at a time when establishing a distinctively non-English national identity” (Symon

1997:207) was particularly important. Jock Tamson’s Bairns’ efforts, as Symon argues, reflected a larger political struggle for autonomy. The difference between their efforts a few decades ago and right now, however, is that this distinct national identity has been established and indeed legitimized, especially since devolution in 1999. Consequently, there is less need, as Daniel said, to be so assertive in the field of folk music, to “push it down people’s throats.” From a

Bourdieuan perspective, the struggle for power in the political field is not necessarily informative of a current struggle within the folk music field to establish and assert a “Scottish” sound, or to express overt political attitudes. But while contemporary folk music is not overtly political, it is still ideological.

Ideology in Folk Music: Fostering Community and Looking Outward

Kong (1995) discusses how music provides a space for “hierarchical roles and statuses” to break down and instead foster a “temporary perceived bond” among equal and unified individuals (p. 195). Similarly, this study suggests that folk music in Scotland, while not overtly political, is nonetheless symbolic of larger ideological and political values by creating such spaces and fostering community bonds. For example, Anna, a self-proclaimed “person who 21 sings” (rather than “singer,” which for her connotes more pomp and ceremony than she likes or identifies with) from the northern tip of Scotland, uses music to literally reach out to and connect with others. She sings almost as much as she talks, makes direct eye contact with the person or people she sings to, and insists they learn the chorus (if there is one) so that they can join in with her. As we talked at her kitchen table, with the soft northern autumnal light gently pouring in through the window, she recalled a recent concert she managed in Glasgow. She told the attendees, who had come from the outskirts of the city:

“This is your village hall, to people who’d come from the outskirts, what we call the puir [poor] and the disregarded areas…you have every right to be here, as much as the ones that wear tiaras and stuff. Is what I’m really getting into them. This is your city, and your place.” The sentiment behind this message, while touching, also evokes a larger socio-political ideology.

In this context, music served not only to bring people together, but also to empower people who, in this example, lack socioeconomic status. It functioned to put this group on a level ground with

“the ones that wear tiaras.” This resembles how reggae music became a way for its followers to deal with their subordinate social status (Hebdige 1979). Whereas reggae became a symbolic weapon and positive marker of negritude, Anna’s scenario illustrates how music can empower people who lack certain status by validating their presence, their identity, and their belonging in a given place. Music thus serves an egalitarian agenda, and one in which boundaries between certain groups (i.e. the puir and the tiara-wearers) may be blurred or even become irrelevant. In doing so, music discredits the qualities which people of supposedly higher social status have claimed make them superior (Tajfel and Turner 1979, Bourdieu 1984).

Banal over Bombast: Nationalist Expressions in Music

Billig’s (1995) theory of banal nationalism suggests that signs and symbols make 22 nationalism pervasive in everyday life, albeit in subtle ways. This study indicates ways in which folk music can serve as one “flag” of banal nationalism, because it is by and large not dogmatic or overt in its political expressions. The music that is like this tends to be taken less seriously.

For example, multi-instrumentalist and session host Mark expressed an aversion to songs that are bombastic and “in-your-face” about political opinions, as he phrased it. When discussing a fellow Edinburgh-based musician’s explicitly pro-Independence songs, he said:

“It’s very kind of…almost fundamentalist. Like, this is the 100% truth, and that’s fact. Which doesn’t really ever apply to any situation, right? In any political situation, in any spectrum, the ‘Truth’ such as it is, is gonna be somewhere that’s not at one extreme or the other. So I think if your expression tends towards one extreme, people are not gonna listen to you, it’s like being hectored, it’s like being lectured” (Mark). For Mark, using music to “lecture” people about political values is not useful, and isolates listeners. Moreover, such lecturing has narrow-minded connotations, so thus runs counter to the open-minded and outward-looking ideologies that are central to both folk music and the political values of these musicians. Similarly, Daniel discussed this phenomenon in terms of the Yes (to independence) campaign leading up to the 2014 Referendum:

“[Folk artists] weren’t going around saying ‘here, listen to our very Scottish- sounding music,’ they weren’t doing that at all, really. In fact almost the opposite. Almost trying to look like they’re not inward-looking, you know ‘Scottophiles,’ you know? They wanted to be seen as reasonable, out-looking people, very interested in art but outward-looking, not inward looking. And albeit celebrating the Scottish traditions as being valid, but not – actually not playing the Scottish culture card, you know?”

In this sense, Daniel echoes Mark in saying that being aggressive or dogmatic about one’s political opinions is unproductive and contradictory to the anti-isolationist, outward-looking attitudes that structure left-wing nationalism. Through Billig’s (1995) framework of banal nationalism, when music is used bombastically, like in Hank’s music, it is less useful to conveying a message and more isolating; it fails to take other perspectives into account. Instead, 23 music as a flag of banal nationalism can express and reproduce left-wing ideologies in more understated yet pervasive ways. Perhaps Imogen, a young singer from the northeast of Scotland, illustrated folk music as a marker of banal nationalism most succinctly when she asked: “How could you do Scottish folk music and not be a Scottish nationalist?” In this question, she identifies doing folk music as inherently linked to nationalist identity. Because of this link, folk music already serves its nationalist purpose, and thus does not need to be used in more explicit or bombastic ways: “doing” folk music is a political and ideological statement in itself.

The interviews revealed a relatively small desire or need to use music for explicit political expression, but with a few exceptions. Jamie, a middle-aged singer-songwriter in

Edinburgh, rewrote the lyrics to one of his songs after the results of the Independence

Referendum; it has been transformed to blame no-voters for cowardice and caprice (in one line, over his Guinness, he asked bitingly, “who shat their tartan pants?”). Lucy, a Glasgow-based artist, told me about a song she had written for the Yes campaign, despite friends’ and peers’ discouragement at the risk of losing fans. Anna has written a few political songs, but they focus on past events rather than the 2014 referendum or Brexit. The only other overtly political songs came from hearing Hank (cf. Mark’s statement above), a singer-songwriter who hosts sessions at various pubs in Edinburgh, during my field observations. Overall, though, political attitudes were less explicit and more embedded within the ideologies that structure both the musicians’ political stances and the folk music field.

Pressure to Please: Being Political as Shooting Yourself in the Foot

The younger artists I spoke to (between ages 18 and 30) showed a particular hesitation to take political stances in their own music for fear of alienating part of their audience. Cradling his 24 coffee on a chilly Glasgow afternoon, Hamish, a guitarist in a band steadily growing in popularity around Scotland and Europe, said to do so would be a “silly move,” for fear of losing a substantial part of one’s fanbase. Another (but noticeably frustrated) guitarist, originally from

England, said, “I feel as though we’re being actively discouraged to be political and I don’t agree with that, to be honest…” (Malcolm). While frustrated with the pressure not to be overtly political, he and his contemporaries realize they are part of a world in which they must submit to these pressures in order to establish themselves as musicians; to do otherwise would be “like shooting yourself in the foot, a little bit” (Malcolm). Recalling Mark’s words from earlier, being overtly political risks isolating listeners, and thus losing a portion of one’s fanbase. This demonstrates a power dynamic in which the audience has a degree of control, because musicians must censor themselves and cater to what audiences do (or do not) want to hear.

Performance: Context and Communion

Performance setting and context, and the ritual aspect of music-making, created spaces in which political discourse could take place between songs, if not overtly within them. Concerts provide a platform to ignite discussions surrounding these political events. At the Young

Traditional Musicians concert, for example, the emcee reminded audience members to vote for artists for various other titles and awards. She joked, “And you know what happens when you don’t vote—you get Donald Trump for president.” This kind of political expression demonstrates how such expression can permeate musical performance spaces, if not through music then certainly through the banter in between.

Another example of this is the memorial concert recently held for the late organizer of the

Edinburgh Folk Club, Paddy Bort. Amelia recounted to me how in between songs and sets, 25 performers would make comments such as “So, we’re on the brink of nuclear war, but…” and would do so with the assumption that everyone was “roughly on the same page about [the state of the world]” (Amelia), reminding us of the widespread political homogeneity of the folk music field. Most noteworthy, however, was the finale song, the “Freedom Come A’ Ye,” whose last verse was repeated in German (in honor of Bort’s German origins). The specific time and place in which this happened (right after the Brexit vote) made the performance particularly remarkable and powerful for everyone involved, as well as relevant to this study and its concern with Brexit attitudes. The mixing of languages struck a chord with those in Scotland who are worried about losing an important economic and cultural relationship with their European neighbors. This concert provided a platform for this message and these feelings to be conveyed and experienced, thus backing Wood’s (2012) argument that “it is the social, cultural and political discourses that surround the creation and performance of music that enables ‘musical meanings’ to be derived” (p. 198). Finding meaning in any given piece of music is partly contingent on the situational context in which it is played and heard. This further echoes Kong’s

(1995) theorizing about music as both a medium and consequence of experience. As a medium, it channels the attitudes and feelings that make the music worthy of performance at all; as a consequence, it helps the people involved deal with and make sense of the challenges they face.

Pub Sessions

The more informal and mundane pub sessions, such as those I attended for my field observations, are equally useful in igniting such political and social discourses. The pub in

Edinburgh that I frequented is small, with a warm interior and walls adorned with quotes and excerpts of various Scottish poets and writers. Next to the bar, tucked beside the piano, is a 26 framed copy of the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath (in which Scotland declares itself to the Pope as a free sovereign state). These physical attributes are expressions of banal nationalism (Billig

1995). Banal nationalism, Billig posits, explains how “daily, the nation is indicated, or ‘flagged,’ in the lives of its citizenry. Nationalism…is the endemic condition” (1995:6). Banal nationalism, in the context of this Edinburgh pub, manifests not only in the “doing” of folk music as discussed above, but also in the decorations throughout the room: they are subtle reminders, operating on a subconscious level, of Scottish culture and history.

Each night sees an amalgam of tourists and regulars, crammed in among drams of whisky and foamy pints. Certain session hosts will play and sing music of various origins and genres, music of their own as well as covers, and often invite others in the crowd to perform. In this way, the hosts instigate a feeling of community, pushing away dichotomous notions of “us” (the hosts) and “them” (the audience). Rather, they use music as an equalizer, an avenue toward creating simply an “us.”

There are certain rules of etiquette, such as not speaking louder than the musicians are playing (“go somewhere else if you wanna be noisy,” Mark huffed), that represent a larger social tenet of communion and respect. Excessive volume frustrates the musicians because it tells them that their craft, an important part of their identity, is not worth being quiet for. As Jock said,

“You’re sat there giving it your all,” and noise (as well as meagre tipping) makes it feel like a

“wasted effort” (Mark). Rather than provide background noise, session hosts aim to use their music as a central, meaningful part of the pub experience. When people disrespect that, they disrespect the musicians themselves. This seemingly mundane rule helps the musicians in their efforts to connect with each other and with audience members through music. 27

By opening up the session to other players and singers, and by trying to establish a sense of conviviality and community, these musicians highlight a theoretical parallel between Schutz

(1951) and Anderson (1983). Schutz theorizes that the act of musicking together concretizes a feeling of “we,” of a community of players, listeners, composers, including those that only exist in the past. Similarly, Anderson (1983) argues that members of a group “will never know most of their fellow members, meet them, or hear of them, yet in the mind of each lives the image of their communion” (p. 49). The music played, heard and felt within the small room of this old

Edinburgh pub creates a “we” involving both the people physically present as well as the imagined group members who have heard or have yet to hear and share that music.

Authenticity While Knox (2008) discusses how notions and definitions of authenticity are complex and contingent on setting and audience, this study demonstrates a more deeply-rooted contentiousness surrounding “authenticity.” Generally, the notion of authenticity was either disliked or never considered by these musicians. While most folk artists tend not to dedicate much, if any, of their creative brainspace to the idea and supposed practice, academics in particular have an outward distaste for the word. The interviews supported that “authenticity” would be “emergent, contingent, and contestible” (Knox 2008:256), but they revealed a different type of contention than I predicted. Rather than the respondents having varying definitions, it became more a question of its fundamental merit. Amelia, for example, a scholar and singer in her thirties, said that “[authenticity] is both something I completely believe in and completely don’t. …‘What is authenticity…’ Blurgh….” Amelia’s distaste suggests the problematic nature of authenticity because she was reluctant to entertain the question at all. 28

Through MacCannell’s (1976) framework of staged authenticity, it is problematic because it defines certain things (in this case, songs/performances/artists) as more real. For folk musicians, this imposes unnecessary restrictions on what counts as real or true. Donald hesitates to use the word because it is “benchmarking [music] against a set of qualities…[such as being] unmarked by the ravages of time.” This hints at how the notion of authenticity, specifically in terms of Scottish folk music, essentializes notions of what it means to be authentically Scottish.

It risks freezing “Scottishness” in a time capsule of misty gloamings and heathery glens, without considering the constantly evolving, flexible, and multi-faceted ways in which Scottishness can be defined and experienced.

Instead of authenticity, respondents gravitated more towards “integrity,” for its use in describing folk music and its contingent forms and presentations. The tendency towards the word

“integrity” and away from “authenticity” reflects the tenets and values held by these musicians are manifested in both their political views and their understandings of authenticity and integrity.

Integrity was partly defined in terms of remaining connected to one’s roots and using it to inform innovation and creativity, the use of language and accent, and avoiding egoistical approaches to music.

Roots: Staying Grounded, but Trying to Grow

It is possible to gain too much popularity and favour because it risks standardization and loss of individuality, and thus integrity. In this sense, musicians face a kind of paradox in their field. They must compromise and balance their identity and their roots with their desire, or need

(particularly if music is their primary source of income) to establish themselves in their field. 29

Donald defined integrity as “a sense of being...true to your sources, of respecting your sources, respecting tradition, pursuing your artistic vision without distraction...not being bought off by the music industry. These would all be indices of integrity.” Here, Donald brings up the challenge of balancing roots of the tradition with innovation. Knowing and remaining connected with—but not bound up by—one’s roots are important features of integrity. Also illustrative of this was Amelia’s refrain, heard from a university colleague, that goes “Hats off to the past, coats off to the future,” indicating a dynamic of being connected to the past and one’s roots, but using this connection to inform future innovation and progress.

Moreover, being bought off by the music industry, as Donald suggested, presents a threat to one’s integrity because it pressures a musician to “eliminate the elements of their music that seemed to make them interesting in the first place, in order to curry favour with a sort of imaginary mass audience” (Donald). Imogen made a similar claim, related to her own experience as a singer:

“When I was young I was very purist about what I wanted to do, like I was always like, “I’ll do this, I’ll do this song, and I want this to appeal to Northeast audiences cause they are the only people that understand Doric, they’re the only people that understand my dialect.” But soon realized like, there was other Scots singers who were more marketable, and they appealed to a larger audience, because they were doing different songs, so they were making things more accessible. And I think that’s it, making it more accessible but still remaining true to tradition. Having integrity.”

For Imogen, an element of this integrity and connection to her roots was through the Doric language. Scottish folk music is a very niche genre of music, and, as Mark lamented, doesn’t receive the amount of attention or admiration as the chart music with billions of hits on

YouTube. But the risk of this, as Donald suggested, is losing touch with one’s roots and idiosyncrasies. The niche aspect of the field helps it remain grounded in its roots; getting billions 30 of hits on YouTube would take away from its integrity. Imogen, as a young musician trying to establish herself in her field, already recognized this challenge of having to balance her roots and background (“having integrity”) with appealing to enough people and audiences to establish herself. Recalling Bourdieu’s (1984) field theory, this illustrates a difficult struggle in the effort to distinguish oneself and gain legitimacy, because having both integrity and being accessible to more audiences are both necessary, but often paradoxical, to accomplish this.

Language and Identity

Language and accent, as Wood (2012) states, “can play a significant role in the formation of national cultures and identities. This is because they can reify the notion that a nation has a form of communication that is culturally distinctive” (p. 204). This section suggests that while language does, indeed, play a significant role, it does not necessarily exclude outsiders from joining in with the music.

The main languages in Scotland, besides English, are Scots (sometimes referred to as

Doric) and Scottish Gaelic. Of my respondents, only Mariah (originally from Germany) sang

Gaelic songs. Ewan and Hamish, who are both from the Highlands (the Gaelic-speaking region of Scotland), do not speak it but are in a band with two fluent Gaelic speakers. Although a minority language, it became an official language of Scotland in 2005 (Scottish Government

2017) Ewan and Hamish’s band sings one song that celebrates the language; one line translates roughly to “as long as Gaelic is written by the pen, I will love my glen” (Hamish). Although the song is a passionate expression of love for a language, culture, and homeland, it interestingly seems to be a favorite among international audiences: “It kind of…became this thing where even the people who didn’t speak Gaelic were singing along” (Hamish). 31

This band and their Gaelic song help illustrate Billig’s (1995) idea that certain situations making one’s identity more tangibly felt, experienced, and expressed. This particular Gaelic song, without expressing anything political per se, has political undertones in its celebration of a particular minority culture and language, and consequently causes an emotional response in the band’s piper, whose first language is Gaelic. He and his band members play it, but people around the world who hear it also love it, and sing it with him, despite not knowing Gaelic. In this way, it celebrates and affirms the piper’s cultural identity, but at the same time does not produce a barrier preventing non-Gaelic speakers from joining in with the music.

Similarly, accent can affect the experience and construction of identity through music.

Amelia, who is originally from England but identifies politically as a “New Scot,” showed a constant awareness of how her accent is interwoven into her song choice, the singing context and audience, and the overarching symbolism of certain accents as having more or less social power:

“I think particularly being English, and having quite a strong, veering on RP—but not RP—English accent, the putting on rotic R’s and all the rest of it would…it would be a bit icky. I don’t mind making the ‘Och’ noises, because you can make that noise without it being um…not feeling like it’s an affectation…[I wouldn’t like] trying to be something that I wasn’t….Having said that as well, I say I’d sing a Scots song, but I really…that would really depend on what the context is.…I would be more likely to choose a song that I can sing in English, rather than using Scots words. I wouldn’t change the words of the Scots song in order so that I can sing it, but I may not sing particular songs that require a lot of, you know had a lot of Scots dialects, or whether the way it sounds kind of relies on having a Scots accent, is one thing to slightly mess up in the privacy of your own home, and quite another thing to publicly…it has that slightly, yeah…there’s just a little bit of a tricky history that’s attached to that.”

Singing certain songs, particularly those with heavier Scots words or dialects, would bring out the symbolic power her ‘Englishness’ (specifically her accent) may carry. She makes conscious choices about what songs to sing in which contexts, based on her English accent and background, so as not to try to be or sound like something or someone she isn’t (i.e. by adopting 32 a certain Scottish accent); or to aggravate an already complex social and political relationship between these two nations by appropriating this element of Scottish culture. This is especially important to her, considering the “history of patronization towards Scots speakers” (Amelia).

Thus, her careful song choice is loaded with socio-political baggage, represented here through language and accent. Furthermore, her song choice based on language and accent demonstrates how her political identity as a New Scot does not grant her complete “insider status,” so to speak.

One moment she realized this was when her no-voting (to Independence) friends in Scotland questioned her “validity,” she said for lack of a better word, as an English woman (voting “yes”) in Scotland. She recalls that in discussions with them, “it became about, ‘is this really your

[Amelia’s] fight?’” Her being pro-Independence was seen as a potential threat to her no-voting peers; her English origin, despite her putting down roots in Scotland for many years, allowed them to question the validity of her opinion and diminish the perceived threat.

CONCLUSION

The beginning of this paper posed the question of how perceptions of authenticity might be undergoing redefinition and reconceptualization with the recent dramatic political changes. In short, the answer is that whatever redefinition of “authenticity” is taking place is due to a fading interest in the word. The neutral-to-contrary attitudes towards the concept of “authenticity” illustrate more than its contentious nature: further, they indicate the established self-confidence in Scotland that makes thinking about “authenticity” largely unwarranted. Moreover, the preference for “integrity” is due not only to a semantic difference but an ideological one. The integrity of playing, singing, and presenting a song or tune (through language, connection to the past, and keeping your ego in check) also involves the ability to connect and create something 33 together. “Authenticity” is by and large a outsider’s construct, used to satiate a need for new experiences and discoveries (MacCannell 1976, Chhabra 2005). Authenticity imposes certain standards on music about what “counts.” This ascribes exclusive definitions and boundaries, which contradicts the more egalitarian nature of folk music. Integrity better represents the ideologies that are shared among the folk music field and the actors’ political outlooks. These ideologies include reaching outwards and fostering community, egalitarianism, and staying connected to one’s roots and identity. However, gaining popularity and a mass audience (i.e., gaining symbolic and/or economic capital) can potentially risk an artist’s integrity (Bourdieu

1984) because they risk sacrificing the qualities that make them unique. In this way, having a position in the folk music field entails a balancing act between two distinct and potentially conflicting goals.

While most contemporary folk music is not outwardly political, it is ideological; it is thus useful as a platform for political discourse, and as a way of dealing with contemporary social and political issues—less so for explicitly campaigning against them. Recalling Russell’s (2007) essay, in which he discusses the purpose of bothy ballads to help its singers/listeners/ composers deal with and understand whatever contemporary challenges they face, one can see how this tradition continues now (and not only through bothy ballads). Contemporary folk music in

Scotland deals with contemporary issues in subliminal, less overt ways, but nevertheless alleviates some of the challenges of daily life. It does so by creating “the opportunity to feel part of a community, albeit an imagined one” (Kong 1995:195), and creating a way for musicians to celebrate and affirm certain elements of their own identities, such as language, accent, homeland, and roots. In short, Scottish music and the performances of it function as acts of banal nationalism because of the social and political meanings they carry. 34

As Brexit negotiations become clearer, and potentially make it far more difficult for musicians to tour through Europe, we may begin to see more political material. As entrée into other European countries becomes less accessible, artists such as Ewan, Hamish and Imogen might lose a great deal of work, income, and (self-)esteem. It is worth keeping an eye and an ear out for more overt expressions of political frustration as it begins to have more of a direct, noticeable impact on musicians’ work and careers. Future research could investigate this as

Brexit negotiations become more salient.

Right now, however, there is little desire or need to reassert national identity through music. The cultural confidence in Scotland makes this reassertion, if not unnecessary, then certainly less dire. As a result, folk music is less self-consciously or dogmatically “Scottish.”

From a social identity theory framework, music is not used to “other” certain people; its value lies in reaching across boundaries, rather than creating them. In this sense, this study illustrates how folk music can shape and reflect new, shifting understandings of identity. Using folk music to build community and construct a “We,” in the face of pro-Brexit, isolationist policies and attitudes, is powerful. Although a niche field, folk music in Scotland nurtures the very ideologies and values that contradict and challenge those that dominate the conservative government.

Doing folk music is a way to both find one’s way back to the music’s (as well as one’s own) roots, and all the places and people it has touched since then and up until now. Just as importantly, folk music is a road to the future, a spyglass through which musicians and listeners alike can look to the future in hope, and maybe in fear too, and try to work towards a more fair- minded world, echoing Amelia’s refrain: Hats off to the past, coats off to the future.

35

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