Notes

Introduction: Remembering and Looking Forward

1 Diana Rusk, ‘British-Irish relations reach an all-time high’, Irish News, 14 March 2012, pp. 8–9. 2 David McKittrick, Seamus Kelters, Brian Feeney and Chris Thornton, Lost Lives: The Stories of the Men, Women, and Children Who Died as a Result of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1999). 3 Declan Kearney, ‘Uncomfortable conversations are key to reconciliation’, An Phoblacht, 5 March 2012, available at http://aprnonline.com/?p=88667, accessed on 14 March 2012. 4 Michael Ignatieff, Warrior’s Honor: Ethnic War and the Modern Conscience (London: Chatto & Windus, 1998), p. 173. 5 See, for example, Neil Jarman, Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland (Oxford: Berg, 1997); see also Sara McDowell, ‘Commemorating the troubles: Unravelling the representation of the contestation of memory in Northern Ireland since 1994’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Ulster, 2006). 6 Mary Fulbrook, German National Identity after the Holocaust (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), p. 36.

Chapter 1 Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland

1 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (London: University of California Press, 1984), p. 184. 2 Jeffrey K. Olick, ‘From usable pasts to the return of the repressed’, avail- able at www.iasc-culture.org/HHR_Archives/UsesPast/Olick.pdf, accessed on 14 March 2012. 3 Ereshnee Naidu and Cyril Adonis, ‘History on their own terms: The relevance of the past for a new generation’ (2007), p. 4, available at kms1.isn.ethz.ch/ serviceengine/Files/ISN/99640/ipublicationdocument_singledocument/007e56 25-1ed7-4b05-baee-a491beb31f8f/en/history[1].pdf, accessed on 2 May 2012. 4 It is for this reason that the New Zealand historian and theorist, J.G.A. Pocock argued that ‘Disinterested historiography is possible only in stable societies, where the present is fortified by means other than the writing of histories’, ‘Time, institutions and action: An essay on traditions and their understanding’ [1968], in Political Thought and History: Essays on Theory and Method (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 215. 5 For Volkan, a clear example of ‘chosen trauma’ was Slobodan Milosevic’s con- juring of the ghosts of the Battle of Kosovo to mobilise Serbian nationalism. See, for example, Vamik D. Volkan, ‘Chosen trauma, the political ideology of entitle- ment and violence’ (N.P. 2004), available at www.vamikvolkan.com/Chosen- Trauma-the-Political-Ideology-of-Entitlement-and-Violence.php, accessed on 2 May 2012.

176 Notes 177

6 Stef Jansen, ‘The violence of memories: Local narratives of the past after ethnic cleansing in Croatia’, Local History, 6:1 (2002), p. 84. 7 Lucette Valensi, ‘Traumatic events and historical consciousness: Who is in charge?’, in Historians and Social Values, edited by Joep Leerssen and Ann Rigney (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000), p. 195. 8 Ibid., p. 190. 9 Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, translated by Raymond Rosenthal (London: Abacus, 2010), pp. 11–12. 10 Rebecca Graff-McRae, Remembering and Forgetting 1916: Commemoration and Conflict in Post-Peace Process Ireland (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2011), p. 4. 11 Iwona Irwin Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (London: Transaction Publishers, 1994), p. 115. 12 Problems relating to transitions have, of course, longer historical pedigrees stretching beyond the twentieth century; see Jon Elster, Closing the Books: Transitional Justice in Historical Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 1994); Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2004). 13 Benjamin’s evocation of these sentiments finds its most elegiac expression in his contemplation on the Angel of History that he sees in Paul Klee’s Angelus Nova: ‘His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole that which has been smashed. But a storm is blow- ing in from Paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. The storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress’. Cited in Stefanie Lehner, Sub- altern Ethics in Contemporary Scottish and Irish Literature: Tracing Counter Histories (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), p. 48. 14 Andrew Rigby, Justice and Reconciliation: After the Violence (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001); see also Ricoeur, Memory. 15 David Mendeloff, ‘Truth-seeking, truth-telling, and postconflict peacebuilding: Curb the enthusiasm?’, International Studies Review, 6 (2004), pp. 355–80. 16 Theodore Zeldin, An Intimate History of Humanity (London: Minerva, 1994), p. 272. 17 Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914–1991 (London: Abacus, 1994), p. 5. 18 See, in particular, Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of The Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007). 19 Lord Robin Eames and Denis Bradley, ‘Full text of speech given by Lord Robin Eames and Denis Bradley at the Innovation Centre, Titanic Quarter, Belfast, May 2008’, available at www.irishtimes.com/focus/2008/peace/index.pdf accessed on 2 May 2012. 20 Report of the Consultative Group on the Past, p. 71. 21 Cillian McGrattan ‘“Order out of chaos:” The politics of transitional justice’, Politics, 29:3 (2009), pp. 164–72. 22 Report, p. 99. 23 Ibid., p. 4. 178 Notes

24 This paragraph borrows from Cillian McGrattan and Stefanie Lehner, ‘Re/Presenting victimhood: Nationalism, victims and silences’, Nordic-Irish Studies, forthcoming. 25 W. James Booth, ‘The unforgotten: Memories of justice’, American Political Science Review, 95:4 (2001), pp. 781–2. 26 Greg Grandin, ‘The Instruction of great catastrophe: Truth commissions, national history, and State formation in Argentina, Chile, and Guatemala’, American Historical Review, 110:1 (2005), pp. 46–67. 27 Michael Humphrey, ‘Marginalizing “victims” and “terrorists”: Modes of exclu- sion in the reconciliation process’, in Reconciliation after Terrorism: Strategy, Poss- ibility or Absurdity?, edited by Judith Renner and Alexander Spencer (London: Routledge, 2012), p. 53. 28 Kevin Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007). 29 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice in Northern Ireland: A neo-traditionalist paradigm?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12:3 (2010), pp. 408–24. 30 Aaron Edwards and Cillian McGrattan, ‘Terroristic narratives: On the (Re)- Invention of Peace in Northern Ireland’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 23:3 (2011), pp. 357–76. 31 Quite what the pedagogical benefits involved in students listening to well- trod terrorist stories are or having them spin the glossy teaching resource’s ‘consequence wheel’ four decades after Bloody Sunday and Sunningdale (not mentioned in the pack) remain unclear. Certainly, the ethical and polit- ical standards remain loaded and, arguably, repugnant: a similar initiative was met with widespread opposition in Spain where a balance was sought by includ-ing victims’ stories. Nevertheless, the initiative has been warmly welcomed, receiving coverage on the BBC and the Belfast Tele-graph. See www.communityfoundationni. org/ News/From-Prison-to-Peace-Partnership- shares-message-with- pupils. 32 Mark Thompson, ‘Political agendas will only hide the truths of our past’, Belfast Telegraph, 12 January 2012, available at www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/ opinion/news-analysis/political-agendas-will-only-hide-the-truths-of-our-past- 16101890.html#ixzz1jHXgd4Pz. 33 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Spectres of history: Nationalist party politics and truth recovery in Northern Ireland’, Political Studies, 60:2, pp. 455–73. 34 Edna Longley, ‘Northern Ireland: Commemoration, elegy, forgetting’, in History and Memory in Modern Ireland, edited by Ian McBride (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 231. 35 Humphrey, ‘Marginalizing’, p. 54. 36 Yehudith Auerbach and Ifat Maoz, ‘Terror, empathy and reconciliation in the Israel-Palestinian conflict’, in Reconciliation after Terrorism: Strategy, Possibility or Absurdity?, edited by Judith Renner and Alexander Spencer (London: Routledge, 2012), p. 190. 37 Paul Ricoeur, ‘Reflections on a new ethos for Europe’, in Paul Ricoeur: The Hermeneutics of Praxis, edited by Richard Kearney (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 6–7. 38 Ibid., p. 7. 39 Ibid., pp. 7–8. 40 Ibid., p. 11. Notes 179

41 Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Guardian, 25 July 2011, available at www.guardian. co.uk/commentisfree/2011/jul/25/anders-behring-breivik-norway-extremists.

Chapter 2 Belatedness

1 Gerry Adams, ‘An opportunity to build new relationship between our countries’, Irish Examiner, 14 May 2011, available at www.irishexaminer.com, accessed on 16 May 2011. 2 Aaron Kelly, ‘Geopolitical eclipse: Culture and the peace process in Northern Ireland’, Third Text, 19:5 (2005), pp. 545–53; Stefanie Lehner, ‘The peace process as Arkhe-Tainment?’, Irish Studies Review, 15:4 (2007), pp. 507–20. See also BBC online, ‘Dates set for Queen and Duke’s visit to Ireland’, 14 April 2011, available at http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-13003898, accessed on 16 May 2011; and Tom Brady, ‘Lockdown as 8,000 gardai on royal alert for Queen’s visit’, Irish Independ- ent, 16 May 2011, available at www.independent.ie, accessed on 16 May 2011. 3 Adams, ‘An opportunity’. 4 John Nagle and Mary-Alice Clancy, Shared Society or Benign Apartheid? Under- standing Peace-Building in Divided Societies (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); see also Fergal Keane, ‘Ireland and the empire: Divided by a shared history’, 14 May 2011, available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/ from_our_own_correspondent/9485116.stm, accessed on 14 May 2011. 5 ‘The agreement: Agreement reached in the multi-party negotiations’ (1998), para. 1 and 2, available at http://www.dfa.ie/uploads/documents/Anglo-Irish/ agreement.pdf, accessed on 1 June 2011. 6 Kevin Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2007), pp. 136–7; see also Cillian McGrattan, Northern Ireland, 1968–2008: The Politics of Entrenchment (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) and Cillian McGrattan ‘“Explaining Northern Ireland?” The limitations of the ethnic con- flict model’, National Identities, 12:2 (2010), pp. 181–97. 7 UTV News, ‘Adams criticizes Queen’s “premature” visit’, 14 May 2011, avail- able at http://www.u.tv/News/Adams-criticises-Queens-premature-visit/25aedc42- 828e-4701- 8819- 2fffecc730b2, accessed on 16 May 2011. 8 Michel Butor, Passing Time, trans. Jean Stewart (London: John Calder, 1965), p. 283. 9 Alan Gillis, ‘Progress’, Somebody, Somewhere (Loughcrew, Oldcastle: The Gallery Press, 2004), p. 55. 10 Alice Oswald, Memorial: An Excavation of the Illiad (London: Faber and Faber, 2011), p. 36. 11 Andrew Schaap, Political Reconciliation (Abingdon: Routledge, 2005), p. 59; see also Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future: Six Exercises in Political Thought (London: Faber and Faber, 1961). 12 William E. Connolly, Pluralism (London: Duke University Press, 2005), p. 42; original emphasis. 13 J.G.A. Pocock, ‘Time, institutions and action: An essay on traditions and their understanding’ [1968], in Political Thought and History: Essays on Theory and Method (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 208. 14 Elizabeth Jelin, State Repression and the Struggles for Memory (London: Latin American Bureau, 2003); Barbara A. Misztal, Theories of Social Remembering (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003). 180 Notes

15 With reference to Holocaust testimonies, Dori Laub has argued that an experi- ence of belatedness occurs between the recounting of a traumatic event and its occurrence in history. That experience, she argues, speaks to the problem of integrating historical reality into personal experience. I suggest that that prob- lem is compounded by personal experience being redefined during societal transitions. See Dori Laub, ‘Truth and testimony: The process and the strug- gle’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, edited by Cathy Caruth (London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996), p. 69. 16 Adrian Guelke, ‘Commentary: Truth, reconciliation and political accommo- dation’, Irish Political Studies, 22:3, pp. 363–6. 17 Arthur Aughey, The Politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement (London: Routledge, 2005); Richard Bourke, Peace in Ireland: The War of Ideas (London: Pimlico, 2003). 18 Cillian McGrattan, ‘“Order out of chaos”: The politics of transitional justice’, Politics, 29:3 (2009), pp. 164–72. 19 Richard Rorty, ‘Against belatedness’, London Review of Books, 16 June 1983, 5:11, available at http://www.lrb.co.uk/v05/n11/richard-rorty/against-belated- ness, accessed on 20 July 2011. 20 Eric Hobsbawm, ‘The present as history’, in On History (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1997), p. 235; original emphasis. 21 Theodor Zeldin, An Intimate History of Humanity (London: Minerva, 1994), p. 14. 22 Ibid. 23 See also Kirk Simpson, Truth Recovery in Northern Ireland: Critically Interpreting the Past (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009). 24 Kirk Simpson, ‘Victims of political violence: A Habermasian model of truth recovery’, Journal of Human Rights 6 (2007), p. 328; see also Marc Augé, Oblivion, trans. Marjolijn de Jager (London: University of Minnesota Press, 2004). 25 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Historians and conflict transformation: Truth and recon- ciliation in Northern Ireland’, History & Policy (2011), available at www.history- andpolicy.org, accessed on 16 May 2011. 26 Efraim Sicher, ‘The future of the past: Countermemory and postmemory in contemporary American post-holocaust narratives’, History & Memory, 12:2 (2000), p. 57. 27 Sicher, ibid., p. 58; see also Richard Overy, ‘The historical present’, Times Higher Education, 29 April 2010, available at http://www.timeshighereduca- tion.co.uk/story.asp?storycode=411360, accessed on 16 May 2011. 28 Cillian McGrattan. ‘“Order out of chaos”: The politics of transitional justice’, Politics, 29:1, pp. 164–72. 29 This is the rationale for Christine Bell, On the Law of Peace: Peace Agreements and the Lex Pacificatoria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 30 Crain Soudien, ‘Emerging multiculturalisms in South African Museum practice: Some examples from the Western Cape’, pp. 176–92, in Culture and Belonging in Divided Societies: Contestation and Symbolic Landscapes, edited by Marc Howard Ross (Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 2010), p. 186. 31 Paloma Aguilar, Memory and Amnesia: The Role of the Spanish Civil War in the Transition to Democracy, trans. Mark Oakley (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2008), p. 22. 32 See, for example, Sicher’s pointed comment that while the ‘cult status of the Holocaust might allay fears that the memory of the event is fading … the more unpalatable implication is that the Holocaust has a “future”’; ‘The future’, p. 59. Notes 181

33 Elizabeth Tonkin, Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 1. 34 Ibid., p. 2. 35 Jan Assmann, Religion and Cultural Memory, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 1–3. 36 Barbara A. Misztal, Theories of Social Remembering (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003), p. 6. 37 Assmann, Religion, p. 3. 38 John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); Maria Todorova, Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory (London: C. Hurst, 2004). 39 Lorenzo Cañás Bottos and Nathalie Rougier, ‘Generations on the border: Changes in ethno-national identity in the Irish Border Area’, Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 12:3 and 4, p. 618. 40 Karl Mannheim, ‘The problem of generations’, in Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge, edited by Paul Kecskemeti (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972[1952]), p. 304; original emphasis. 41 Ibid., p. 295. 42 Assmann, Religion, p. 5. 43 Misztal, Theories, p. 14. 44 Assmann, Religion, p. 10. 45 Augé, Oblivion, p. 20. 46 Ibid., p. 88. 47 Richard Sennett, ‘Disturbing memories’, in Memory, edited by Patricia Fara and Karalyn Patterson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 13. 48 Geoffrey Roberts, ‘History, theory and the narrative turn in IR’, Review of International Studies, 32 (2006), p. 713. 49 Lawrence L. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies: The Ruins of Memory (London: Yale University Press, 1994), p. 84. 50 Paul Ricoeur, ‘Memory and forgetting’, in Questioning Ethics: Contemporary Debates in Philosophy, edited by Richard Kearney and Mark Dooley (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 6. 51 Cathy Caruth, ‘Recapturing the past: Introduction’, in Trauma: Explorations in Memory, edited by Cathy Caruth (The Johns Hopkins Press, 1995), p. 154. 52 Orlando Figes, The Whisperers: Private Life in Stalin’s Russia (London: Allen Lane, 2007), p. xxxv. 53 Henry Rousso, The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France since 1944, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (London: Harvard University Press, 1991[1996]), p. 108. 54 Jan Tomasz Gross, Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland (Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001); see also Joshua D. Zimmerman, ‘Introduction: Changing perceptions in the historiography of Polish-Jewish relations during the Second World War’, in Contested Memories: Poles and Jews during the Holocaust and its Aftermath (Piscataway: Rutgers University Press, 2003), pp. 1–16. 55 Tony Judt, Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945 (London: William Heinemann, 2005), pp. 822–3. 56 Ian McBride, ‘Introduction: Memory and national identity in modern Ireland’, in History and Memory in Modern Ireland, edited by Ian McBride (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 12. 57 Ibid., p. 36. 182 Notes

58 Michael Schudson, ‘The dynamics of distortion in collective memory’, in Memory Distortion: How Minds, Brains, and Societies Reconstruct Their Past, edited by Daniel L. Schacter (London: Harvard University Press, 1995), p. 535. 59 Hayden White, ‘The value of narrativity in the representation of reality’, in On Narrative, edited by W.J. Thomas Mitchell (London: The University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 1–23. 60 Allan Megill, ‘History, memory, identity’, History of the Human Sciences, 11:3, p. 56. 61 Michael Schudson, Watergate in American Memory: How We Remember, Forget, and Reconstruct the Past (New York: Basic Books, 1992). 62 Ibid., pp. 107–11. See also Cillian McGrattan, Northern Ireland, 1968–2008: The Politics of Entrenchment (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2004). 63 Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 64 Elizabeth Jelin, State Repression and the Struggles for Memory, trans. Judy Rein and Marcial Godoy-Anatavia (London: Latin American Bureau, 2003), p. 30. 65 Schudson, Watergate, p. 166. 66 Jelin, State Repression, p. 52. 67 Ibid., p. 96. 68 Pocock, ‘Time’, p. 189. 69 Ibid., p. 199. 70 Ibid., p. 204. 71 Jacques Rancière, The Names of History: On the Poetics of Knowledge, trans. Hassen Melehy (London: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), p. 8. 72 Cillian McGrattan and Elizabeth Meehan, Everyday Life after the Agreement: Devolution and its Impact, North and South (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012). 73 Paul Ricoeur, Memory, History, Forgetting, trans. Kathleen Blamey and David Pellauer (London: University of Chicago Press, 2004), pp. 499–500; see also Walter Benjamin, ‘Theses on history’, in Illuminations, trans. Harold Zorn (London: Pimlico, 1999), p. 249. 74 Sicher, ‘The future’, pp. 58–9. 75 J.E. Tunbridge and G.J. Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict (Chichester: John Wiley & Sons, 1996), p. 6. 76 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 77 ‘There are two dimensions to the peace process in Northern Ireland. Beyond the political process striving to bring to an end the civil conflict between Nationalists and Unionists, there is simultaneously a process of negotiation between cultural identities’; Eva Urban, Community Politics and the Process in Contemporary Northern Irish Drama (Bern: Peter Lang, 2011), p. 203. See below for how this dichotomising worldview also rests at the heart of the anti- revisionist project. For one attempt at writing the political back into the cul- tural in the Irish context, see Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 78 Seamus Deane, Strange Country: Modernity and Nationhood in Irish Writing since 1790 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p. 182. Notes 183

79 Sicher, ‘The future’, p. 64. 80 Charles S. Maier, ‘A surfeit of memory: Reflection on history, melancholy, and denial’, History & Memory, 5 (1993), p. 145. 81 Ibid., p. 149. 82 Javier Cercas, ‘Eta, Spain’s ferocious anachronism’, Guardian, 19 March 2011, available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/mar/29/eta-cease- fire-arms-political-gain, accessed on 14 March 2012. 83 Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved, trans. Raymond Rosenthal (London: Abacus, 1988), p. 12; see also Berber Bevernage, ‘Time, presence and historical injustice’, History and Theory, 47 (2008), pp. 149–67. 84 Mark Hennessy, ‘Celebrating a backdrop of mutual cultural conquest in a world that “moves on quickly”’, Irish Times, 19 May 2011, p. 10. 85 Mary McAleese, ‘The President’s speech’, Irish Times, 19 May 2011, p. 11. 86 Cited in The Telegraph, ‘The Queen in Ireland: Day one as it happened’, May 2011, available at http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/queen- elizabeth-II/8520413/The-Queen-in-Ireland-day-one-as-it-happened.html, accessed on 6 June 2011. 87 McAleese, ‘Speech’. 88 See, for example, D.R. O’Connor Lysaght, ‘Two historians: Hart & Kostick – The perils of defence of the status quo, the perils of incomplete resist- ance’, available at http://www.socialistdemocracy.org/RecentArticles/RecentTwo- HistoriansHartKostick.html, accessed on 6 June 2011. For a response to critics of Hart in Irish Political Review, see Jeffery Dudgeon, ‘In defence of Peter Hart’, Irish Political Review, October 2010. Hart’s book The I.R.A. and its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork, 1916–1921 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1998), provoked relentless attacks by critics who disputed his sources and his contention that rather than a war of liberation, the IRA’s campaign in County Cork during the War of Independence (1919–20) was driven by ethnic calculations and sectarian hatred. 89 Fintan O’Toole, ‘England past its glory was still a land of hope’, Irish Times, 17 May 2011, p. 16.

Chapter 3 Haunted by History

1 Dawn Purvis, ‘Finding a way to make peace with the past’, Belfast Newsletter, 22 July 2011, available at http://www.newsletter.co.uk/community/colum- nists/dawn_purvis_finding_a_way_to_make_peace_with_the_past_1_2890199, accessed on 25 July 2011. 2 EPIC (2004) ‘Truth recovery – A contribution from loyalism’, author’s copy. 3 Ariel Dorfman, Death and the Maiden (London: Nick Hern Books, 2007), p. 36. 4 Cillian McGrattan, ‘The Northern Ireland Westminster election, 2010’, Irish Political Studies, 26:2 (2011), pp. 265–75. 5 Community Relations Council Northern Ireland, ‘Remembering the future: A decade of anniversaries, Discussion Paper, May 2011’, available at www.community-relations.org.uk/fs/doc/remembering-the-future-discus- sion-paper-2011-may.pdf, accessed on 14 March 2012. 6 Eamon Phoenix, ‘History lessons will teach us the truth about the past’, Belfast Telegraph, 14 March 2012, available at www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/opinion/ news-analysis/history-lessons-will-teach-us-the-truth-about-the-past- 16130248.html#ixzz1p5zuyT9W, accessed on 14 March 2012. 184 Notes

7 See www.community-relations.org.uk/about-us/news/item/940/speakers confirmed/, accessed on 14 March 2012. 8 Joseph Liechty and Cecelia Clegg, ‘Moving beyond sectarianism: A resource for young adults, youth and schools’ (Belfast: Irish School of Ecumenics, 2001), available at http://www.tcd.ie/ise/assets/pdf/MBS-Manual.pdf, accessed on 14 March 2012. 9 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice in Northern Ireland: A neo-traditionalist paradigm?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12:3 (2010), pp. 408–24. 10 Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, ‘On the theory of ghosts’, in Dialectic of Enlightenment’, trans. John Cumming (London: Allen Lane, 1972), p. 216. 11 This section draws on Cillian McGrattan, ‘“Moving on”: The creation of a peaceful community in Northern Ireland’, Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, 12:1 (2012), pp. 172–89. 12 Kelly, ‘Geopolitical eclipse’, p. 546. 13 Ibid., p. 547. 14 Andrew Finlay, ‘Irish studies, cultural pluralism and the peace process’, Irish Studies Review, 15:3 (2007), pp. 340–1. 15 Lehner, ‘Peace process’, p. 508. 16 Ibid., p. 507. 17 Finlay, ‘Irish studies’. 18 See www.theatreofwitness.org, accessed on 5 June 2011. 19 Simpson, ‘Victims’. 20 See www.culturenorthernireland.org, accessed on 5 June 2011. 21 Kelly, ‘Geopolitical eclipse’. 22 Sennett, ‘Disturbing memories’, p. 24. 23 Cathy Gormley-Heenan and Paula Devine, ‘The “us” in trust: Who trusts Northern Ireland’s political institutions and actors’, Government and Opposition, 45:2 (2010), pp. 143–65. 24 Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim, Individualization: Institutionalized Individualism and its Social and Political Consequences (London: Sage, 2002); see also Zygmunt Bauman, The Individualized Society (Oxford: Polity Press, 2001). 25 Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, Individualization, p. xx. 26 Ibid., p. xxii. 27 Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, Individualization, p. 203. 28 Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, The Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (London: Allen Lane, 1972). 29 Kelly, ‘Geopolitical eclipse’. 30 Ibid., p. 17. 31 Dave Duggan, AH6905, reprinted in Plays in a Peace Process (Derry: Guildhall Press, 2008), pp. 83–104. 32 Jimmy McAleavey, The Sign of the Whale, unpublished manuscript, author’s copy. The play was first performed in The Baby Grand, Grand Opera House, Belfast, 12th–20th March 2010. There was a subsequent Irish tour. The play is published by Tinderbox Theatre Company and copies are available from them. I would like to thank Mr McAleavey for permission to quote from his play. 33 Duggan, AH6905, pp. 88, 89, 90. 34 The Red Hand Commandos are a loyalist terror group. Notes 185

35 Duggan, AH6905, p. 93. 36 Ibid., p. 90. 37 Ibid., p. 91. 38 McAleavey, The Sign, p. 41. 39 Ibid., p. 8. 40 Ibid., pp. 52–3. 41 Ibid., pp. 65–6. 42 Ibid., p. 75. 43 Ibid., p. 76. 44 Ibid,. p. 77. 45 Ibid., p. 84. 46 Ibid. 47 Joep Leerssen, ‘1798: The recurrence of violence and two conceptualizations of history’, The Irish Review, 22 (1998), pp. 37–45. 48 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice in Northern Ireland: A neo-traditionalist paradigm?’, The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12:3 (2010), pp. 408–24; see also Ian Mc Bride, ‘Ireland’s history troubles’, Field Day Review, 3 (2007), pp. 205–13. 49 Francis Mulhern, ‘Postcolonial melancholy’, in The Present Lasts a Long Time: Essays in Cultural Politics (Cork: Cork University Press, 1998), p. 161. 50 Homi K. Bhabha, ‘The postcolonial and the postmodern: The question of agency’, in The Cultural Studies Reader, edited by Simon During (London: Routledge, 1999), pp. 190, 192. 51 Neil Lazarus, ‘Introducing postcolonial studies’, in The Cambridge Companion to Postcolonial Literary Studies, edited by Neil Lazarus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 3–10. Ranajit Guha, Subaltern Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 52 Lehner, Subaltern Ethics. 53 Declan Kiberd, Inventing Ireland: The Literature of the Modern Nation (London: Vintage, 1996), p. 5. 54 Ibid., p. 9. 55 Seamus Deane, Strange Country: Modernity and Nationhood in Irish Writing since 1790 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), p. 193. 56 Mulhern, ‘Postcolonial melancholy’, p. 162. 57 Bill McDonnell, Theatres of the Troubles: Theatre, Resistance and Liberation in Ireland (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 2008), p. 219. 58 Patrick McGee, ‘Humpty Dumpty and the despotism of fact: A critique of Stephen Howe’s Ireland and Empire’, Jouvert, 7:2 (2003), available at http:// english.chass.ncsu.edu/jouvert/v7i2/pmg.htm, accessed on 6 June 2011. 59 Stephen Howe, Ireland and Empire: Colonial Legacies in Irish History and Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 93. 60 Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of the Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2008). 61 See, for example, Eric Rodrigo Meringer, ‘The local politics of indigenous self-representation: Intraethnic political division among Nicaragua’s Mis- kito people during the Sandinista era’, The Oral History Review, 37:1 (2010), pp. 1–17. 62 Shakir Mustafa ‘Demythologizing Ireland: Revisionism and the Irish colonial experience’, in Irish and Postcolonial Writing: History, Theory, Practice, edited 186 Notes

by Glenn Hooper and Colin Graham (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 66, 67. 63 Colin Graham, Deconstructing Ireland: Identity, Theory, Culture (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2001), p. 82. 64 Lehner, Subaltern Ethics, p. 7. 65 Graham, Deconstructing, p. 98. 66 Lehner, Subaltern Ethics. 67 Jacques Derrida, Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning & the New International, trans. Peggy Kamuf (London: Routledge, 1994). 68 Berber Bevernage, ‘Time, presence, and historical injustice’, History and Theory, 47 (2008), p. 152. 69 McGrattan, ‘Historians’; Megill, ‘History’. 70 Tristram Hunt, ‘Whose truth? Objective truth and a challenge for history’, Criminal Law Forum, 15, p. 195. 71 Bevernage, ‘Time’, p. 150. 72 Ibid., p. 166. 73 Derrida, cited in Jo Labanyi, ‘Coming to terms with the Ghosts of the past: History and spectrality in contemporary Spanish culture’, available at http:// arachne.rutgers.edu/vol1_1labanyi.htm, accessed on 6 June 2011. 74 Bevernage, ‘Time’, p. 166. 75 Derrida, Specters, p. 97. 76 UTV online, ‘Mother’s emotion at army apology’, 28 March, available at http://www.u.tv/News/Minister-apologises-to-girls-family/c55c91e5-2345- 441b-bc59-a97fe813fa38, accessed on 4 June 2011. 77 Theodor W. Adorno, ‘Education after Auschwitz’, in Can One Live after Ausch- witz? A Philosophical Reader, edited by Rolf Tiedeman (Sanford: Sanford University Press, 2003), p. 19. 78 Ibid., p. 23. 79 Ibid. 80 Geoffrey Roberts, ‘History, theory and the narrative turn in IR’, Review of International Studies, 32 (2006), p. 713. 81 Jean Améry, ‘Resentments’, in At the Minds Limits (London: Granta, 1999), p. 69. 82 Emilie Pine, The Politics of Irish Memory: Performing Remembrance in Contemporary Irish Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011). 83 Ibid., p. 116. 84 Ibid., p. 15. 85 Kevin Whelan, ‘Between filiation and affiliation: The politics of postcolonial memory’, in Ireland and Postcolonial Theory, Clare Carroll and Patricia King (eds) (Cork: Cork University Press, 2003). 86 Pine, Politics, p. 14; see also Paul Ricoeur, ‘Memory and forgetting’, in Questioning Ethics: Contemporary Debates in Philosophy, Richard Kearney and Mark Dooley (eds) (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 9. 87 Aaron Kelly, Thriller. 88 Pine, Politics, p. 170; original emphasis. 89 Stephen Hopkins, ‘Comparing revolutionary narratives: Irish Republican self- presentation and considerations for the study of communist life-histories’, Socialist History, 34, pp. 52–69. Notes 187

90 Pine, Politics, p. 170. See also Cillian McGrattan, ‘“Spectres of history”: Nation- alist party politics and truth recovery in Northern Ireland’, Political Studies, forthcoming. 91 In contrast to that tendency of depopulated postcolonialism, see, for instance, Graham, Deconstructing and Henry Patterson, ‘Border violence in Eugene McCabe’s Victims Trilogy’, Irish Studies Review, 19:2 (2004), pp. 157–69. 92 Derrida, Specters, p. 9. 93 Ricoeur, Memory, p. 257. 94 Dominick La Capra, ‘Revisiting the historians’ debate’, History and Memory, 9 (1–2), p. 103.

Chapter 4 Irrevocable Futures: Tracing the Dynamics of Conflict, Bloody Sunday and Bloody Friday

1 Diarmaid Ferriter, ‘The only heroes of Bloody Sunday’, Irish Independent, 19 June 2010, available at http://www.independent.ie/opinion/analysis/the- only-heroes-of-bloody-sunday-2227216.html, accessed on 10 October 2011. 2 Shane Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering Bloody Sunday’, in Recovering Memory: Irish Representations of Past and Present, edited by Hedda Friberg, Irene Gilsenan Nordin and Lene Yding Pedersen (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007), p. 37. 3 Dave Duggan Scenes from an Inquiry, in Plays in a Peace Process (Derry: Guildhall Press, 2008[2002]). See also www.tricycle.co.uk/about-the-tricycle-pages/about- us-tab-menu/about/, accessed on 9 November 2010. 4 ‘Telling the story of Bloody Sunday’, BBC online, 2010, available at www.bbc. co.uk/news/10205571, accessed on 9 November 2010. 5 Duggan, Scenes, pp. 111–13. While the ‘false memory syndrome’ seems to fasci- nate literature studies analyses in that ‘it foregrounds the incipient confusion with, if not replacement of, the primary evidence with the secondary’ (Alcobia- Murphy ‘Remembering’, p. 43; see also Heidi Hansson, ‘Power, subversion: Dave Duggan’s Scenes from an Inquiry’, in Recovering Memory: Irish Representations of Past and Present, edited by Hedda Friberg, Irene Gilsenan Nordin and Lene Yding Pedersen (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007), p. 88; this surprise apparently stems from two methodological limitations. Firstly, it is indicative of an inability or lack of interest in interrogating just what ‘evidence’ is evidence of; secondly, it is apparently blissfully unaware of the regular occurrence of the phenomenon in oral history (see, for example, Figes, The Whisperers, p. 633ff). 6 Ignatieff, Warrior’s Honor, p. 173. 7 Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering’, p. 44. 8 Harry McGee and Eoghan McConnell, ‘McGuinness acts to deal with contro- versy on soldier’s death’, Irish Times, 11 October 2011, available at http:// www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/frontpage/2011/1011/1224305579081.html, accessed on 11 October 2011. 9 Dermot, P.J. Walsh, Bloody Sunday and the Rule of Law in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2000), p. 12. 10 Report of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, Volume 1, Chapter 5, paragraph 5, page 99, available at www.official-documents.gov.uk/document/hc1011/hc00/0029/0029_i. pdf, accessed on 11 October 2011. 188 Notes

11 Aaron Edwards and Cillian McGrattan, The Northern Ireland Conflict: A Beginner’s Guide (Oxford: Oneworld, 2010), pp. 57–80. 12 Paul Bew, Peter Gibbons and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland, 1921–2000: Political Forces and Social Classes (London: Serif, 2002). 13 David Cameron, ‘Statement to the House of Commons on the Saville Inquiry’, The Times, 16 June 2010, p. 8. 14 Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering’, p. 44. 15 Niall Dochartaigh, ‘Bloody Sunday: Error or design?’, Contemporary British History, 24:1 (2010), pp. 89–90. 16 Alan F. Parkinson, 1972 and the Ulster Troubles: ‘A Very Bad Year’ (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2010), p. 150. 17 See, for example, Brian Conway, Commemoration and Bloody Sunday (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and Graham Dawson, Making Peace with the Past? Memory, Trauma and the Irish Troubles (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007). 18 Michael Laffan, ‘Insular attitudes: The revisionists and Their critics’, in Revising the Rising, edited by Maíre Ní Dhonnachadha and Theo Dorgan (Derry: Field Day, 1991), pp. 106–21. 19 Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering’, p. 44. 20 Brian Friel, ‘The freedom of the city’, in Brian Friel Plays: I (London: Faber and Faber, 1996). 21 Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering’, pp. 45–6. 22 Ibid., p. 47; original emphasis. 23 Hansson, ‘Memory’, pp. 94–5; Eamonn McCann, Bloody Sunday in Derry: What Really Happened (Dingle: Brandon, 2002); Joanne O’Brien, A Matter of Minutes: The Enduring Legacy of Bloody Sunday (Dublin: Wolfhound, 2002). 24 For example, speaking in 1992 Bishop Edward Daly, who as a priest attended the victims on the day, remarked that ‘[w]hat really made Bloody Sunday so obscene was the fact that people afterwards at the highest level of British justice justified it …’; quoted in Don Mullan, Eyewitness Bloody Sunday: The Truth (Dublin: Wolfhound, 1998), p. 29. 25 Tom Herron and John Lynch, After Bloody Sunday: Ethics, Representation, Justice (Cork: Cork University Press, 2007), p. 6. 26 Ibid., p. 20. 27 Alcobia-Murphy, ‘Remembering’, p. 47. 28 Ibid., p. 37. 29 P.J. McLoughlin, John Hume and the Revision of Irish Nationalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010), p. 217. 30 Ibid., p. 25. 31 Richard English, Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2003), p. 151; Patrick Magee, Gangsters or Guerrillas? Representations of Irish Republicans in Troubles Fiction (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2001), p. 65. 32 English, Armed Struggle, pp. 151–2. 33 Paul Bew, ‘Historical background to Bloody Sunday: Report to the Bloody Sunday Tribunal by Professor Paul Bew, 24 November 2000, Expert Report E7’. Author copy, available at www.bloody-sunday-inquiry.org, accessed on 12 November 2007. 34 Kieran Allen, ‘Northern Ireland: The death of radical republicanism’, Inter- national Socialism, 114, available at www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=303&issue= 114, accessed on 11 November 2010. Notes 189

35 Arthur Aughey, ‘Stewart on history’, in From the United Irishmen to Twentieth Century Unionism: A Festschrift for A.T.Q. Stewart, edited by Sabine Wichert (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004), p. 18; see also Michael Oakeshott, On History and Other Essays (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983). 36 Aughey, ‘Stewart’, p. 19. 37 Ibid., p. 20. 38 Dawson, Making Peace, p. 164. 39 Ibid., p. 165. 40 Malachi O’Doherty, The Trouble with Guns: Republican Strategy and the Provisional IRA (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1998), p. 25. 41 Garret FitzGerald ‘Resisting the voice of unreason in wake of killings’, Irish Times, 19 June 2010. 42 Derry Journal, 1 February 1972. 43 Derry Journal, 11 February 1972. 44 Ferriter, ‘The only heroes’. 45 Indeed, the SDLP initially called on its supporters to boycott the Widgery Tribunal, arguably, Catholics began to take more of an interest in the pro- ceedings once the clergy decided to give evidence; Derry Journal, 15 and 18 February 1972. 46 Ó Dochartaigh, ‘Bloody Sunday’; Tommy Graham, ‘Bloody Sunday: Who was responsible?’, History/Ireland, August 2010, p. 3. 47 Thomas Hennessey, The Evolution of the Troubles, 1970–1972 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007), Bew, ‘Historical background’. 48 Graham, ‘Bloody Sunday’; my emphasis. 49 Alonso, Armed Struggle, p. 32. 50 McLoughlin, John Hume. 51 Sunday Times, 26 March 1972. 52 Irish Independent, 6 April 1972. 53 Sunday News, 9 April 1972. 54 ‘Some notes on future SDLP policy, March 1972’, Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (henceforth PRONI) D/3072/1/30/3. 55 ‘Towards a new Ireland, May 1972’, in PRONI D/3072/1/30/1. See also Campbell 2010. 56 ‘Blueprint for a new Ireland, May 1972’, in PRONI D/3072/1/30/1. 57 Irish Independent, 25 May 1972. 58 Irish Times, 23 May 1972. 59 Belfast Telegraph, 26 May 1972. 60 The Irish Times, for example, described it as the start of a ‘de-escalation’ (27 May 1972); while the Sunday Press stated that it reflected ‘a genuine and widespread desire among the people … which will eventually have to be taken into account’ (27 May 1972). 61 Irish News, 30 May 1972. 62 Sarah Campbell, ‘New nationalism? The SDLP and northern nationalism, 1969–1975’ (Dublin: University College Dublin, unpublished PhD, 2010). 63 Herron and Lynch, After Bloody Sunday, p. 12. 64 Dawson, Making Peace, p. 175. 65 Derry Journal, 25 July 1972. 66 Fermanagh Herald, 28 July 1972. 67 Author interview, SDLP party worker, Belfast October 2009. 68 Derry Journal, 28 July 1972. 190 Notes

69 Irish Press, 27 July 1972. 70 Irish News, 2 March 2000. 71 Irish News, 17 July 2002. 72 Derry Journal, 14 August 1972. 73 Jorge Luis Borges, ‘The garden of forking paths’, in Collected Fictions, trans- lated by Andrew Hurley (London: Penguin, 1998), p. 121. 74 Henry Patterson, ‘For many, the Bloody Sunday Saville Report has fallen short’, Belfast Telegraph, 16 June 2010. 75 See, for example, Colm Tóib´ın’s account of violence in the border region, Bad Blood: A Walk Along the Irish Border (London: Picador, 2010 [1987]). 76 Edna Longley, The Living Stream: Literature & Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle: Bloodaxe, 1994), pp. 177–86. 77 Aughey, ‘Stewart’.

Chapter 5 Making History: The Articulation of the Northern State

1 Séanna Walsh quoted in An Phoblacht online, ‘1981 hunger strike 30th anniver- sary: Bobby Sands’s jail comrade Séanna Walsh speaks’, 12 May 2011, available at http://aprnonline.com/?tag=long-kesh&paged=2, accessed on 13 October 2011. 2 Rogelio Alonso, The IRA and Armed Struggle (London: Routledge, 2007), p. 108. 3 Conway, Commemoration. 4 See, for example, Richard O’Rawe, Blanketmen: An Untold Story of the H-Block Hunger Strike (Dublin: New Island Books, 2005), and the same author’s account of the fall-out from the publication of that book: Afterlives: The Hunger Strike and the Secret Offer That Changed Irish History (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 2010). See also, the ‘Special investigation’, in the Irish News, ‘The hunger strike: Was there a deal?’, 28 September 2009, pp. 1–11. 5 Cillian McGrattan, ‘The 2010 Westminster general election’. 6 McGrattan, Northern Ireland. 7 Kelly, ‘Geopolitical eclipse’; Nagle and Clancy, Shared Society. 8 Bean, The New Politics. 9 Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism (London: Verso, 2000), p. 152; see also Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2000). 10 Poulantzas, State, p. 148. 11 Ibid., p. 153. 12 Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (London: University of California Press, 2000), p. 318. 13 Among others, see Eugene McNamee, ‘Eye witness – Memorialising humanity in Steve McQueen’s Hunger’, International Journal of Law in Context, 5:3 (2009), pp. 281–94; Sean O’Hagan, ‘McQueen and country’, Observer, 12 October 2008, available at www.guardian.co.uk/film/2008/oct/12/2, accessed on 14 October 2011; Ronan Bennett, ‘Life and death in Long Kesh’, Guardian, 22 October 2008, available at www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2008/oct/22/maze-prison-film-northern- ireland-hunger, accessed on 14 October 2010. 14 See, for example, Pine, Politics, pp. 110–26; see also Fintan O’Toole, ‘Hunger fails to wrest the narrative from the hunger strikers’, Irish Times, 22 November 2008, Notes 191

available at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/victims/docs/newspapers/irish_times/otoole_ it_221108. pdf, accessed on 13 October 2011; and Chris Tookey, ‘“Hunger”: More pro-terrorist propaganda’, Daily Mail, 30 October 2008, available at www. dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/reviews/article-1081911/Hunger-More-pro-terrorist- propaganda.html, accessed on 13 October 2011. 15 Sinn Féin, for example, welcomed the film months before its UK or Irish release based upon it ‘scooping the Camera d’Or prize’ at Cannes: see the Sinn Féin press release, ‘Sinn Féin congratulate makers of hunger strike film’, 26 May 2008, available at www.sinnfein.ie/contents/12686, accessed on 21 September 2011. See also, for example, the Éirígí press release: ‘Éirígí organises series of hunger strike meetings’, 8 November 2008, available at www.eirigi. org/latest/latest081181.html, accessed on 21 September 2011. 16 McGrattan, Northern Ireland, p. 129. 17 Henry Patterson, ‘Republicanism and the peace process: The temptations of teleology’, in The Anglo-Irish Agreement: Re-Thinking its Legacy, edited by Arthur Aughey and Cathy Gormley-Heenan, p. 105. 18 Eric P. Kaufmann, The Orange Order: A Contemporary Northern Irish History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 155; Dean Godson, Himself Alone: David Trimble and the Ordeal of Unionism (HarperCollins, 2004), pp. 129–30. 19 Martyn Frampton, The Long March: The Political Strategy of Sinn Féin (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 20 Neil Southern, ‘Territoriality, alienation, and loyalist decommissioning: The case of the Shankill in Protestant West Belfast’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 20:1 (2008), p. 68. 21 Ibid., p. 80. 22 Horowitz, op. cit. 23 Martina Devlin, ‘Electing Martin McGuinness as President would be a fitting acknowledgement of his crucial role in the peace process’, Irish Independent, 22 September 2011, available at www.independent.ie/opinion/columnists/martina- devlin/martina-devlin-electing-martin-mcguinness-as-president-would-be-a- fitting-acknowledgement-of-his-crucial-role-in-the-peace-process-2884394.html, accessed on 14 October 2011. See also Newton Emerson, ‘Nationalist revision of IRA on the increase’, Irish News, 13 October 2011, p. 18. 24 Justine McCarthy, ‘We may not like the facts but we must still strive for them’, Sunday Times (Irish edition), 9 October 2011, p. 14. 25 John Regan, The IRA at War, 1916–1923, by Peter Hart (Oxford: Oxford Uni- versity Press, 2003), Reviews in History, 416 (2004), available at www.history.ac. uk/reviews/review/416, accessed on 15 October 2011. 26 Jim Gibney, ‘Honouring the self-sacrifice and endurance of prisoners’, Irish News, 13 October 2011, p. 19. 27 Pine, Politics. 28 Hastings Donnan and Kirk Simpson, ‘Silence and violence among Northern Ireland border Protestants’, Ethnos, 72:1 (2007), pp. 5–28. 29 Ibid., pp. 6–7; see also Elizabeth Jelin, State Repression and the Struggles for Memory (London: Latin American Bureau, 2004), trans. Judy Rein and Marcial Godoy-Anatavia. 30 Donnan and Simpson, ‘Silence’, p. 16. 31 Hobsbawm, On History, p. 59: ‘everything that happened in the past is history; everything that happens now is history. All historical study therefore implies 192 Notes

making a selection, a tiny selection, of some things out of the infinity of human activities in the past, and of what affected those activities. But there is no generally accepted criterion for making such a selection, and to the extent that there is one at any given time, it is likely to change’. 32 Ewa Domanska, ‘Historians must have virtues: A conversation with the Polish historian and theorist of history’, Rethinking History, 15:3 (2011), p. 423. 33 O’Toole, Hunger. 34 McNamee, ‘Eye witness’, p. 292; O’Toole, Hunger. 35 Quoted in Hunger, directed by Steve McQueen (Blast! Films 2008), DVD extras, interview with Laura Hastings-Smith. 36 McNamee, p. 281. 37 Terence MacSwiney, cited in Pine, Politics, p. 100. 38 Phelim O’Neill, ‘DVD review: Hunger’, Guardian, 21 February 2009, available at www.guardian.co.uk/film/2009/feb/21/hunger-dvd-review, accessed on 15 October 2011. 39 Pine, Politics, p. 113. 40 Ibid., p. 119. 41 Ibid., p. 126. 42 Peadar Whelan, ‘Sinn Féin Assembly election campaign – Leadership across Ireland: ‘You were a friend of Bobby Sands?’, An Phoblacht online, 14 April 2011, available at http://aprnonline.com/?paged=3&tag=bobby-sands, accessed on 15 October 2011. The response by Jennifer McCann (a Sinn Féin Member of the Legislative Assembly) suggested that ‘Bobby’s legacy [was] in the fabric’ of an Irish language school. McCann justified her assertion of nationalist con- fidence with Sands’ oft-cited quotation, ‘Our revenge will be the laughter of our children’. 43 McNamee, ‘Eye witness’, p. 287. 44 Henry Patterson, ‘Truth and reconciliation in Northern Ireland? Not much hope of either’, Parliamentary Brief, 9 February 2009, available at www. parliamentarybrief.com/2009/02/truth-and-reconciliation-in-ni-not- much-hope-of-either, accessed on 15 October 2011. See also McGrattan ‘Order’. 45 Ibid., p. 292. McNamee here alludes to the title of a recent book by Susan McKay, an Irish journalist, Bear in Mind These Dead (London: Faber & Faber, 2008). 46 Paul Bew, Ireland: The Politics of Enmity, 1789–2006 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 529. 47 See Austin Currie, All Hell Will Break Lose (Dublin: O’Brien Press, 2004). 48 Cheryl Lawther, ‘Unionism, truth recovery and the fearful past’, Irish Political Studies, 26:3 (2011), pp. 361–82. 49 Ibid., p. 363. 50 In particular, see Kirk Simpson, Unionist Voices and the Politics of Remembering the Past in Northern Ireland (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009). 51 Lawther, ‘Unionism’, p. 364. 52 Augé, Oblivion; Kundera cited in Tony Judt, Reappraisals: Reflections on the Forgotten Twentieth Century (London: William Heinemann, 2008), p. 198. 53 Poulantzas, State. 54 Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1991), trans. Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, p. 164. Notes 193

55 See the discussion of Oakeshott’s philosophy of history in Arthur Aughey and Cathy Gormley-Heenan, ‘The Anglo-Irish agreement: A constitutional moment?’, in the Anglo-Irish Agreement: Re-thinking its Legacy, edited by Aughey and Gormley- Heenan (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011), p. 10. 56 Timothy Kubal, Cultural Movements and Collective Memory: Christopher Columbus and the Rewriting of the National Origin Myth (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 3. 57 Poulantzas, State. 58 Kubal, Cultural Movements, pp. 170–1. 59 Ibid. 60 Pocock, ‘Time’, p. 215. 61 Roland Barthes, ‘Rhetoric of the image’, in Image-Music-Text (London: Fontana Press, 1977), trans. Stephen Heath, p. 44. 62 Bill Schwartz, ‘“Our unadmitted sorrow”: The rhetorics of civil rights photo- graphy’, The History Workshop Journal, 72 (2011), p. 143. 63 O’Rawe, Afterlives, p. 156. 64 Steve McQueen and Enda Walsh, Hunger script (author copy), p. 48. 65 Ibid., p. 50. 66 Hunger also deploys a side-step in this regard: The message from the leadership outside, ‘IT’S TIME THIS STOPPED. NEGOTIATE …’ is rendered obsolete by the film’s depiction of Sands taking on the Christ-like role of martyr-leader. 67 Danny Morrison, ‘Thirty years on, Bobby Sands’s stature has only grown’, Guardian, 5 May 2011, available at www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/ may/05/bobby-sands-1981-hunger-strikes, accessed on 16 October 2011. 68 Bennett, ‘Life and death’. 69 McQueen interview, DVD extras. 70 Bennett, ‘Life and death’. 71 McQueen interview, DVD extras. 72 Morrison, ‘Thirty years’. 73 Saoirse, September 2011, p. 1.

Chapter 6 Can We Fix It? The Peace Process and the Construction of Modern Nationalism in Northern Ireland

1 Cillian McGrattan, Northern Ireland, 1968–2008: The Politics of Entrenchment (Basingstoke, 2010). 2 Among other texts on the two parties and Irish nationalism more generally, see Rogelio Alonso, The IRA and Armed Struggle (London, 2007); Kevin Bean, The New Politics of Sinn Féin (Liverpool, 2007); Richard English, Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland (London, 2006); Gerard Murray, John Hume and the SDLP: Impact and Survival in Northern Ireland (Dublin, 1998); Gerard Murray and Jonathan Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP: From Alienation to Participation (Dublin, 2005). 3 SDLP, ‘Our history: The party of principle, the party of vision’, available at http://www.sdlp.ie/index.php/about_sdlp/our_history/, accessed on 16 August 2010. 4 Jonathan Tonge, ‘Current directions in northern Nationalism’; paper delivered to conference on ‘Constitutional Nationalism in Northern Ireland: Past, present, and future’, 29 January 2010, Queen’s University Belfast. 194 Notes

5 Gerard Murray, ‘The Good Friday Agreement: An SDLP analysis of the North- ern Ireland conflict’, in Jörg Neuheiser and Stefan Wolff (eds) Peace at Last? The Impact of the Good Friday Agreement on Northern Ireland (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2003), p. 56; see also P.J. McLoughlin, ‘John Hume and the revision of Irish Nationalism’, unpublished PhD thesis, Queen’s University, Belfast, 2005: ‘… the bi-national approach to the Northern Ireland problem, long advocated by Hume and the SDLP, formally established in the [Anglo-Irish Agreement], and implicit in the Good Friday settlement … has become entrenched … revisionist nationalism has been borne out’ (pp. 276 and 277). 6 In this regard, Svetlana Boym points out that nostalgia is Janus-faced: It is, she says, ‘not always about the past; it can be retrospective but also prospective. Fantasies of the past determined by needs of the present have a direct impact on realities of the future. Consideration of the future makes us take respons- ibility for our nostalgic tales’, The Future of Nostalgia (New York: Basic Books, 2001), p. xv. 7 See Jennifer Todd, ‘Northern Irish Nationalist political culture’, Irish Political Studies, 5:1 (1990), pp. 31–44. 8 English, Irish Freedom, pp. 15–18. 9 Insofar as the economic downturn has crippled the Irish economy, the tenor of the debate may become even more heightened. See, for example, the opin- ion piece by the commentator David McWilliams, which received much cov- erage in the Irish media, ‘Elite is preparing to sell country down the river’, Irish Independent, 6 October 2010, available at http://www.independent.ie/opinion/ columnists/david-mcwilliams/david-mcwilliams-elite-is-preparing-to-sell- country-down-the-river-2366359.html, accessed on 11 October 2010. 10 Elton, Practice, p. 43. 11 E.H. Carr, What is History? The George Macaulay Trevelyan Lectures Delivered in the University of Cambridge, January–March, 1961 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1986[1962]; second edition). 12 Geoffrey Roberts, ‘Defender of the faith: Geoffrey Roberts and the philosophy of history’, available at http://www.ucc.ie/chronicon/elton.htm, accessed on 15 August 2010. 13 Stefan Collini, ‘E.H. Carr: Historian of the future’, Times Literary Supplement, 5 March 2008, available at http://entertainment.timesonline.co.uk/tol/arts_ and_entertainment/the_tls/article3490032.ece, accessed on 15 August 2010. 14 Elton, Practice, p. 52. 15 Ibid., p. 56. 16 G.R. Elton, The Practice of History (Oxford, 2002[1967]; second edition), pp. 14, 15; original emphasis. 17 Ibid., p. 49. 18 Hayden White, ‘The politics of historical interpretation: Discipline and De-sublimation’, Critical Inquiry, 9:1 (1980), pp. 113–37. 19 Ibid., pp. 119–20. 20 Hayden White, ‘Foreword: Jacques Rancière’s revisionism’, The Names of History: On the Poetics of Knowledge (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. vii–xx. 21 Hayden White, ‘The value of narrativity in the representation of reality’, in Susana Onega and José Angel García Landa (eds) Narratology: An Introduction (Harlow: Longman, 1996), p. 280. Notes 195

22 Ibid., p. vii. 23 Ibid., pp. ix–x. 24 J.G.A. Pocock, ‘Time, institutions and action: An essay on traditions and their understanding’ [1968], Political Thought and History: Essays on Theory and Method (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 187. 25 Ibid., p. 188. 26 Ibid., p. 197. 27 Ibid., p. 204. 28 Ibid., p. 205. 29 Ibid., p. 214. 30 Campbell, ‘New nationalism?’. 31 P.J. McLoughlin, John Hume and the Revision of Irish Nationalism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010). 32 Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt, and the Origins of the Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007). 33 Campbell, ‘New nationalism?’, p. 207. 34 Ibid., p. 212. 35 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 34. 36 Ibid., p. 35. 37 Ibid., p. 55. 38 Campbell, ‘New nationalism?’, p. 202. 39 For complementary readings of this particular narratival explanation see Christopher Farrington, ‘Reconciliation or irredentism? The Irish government and the Sunningdale Communiqué of 1973’, Contemporary European History, 16:1 (2007), pp. 89–107; Gordon Gillespie, ‘The Sunningdale Agreement: Lost opportunity or an agreement too far?’, Irish Political Studies, 13 (1998), pp. 100–4; Cillian McGrattan, ‘Dublin, the SDLP and the Sunningdale Agree- ment: Maximalist Nationalism and path dependency’, Contemporary British History, 23:1 (2009), pp. 61–78. 40 Whereas Campbell cites archival evidence of increasingly militaristic lan- guage on the part of the SDLP in the aftermath of Sunningdale (p. 202), McLoughlin highlights Faulkner’s benign and slightly condescending post- hoc analysis as evidence that the SDLP ‘forced an unfair settlement’ onto the Ulster Unionist Party (p. 52). The selected quote is perhaps more reflective of Faulkner’s somewhat delusional self-justification: ‘One member of our dele- gation remarked that Sunningdale would go down in history as a Unionist victory’. 41 Despite the fact that Sinn Féin did not contest elections in Northern Ireland until the 1980s and even then saw its vote stagnate at around 11% (or one- in-three Catholic voters), McLoughlin’s original PhD dissertation was based on the argument that ‘[Hume’s] revision of Irish nationalism was constantly compromised by the need to maintain political support amongst a com- munity whose allegiance was the subject of an intense and ongoing battle’. McLoughlin ‘John Hume’, p. xvi. The idea of ‘outbidding’ suggests that a radical ethnic party will always undermine a more moderate one; see Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (London: University of California Press, 2000[1985]). 42 Deaglán de Bréadún, The Far Side of Revenge: Making Peace in Northern Ireland (Cork: Cork University Press, 2008), p. 5. 196 Notes

43 See Fionnuala O’Connor, In Search of a State: Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993). 44 In this regard, Campbell’s critique in some ways echoes the review by a former Ulster Unionist MP, Robert McCartney, of an earlier biography of Hume in which McCartney pointed out that ‘Few of the problems which Hume was to face with other nationalists were never about principles … The achievement of many, if not all, of the civil rights objectives virtually left Irish unity as the only thing in the [SDLP’s] cupboard’; ‘Barry’s John’, in Reflections on Liberty, Democracy and the Union (Dublin: Academia Press), pp. 44 and 46. 45 Evi Gkotzaridis, Trials of Irish History: Genesis and Evolution of a Reappraisal (New York: Routledge, 2006). 46 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 121. See also, for example John Hume, who in his political memoirs blames unionist ‘intransigence’ for the prolongation of the conflict, Personal Views: Politics, Peace and Reconciliation in Ireland (Dublin: Town House, 1996), p. 25. 47 Jennifer Todd, ‘Nationalism, republicanism and the Good Friday Agreement’, in Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd (eds) After the Agreement: Analysing Political Change in Northern Ireland (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 1999), p. 54. 48 Ibid., p. 70. 49 Ernest Blythe (described by Henry Patterson as ‘a member of that rare breed of Northern Protestants who supported Gaelic and separatist ideals and was imprisoned during the 1916 Rising’), for example, in 1949 warned the Dublin government against anti-partition propaganda campaigns and advocated instead a long-term project of ‘peaceful persuasion’; see Henry Patterson, Ireland since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Dublin: Penguin, 2007), pp. 100–1. Similarly, in the 1950s, Donal Barrington pointed out that ‘the real issue’ was the fact that ‘the Northern government exists because 800,000 Irish Protestants insist that under no circumstances will they allow themselves to be governed by a predominantly Catholic Parliament in Dublin’; and that ‘the task for modern Irish statesmen is to create the conditions in which … trust and understanding can grow’; see Donal Barrington, Uniting Ireland, Dublin, 1958, pp. 12 and 13; original emphasis. 50 Michael Laffan, ‘Insular attitudes: The revisionists and their critics’, in Máire Ní Dhonnachadha and Theo Dorgan (eds) Revising the Rising (Derry: Field Day, 1999), pp. 106–21; Cillian McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice in Northern Ireland: A neo-traditionalist paradigm?’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 12:3 (2010), pp. 425–41. 51 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. xv. 52 Ibid., p. xvii. 53 de Bréadún, The Far Side, p. 20. 54 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 277. 55 Conall McDevitt interviewed by Alan Leonard, 1999; The John Whyte Archive, University College, Dublin. 56 Irish News, 11 December 1972. 57 Hume had predicted that the Anglo-Irish Agreement would ‘lance the unionist boil’ and force unionists into talks with nationalists by the end of 1986; see Henry Patterson, Ireland since 1939, p. 313. 58 Irish News, 18 November 1985. Notes 197

59 Fermanagh Herald, 16 November 1985. 60 de Bréadún, The Far Side, pp. 39 and 51. 61 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 129. 62 Diarmaid Ferriter, The Transformation of Ireland, 1900–2000 (London: Profile Books, 2004), p. 644. 63 The then Taoiseach demonstrated a greater capacity for punctiliousness and callousness than his Northern nationalist counterparts when he claimed he recognised how ‘unionists had suffered in a different way’ to nationalists, but reminded them that ‘[t]hese fears diminished them; it [led] them into ways of thinking and of acting that did less than justice to the fundamental generosity of spirit which they share with those on this island who belong to other, nationalist traditions’; Irish News, 20 November 1985. 64 Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP. 65 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 144. 66 McLoughlin, John Hume, pp. 264–5. 67 de Bréadún, The Far Side, p. 20. 68 Ibid., p. 5; see also McLoughlin, John Hume, pp. 139–45. 69 Murray, John Hume, pp. 161–87. 70 Author interview with male SDLP member, October 2009. 71 See English, Irish Freedom, p. 383. 72 Campbell, ‘New Nationalism?’, p. 122. 73 SDLP, ‘SDLP leader, Ritchie: Time for North-South fight-back against dissidents’ [15 August 2010], available at http://oconallstreet.com/2010/08/15/sdlp-leader- ritchie-time-for-north-south-fightback-against-dissidents/, accessed on 23 August 2010. 74 John Mooney, ‘Dissidents rise again’, Sunday Times, 15 August 2010, p. 16. 75 Ferriter, The Transformation, p. 642. 76 de Bréadún, The Far Side, p. 22. 77 Anthony McIntyre, ‘Modern Irish Republicanism and the Belfast Agreement: Chickens coming home to roost, or turkeys celebrating Christmas’, in Rick Wilford (ed.) Aspects of the Belfast Agreement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 217. 78 Irish News, 17 December 1993. 79 Irish News, 18 December 1993. 80 Fermanagh Herald, 25 December 1993. 81 Cillian McGrattan, Northern Ireland, pp. 127–8. 82 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 166. 83 Social Democratic and Labour Party, ‘SDLP response to consultation on dealing with the past in NI: The recommendations of the Consultative Group on the past (“Eames/Bradley”)’ (unpublished manuscript, 2010; author’s copy), p. 6. 84 Ibid., p. 9.

Chapter 7 Nationalist Politics and Truth Recovery

1 See, for example, Alexandra Barahona de Brito, Carmen González-Enríquez and Paloma Aguilar, P., The Politics of Memory: Transitional Justice in Demo- cratizing Societies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Greg Grandin, ‘The instruction of great catastrophe: Truth commissions, national history, and 198 Notes

state formation in Argentina, Chile, and Guatemala’, The American Historical Review, 110:1 (2005), pp. 46–67; Patricia B. Hayner, Unspeakable Truths: Con- fronting State Terror and Atrocity (London: Routledge, 2001); Jelena Suboti´c, Hijacked Justice: Dealing with the Past in the Balkans (London: Cornell University Press, 2009). 2 W. James Booth, Communities of Memory: On Witness, Identity, and Justice (London: Cornell University Press, 2006). 3 Kirk Simpson, Truth Recovery in Northern Ireland: Critically Interpreting the Past (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), p. 35. 4 See, for example, Ignatieff, Warrior’s Honor; Ricoeur, Memory; Andrew Rigby, Justice and Reconciliation: After the Violence (London: Lynne Rienner, 2001). 5 See also, Elizabeth Stanley, Torture, Truth and Justice: The Case of Timor- Leste (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009); and Suboti´c, Hijacked. 6 Pocock, ‘Time’. 7 Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (London: University of California Press, 2001). 8 Roger Dale Petersen, Understanding Ethnic Violence: Fear, Hatred, and Resentment in Twentieth-Century Eastern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). 9 See Conor Cruise O’Brien, ‘Bobby Sands: Mutations of nationalism’, in Passion and Cunning and Other Essays (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), pp. 263–80. 10 Derrida, Specters; Avery Gordon, Ghostly Matters: Haunting and the Sociological Imagination (London: University of Minnesota Press, 2008). 11 McGrattan, ‘Order out of chaos’. 12 Marysia Zalewski, ‘Gender ghosts in McGarry and O’Leary and representa- tions of the conflict in Northern Ireland’, Political Studies, 53:1 (2005), p. 204. 13 Wendy Brown, Politics Out of History (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 147. 14 Derrida, Specters, p. 54; original emphasis. 15 McGrattan, Northern Ireland, pp. 156–80. 16 Guelke, ‘Commentary’, p. 363. 17 Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern, ‘A Trojan horse? Unionism, trust and truth-telling in Northern Ireland’, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, 2:1 (2008), p. 43. 18 Sinn Féin’s appropriation of the word ‘republican’ has itself political rami- fications. Moderate nationalists – particularly those who were involved or were politicised during the civil rights period of the late 1960s, often reject both the terms ‘moderate’ and ‘nationalist’, preferring to see themselves as ‘republicans’. Within the more radical, ‘physical force’ strand of nationalist politics, Sinn Féin’s appropriation of the ‘republican’ nomenclature is also used to marginalise ‘dissidents’ who see the political settlement as an unac- ceptable compromise. For a recent ideological exploration of ‘Provisional republicanism’ see Kevin Bean and Mark Hayes, ‘Sinn Fein and the New Republicanism in Ireland: Electoral progress, political stasis, and ideological failure’, Radical History Review, 104:111 (2009), pp. 126–42. 19 SDLP, ‘SDLP response’. 20 Sinn Féin, ‘Truth recovery’ (unpublished manuscript, 2009; author’s copy). Notes 199

21 Johan Galtung, Peace by Peaceful Means: Peace and Conflict, Development and Civilization (London: Sage, 1996); John-Paul Lederach, Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies (Washington: US Institute of Peace, 1998). 22 Aaron Edwards, ‘Drawing a line under the past’, Peace Review, 20:2 (2008), pp. 209–17. 23 Hayner, Unspeakable Truths, p. 163. 24 Brandon Hamber, ‘Forgiveness and reconciliation: Paradise lost or pragma- tism?’, Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 13:1 (2007), p. 118. 25 David Bloomfield, ‘The context of reconciliation’, in David Bloomfield, Teresa Barnes and Luc Huyse (eds) Reconciliation after Violent Conflict: A Handbook (Stockholm: International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), 2003), p. 42. 26 Rigby, Justice, p. 12; see also Ricoeur, Memory. 27 Rigby, Justice, p. 12. 28 Dennis Sullivan and Larry Tifft, Handbook of Restorative Justice: A Global Perspective (London: Routledge, 2006); Ruti Teitel, Transitional Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 29 McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice’. 30 Holly Ventura-Miller, ‘Introduction’, Sociology of Crime, Law and Deviance, 11 (2008), p. x. 31 See Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern, ‘Whose justice? Rethinking tran- sitional justice from the bottom up’, Journal of Law and Society, 35:2 (2008), pp. 265–92; see also Brian Gormally and Kieran McEvoy, Dealing with the Past in Northern Ireland from Below: An Evaluation (Belfast: Community Foundation for Northern Ireland, 2009). 32 Janine Natalya Clark, ‘The three Rs: Retributive justice, restorative justice, and reconciliation’, Contemporary Justice Review, 11:4 (2008), p. 335. 33 Berber Bevernage, ‘Writing the past out of the present: History and the politics of time in transitional justice’, History Workshop Journal, 69:1 (2010), p. 121. 34 David Mendeloff, ‘Truth-seeking, truth-telling, and postconflict peace- building: Curb the enthusiasm’, International Studies Review, 6:3 (2004), pp. 355–80. 35 Ibid., p. 363. 36 Graham Dawson, Making Peace with the Past? Memory, Trauma and the Irish Troubles (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007); McDowell, ‘Commemorating’. 37 John R. Gillis, Memory and identity: The history of a relationship’, in Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity’, edited by John R. Gillis (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 3–24. 38 Richard J. Goldstone, ‘Justice and reconciliation in fragmented societies’, in Facing Ethnic Conflicts: Toward a New Realism, edited by Andreas Wimmer, Richard J. Goldstone, Donald L. Horowitz, Ulrike Joras and Conrad Schetter (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), p. 193. 39 Booth, Communities, p. 3. 40 Specifically, Bean points out that ‘Community organisations and political structures that had started out as agencies of revolutionary mobilisation became gatekeepers between the state and the nationalist community, as 200 Notes

well as acting as transmission belts for the Provisional movement’; Bean, The New Politics, p. 5. 41 Ibid., p. 48. 42 Sinn Féin, ‘Truth recovery’, p. 11. 43 R.F. Foster, The Irish Story: Telling Tales and Making it Up in Ireland (London: Allen Lane, 2001), p. 184. 44 Henry McDonald, Gunsmoke and Mirrors: How Sinn Fein Dressed Up Defeat as Victory (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2008), p. 121; see also McDowell, ‘Commemorating’. 45 Ed Moloney, Voices from the Grave (London: Faber, 2010); see also Aaron Edwards and Cillian McGrattan, ‘Terroristic narratives: On the (re)inven- tion of peace in Northern Ireland’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 23:3 (2011), pp. 357–76. 46 Rebecca Graff-McRae, ‘Popular memory in Northern Ireland’, in War, Memory and Popular Culture: Lessons on Modes of Remembrance and Commemoration, edited by Michael Keren and Holger H. Herwig (Jefferson: McFarlane & Co, 2009), pp. 41–56. 47 Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP. 48 Sinn Féin, ‘Truth recovery’, p. 8. 49 David McKittrick, Seamus Kelters, Brian Feeney and Chris Thornton, Lost Lives, p. 1482. 50 Sinn Féin ‘Truth recovery’, p. 12. 51 Ibid., p. 28. 52 See, for example, the key SDLP position paper, which formed the basis of the party’s approach to the peace negotiations of the 1990s, ‘SDLP analysis of the nature of the problem: Submission to Brooke Talks, June 1991’, Linenhall Library, Northern Ireland Political Collection, P9283. 53 Eolas, ‘Consultation paper on truth and justice’ (2003), available at http:// healingthroughremembering.info/images/j_library/lib/Eolas.pdf, accessed on 6 March 2010. 54 The Pat Finucane Centre, ‘Open letter from justice for the forgotten, the Pat Finucane Centre and relatives for justice, 2 July 2007’, available at http://www.serve.com/pfc/truth/ol_panel.html, accessed on 6 March 2010. 55 Clara Reilly, ‘Money is thrown at those in state uniform’, Andersonstown News, 13 February 2010, p. 16. 56 Ibid. 57 BBC, The Politics Show, 11 October 2009, available at http://news.bbc. co.uk/1/hi/programmes/politics_show/8301332.stm, accessed on 6 March 2010. 58 Relatives for justice, ‘Norman Tebit [sic] comments on BBC, Politics Show’, October 2009, available at www.relativesforjustice.com/norman-tebit- comments-bbc-politics-show.htm, accessed on 6 March 2010. 59 Ibid. 60 Patrick Roche, ‘Why should we shake the hands of reconciliation?’, Belfast Telegraph, 25 January 2010, available at www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk, accessed on 26 January 2010. 61 Marina Cantacuzino, ‘Norman Tebbit’s crusade against me is understand- able’, The Times, 12 October, available at www.timesonline.co.uk, accessed on 6 March 2010. Notes 201

62 See http://theforgivenessproject.com/project/about/, accessed on 6 March 2010. 63 Shelagh Stephenson, The Long Road (London: Methuen, 2008). 64 Cantacuzino, ‘Norman Tebbit’s crusade’. 65 Ibid. 66 See Bevernage, ‘Writing’; see also Humphrey, ‘Marginalizing’. 67 McGrattan ‘Order’; Simpson, Truth Recovery; Simpson, Unionist Voices. 68 See http://www.brandonhamber.com/clients.htm, accessed on 6 March 2010; see also Eolas, ‘Consultation’, p. 2. 69 Patricia Lundy and Mark McGovern, ‘Attitudes towards a truth commission for Northern Ireland in relation to party political affiliation’, Irish Political Studies, 22:3 (2007), p. 323. 70 Henry Patterson, ‘Truth and reconciliation in Northern Ireland? Not much hope of either’, Parliamentary Brief, February 2009. 71 Lundy and McGovern, ‘Attitudes’, pp. 321–2. 72 Lundy and McGovern, ‘A Trojan horse’. 73 Simpson, Unionist Voices, p. 122; original emphasis. 74 Lundy and McGovern, ‘A Trojan horse’, p. 62. 75 Simpson, Unionist Voices, p. 115. 76 Lundy and McGovern, ‘Attitudes’, p. 323. 77 O’Connor, In Search, p. 144. 78 McGrattan, ‘Order’. 79 EPIC Truth Recovery: A Contribution from Loyalism (Belfast: EPIC, 2004). 80 Pocock, ‘Time’, p. 205. 81 Although he does not deal with the area of truth recovery, P.J. McLoughlin argues that SDLP policy and ideology is characterised by being responsive to the threat of Provisional republican ‘outbidding’; see P.J. McLoughlin, John Hume. 82 McGrattan, Northern Ireland, pp. 127–8. 83 SDLP ‘Victims and the past’ (N.D.), available at www.sdlp.ie/index.php/ the_issues/victims_and_the_past/, accessed on 7 March 2010. 84 The section in question comprises two pages of a 17-page paper; SDLP, ‘SDLP response’, pp. 3–4. 85 Ibid., p. 6. 86 Northern Ireland Affairs Committee, House of Commons, Northern Ireland Affairs Committee: The Report of the Consultative Group on the Past in Northern Ireland (London: The Stationery Office, 2009). 87 SDLP, ‘SDLP response’, p. 7. 88 Ibid., p. 4. 89 Author interview with SDLP member (male, late-sixties), November 2009. 90 Author interview with SDLP member, November 2009. 91 Author interview with SDLP member, November 2009. 92 Murray and Tonge, Sinn Féin and the SDLP. 93 Margaret Ritchie, ‘The future of constitutional nationalism’, speech to the McCluskey Civil Rights Summer School, Carlingford, 28 August 2010; author notes. A published version of the speech is available at www.sdlp.ie/index. php/newsroom_media/speech/the_future_of_constitutional_nationalism/, accessed on 1 September 2010. 202 Notes

94 Danny Morrison, ‘Civil rights to armed struggle’, available at http://www. dannymorrison.com/?p=1698, accessed on 1 September 2010. 95 See, for example, Gerry Adams’ dismissal of suggestions that he was directly involved in the ‘disappearance’ of Jean McConville, a mother of ten, in 1972, by framing the allegations as politically or psychologically motivated attacks on IRA volunteers, of whom many also ‘suffered imprisonment, injury or the loss of friends and comrades. All can look back on their IRA involvement with pride’; Sinn Féin, ‘Adams Comments on Dolours Price Interview, 18 February, 2010’, available at www.sinnfein.ie/contents/18134, accessed on 8 March 2010. 96 Author interview with SDLP councillor, February 2010. 97 SDLP, ‘SDLP response’, p. 8. 98 Author interview with SDLP MLA, February 2010. 99 SDLP, ‘SDLP response’, p. 9. 100 Author interview with SDLP member, October 2009. 101 See, for example, Jonathan Powell, Great Hatred, Little Room: Making Peace in Northern Ireland (London: Vintage, 2009). 102 Office of the First and Deputy First Minister Recruiting People with Conflict- Related Convictions: Employers’ Guidance (Belfast: OFMDFM, 2007), p. 6, avail- able at www.ofmdfmni.gov.uk/1.05.07_ex_prisoners_final_guidance.pdf, accessed on 8 March 2010. 103 SDLP ‘Attwood: Eames/Bradley last best hope for dealing with the past, 29 May, 2008’, available at http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/victims, accessed on 8 March 2010. 104 SDLP, ‘SDLP response’, p. 9. 105 Author interview with SDLP MLA, October 2009. 106 Author interview with SDLP councillor, February 2010. 107 Author interview with SDLP councillor, February 2010. 108 See Bevernage, ‘Writing’; see also Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History (Boston MA: Beacon Press, 1997).

Chapter 8 Generational Change

1 Julian Barnes, The Sense of an Ending (London: Jonathan Cape, 2011), p. 60. 2 Ibid., p. 59. 3 Judt, Postwar, p. 829. 4 McBride, ‘Introduction’, p. 3. 5 See, for example Karl Mannheim, ‘The problem of generations’, Essays on the Sociology of Knowledge, edited by Paul Kecskemeti (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972), p. 295; see also, Aguilar, Memory, p. 1. 6 See, for example, Healing Through Remembering’s ‘commemoration prep- aration series’ ‘How have we remembered’, available at www.healingthrough- remembering.org/news/article/293/, accessed on 18 December 2011. 7 Cited in Barbara A. Misztal, Theories of Social Remembering (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003), p. 51. 8 McBride, ‘Introduction’, p. 6. 9 Daniel S.A. Bell, ‘Mythscapes: Memory, mythology, and national identity’, British Journal of Sociology, 54:1 (2003), p. 67. Notes 203

10 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage, 1995), p. 8. 11 Ibid., p. 7. See also Bell, ‘Mythscapes’, p. 69. 12 Cited in Geoffrey Cubit, History and Memory (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), p. 160. 13 Bell, ‘Mythscapes’, p. 72. 14 McBride, ‘Introduction’, p. 6. 15 Dawson, Making Peace, p. 12. 16 Michel Foucault, ‘Two lectures’, in Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, edited by Colin Gordon (Brighton: The Harvester Press, 1980), p. 98. 17 Ibid., pp. 81–2; see also Misztal, Theories, p. 62. 18 Popular Memory Group, ‘Popular memory: Theory, politics, method’, in The Oral History Reader, edited by Robert Perkes and Alistair Thompson (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p. 44. 19 Ibid., pp. 44–5. 20 Ibid., p. 45. 21 de Certeau, Everyday Life; see also, Cillian McGrattan and Elizabeth Meehan, ‘Introduction: The politics of everyday life’, in McGrattan and Meehan (eds) Everyday Life, pp. 3–19. 22 Popular Memory Group, ‘Popular memory’, p. 47; original emphasis. 23 Conway, Commemorating. 24 Cubit, History, p. 175. 25 Michael Schudson ‘The present in the past versus the past in the present’, Communication, 11 (1989), p. 107. 26 Ibid., p. 109. 27 Ibid., p. 112. 28 Ibid., p. 113. 29 Paul Pierson, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004). 30 Misztal, Theories, p. 66. 31 Ibid., p. 67. 32 Aguilar, Memory, p. 2. 33 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Learning from the past or laundering history? Con- sociational narratives and state intervention in Northern Ireland’, British Politics, 5:1 (2010), pp. 92–113. 34 Aguilar, Memory, p. 4. 35 Jelin, State Repression, p. 96. 36 Alessandro Portelli, ‘Uchronic dreams: Working-class memory and poss- ible worlds’, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Mean- ing in Oral History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), pp. 110–14. 37 Alessandro Portelli, ‘The Order Has Been Carried Out’: History, Memory and Meaning of a Nazi Massacre in Rome (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 286. 38 Ibid., p. 206. 39 Stef Jansen, ‘The violence of memories: Local narratives of the past after ethnic cleansing in Croatia’, Local History, 6:1 (2002), pp. 84–5. 40 Ibid., p. 77. 41 Ibid., p. 78. 204 Notes

42 Duncan Bell, ‘Introduction: Memory, trauma and world politics’, Memory, Trauma and World Politics: Reflections on the Relationship between Past and Present (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 9. 43 Lucette Valensi, ‘Traumatic events and historical consciousness: Who is in charge?’, in Historians and Social Values, edited by Joep Leerssen and Ann Rigney (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2000), p. 195. 44 Christine van Boheemen-Saaf, Joyce, Derrida, Lacan, and the Trauma of History: Reading, Narrative, and Postcolonialism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 19–20. See also Cathy Caruth, Unclaimed Experience: Trauma, Narrative and History (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996). 45 Adrian Millar, Socio-Ideological Fantasy and the Northern Ireland Conflict: The Other Side (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2006). 46 Schudson, ‘The present’, pp. 111–12. 47 Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (London: Transaction Publishers, 1994), p. 115. 48 Ibid., p. 117. 49 Author interview, male SDLP member, Belfast, October 2009. 50 Author interview, female nationalist, Belfast, March 2010. 51 Author interview, male SDLP member, Downpatrick, March 2010. 52 Author interview, male SDLP member, Belfast, November 2009. 53 Ibid. 54 Martin Meehan interview, 27 July 2000; Dúchas Living History Project, Falls Community Council. 55 One of the most recent historiographical accounts questions this myth: see Henry Patterson, ‘The British State and the rise of the IRA, 1969–71: The view from the Conway Hotel’, Irish Political Studies, 24:3 (2008), pp. 491–551. 56 Meehan interview. 57 Ibid. 58 Malachi O’Doherty, The Trouble with Guns: Republican Strategy and the Provisional IRA (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1998), p. 73. 59 Ibid., p. 86. 60 Evi Gkotzaridis, Trials of Irish History: Genesis and Evolution of a Reappraisal (New York: Routledge, 2006). 61 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 121. See also, for example John Hume, who in his political memoirs blames unionist ‘intransigence’ for the prolongation of the conflict, Personal Views: Politics, Peace and Reconciliation in Ireland (Dublin: Town House, 1996), p. 25. 62 Jennifer Todd, ‘Nationalism, republicanism and the Good Friday Agreement’, in After the Agreement: Analysing Political Change in Northern Ireland, edited by Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 1999), p. 54. 63 Ibid., p. 70. 64 Ernest Blythe (described by Henry Patterson as ‘a member of that rare breed of Northern Protestants who supported Gaelic and separatist ideals and was imprisoned during the 1916 Rising’), for example, in 1949 warned the Dublin government against anti-partition propaganda campaigns and advocated instead a long-term project of ‘peaceful persuasion’; see Henry Patterson, Ireland since 1939: The Persistence of Conflict (Dublin, 2007), pp. 100–1. Similarly, in the 1950s, Donal Barrington pointed out that ‘the real issue’ was the fact that ‘the Notes 205

Northern government exists because 800,000 Irish Protestants insist that under no circumstances will they allow themselves to be governed by a pre- dominantly Catholic Parliament in Dublin’; and that ‘the task for modern Irish statesmen is to create the conditions in which … trust and understanding can grow’; see Donal Barrington, Uniting Ireland (Dublin: Sealy Bryers and Walker, 1958), pp. 12 and 13; original emphasis. 65 Laffan, ‘Insular attitudes’; McGrattan, ‘Community-based restorative justice’. 66 Jennifer Todd, ‘Northern Irish Nationalist political culture’, Irish Political Studies, 5:1 (1990), pp. 31–44. 67 Although Todd describes elements of nationalist debate before Hume, she claims that ‘[u]ntil the 1960s there were few serious attempts to develop and update nationalist political thought’, ibid., p. 33. For a detailed assessment of these debates see Enda Staunton, The Nationalists of Northern Ireland, 1918–1973 (Dublin: The Columba Press, 2001). 68 Richard Bourke, ‘Languages of conflict and the Northern Ireland troubles’, Journal of Modern History, 83:3 (2011), pp. 544–78. 69 Civil rights activists saw themselves as a third strand within nationalism – falling between physical force republicans and Catholic traditionalists: ‘[The first] tended to regard us with total disdain. The more cautious, con- servative elements of the nationalist population regarded us as dangerous radicals who were likely to bring all kinds of retribution down upon the heads of the nationalist community’; author interview, male SDLP member, Belfast, October 2009. Even in the midst of the evacuations in 1969, this essentially middle-class reserve was detectable: ‘I remember getting a phone call in ’69 to go and help people who thought they were going to be put out of Court Street and the Crumlin Road. There was an elderly lady who wanted to leave … She wanted to take her stuff, but there was too much. A character came in and said, “Go down and take the lorry down the street”. That sort of thing appalled us – you don’t do that sort of thing! But that was the situation’. Author interview, male nationalist, Dublin October 2009. 70 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. xv. 71 Ibid., p. xvii. 72 McGrattan, Northern Ireland, pp. 127–8. 73 Author interview, female SDLP member, Belfast, March 2010. 74 Tom Hartley, ‘Towards a broader base, Belfast Six-County Internal Conference, 25 June 1988’, Northern Ireland Political Collection, Linenhall Library, Belfast, PH1566. 75 McLoughlin, John Hume, p. 157. 76 Ibid., p. 158. 77 Michael Walzer, ‘Political action: The problem of dirty hands’, Philosophy and Public Affairs, 2:2 (1973), pp. 160–80. 78 Author interview, male SDLP supporter, Belfast, October 2009. 79 Author interview, female SDLP member, Belfast, February 2010. 80 Ibid. 81 Austin Currie, for example, begins his memoirs with the reflections that the ‘injustices being suffered by the Catholic population of Northern Ireland were great and caused much suffering to individuals. And the initial injus- tice of a nation divided by a foreign country against the wishes of the great 206 Notes

majority of its inhabitants was also great. But none of these injustices justified the loss of a single life, never mind close to four thousand’. Currie, All Hell, p. 10. 82 Author interview, male SDLP member, November 2009. 83 Georgina Blakeley, ‘Digging up Spain’s past: Consequences of truth and reconciliation’, Democratization, 12:1 (2005), p. 56.

Conclusion: The Workings of the Past

1 Robert McLiam Wilson, Eureka Street (London: Vintage, 1996), p. 229. 2 John Coakley, ‘The legacy of political violence in Northern Ireland’, in From Political Violence to Negotiated Settlement: The Winding Path to Peace in Twentieth Century Ireland, edited by Maurice J. Bric and John Coakley (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2004), p. 189. 3 Ibid., p. 190. 4 Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, ‘“Why can’t you get along with each other?” Culture, structure and the Northern Ireland conflict’, in Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland, edited by Eamonn Hughes (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1993), p. 28. 5 Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd, ‘Path dependence in settlement processes: Explaining settlement in Northern Ireland’, Political Studies, 55 (2007), p. 448. 6 Mark Doyle, Fighting like the Devil for the Sake of God: Protestants, Catholics and the Origins of Violence in Victorian Belfast (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), pp. 252–3. 7 Among others, see Anthony Craig, Crisis of Confidence: Anglo-Irish Relations in the Early Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2010); Thomas Hennessey, Northern Ireland: The Origins of the Troubles (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2005); Cillian McGrattan, Northern Ireland; Simon Prince, Northern Ireland’s ’68: Civil Rights, Global Revolt and the Origins of the Troubles (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2009). 8 Ruane and Todd, ‘Path dependence’, pp. 454–5. 9 Ibid., p. 455. 10 Ruane and Todd, ‘Culture’, p. 39. 11 Coakley, ‘Legacy’, p. 190. 12 Marie Breen-Smyth, ‘Reconciliation and paramilitaries in Northern Ireland’, in Reconciliation after Terrorism: Strategy, Possibility or Absurdity? edited by Judith Renner and Alexander Spencer (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), p. 112. 13 In 2010, for example, John Waters remarked how it ‘is strange, too, how we ourselves have reverted to speaking about nationality and sovereignty, how the protest against the austerity measures was held, for example, outside the General Post Office (GPO). This sudden hankering after our nationalist past is reminiscent of the way people tend to find religion when bad things happen’. John Waters, ‘Maastrich rules were what really sunk us’, Irish Times, 3 December 2010. 14 Michael Humphrey ‘Marginalizing “victims” and “terrorists”: Modes of exclu- sion in the reconciliation process’, in Reconciliation after Terrorism: Strategy, Possibility, or Absurdity? edited by Judith Renner and Alexander Spencer (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), p. 53. Notes 207

15 R.F. Foster, ‘Introduction’, The Irish Story: Telling Tales and Making It Up in Ireland (London: Allen Lane, 2001), pp. xv–xvi. 16 Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, ‘On the theory of ghosts’, in Dialectic of Enlightenment (London: Verso, 1997), p. 216; translated by John Cumming. 17 Cillian McGrattan, ‘Historians in post-conflict societies: Northern Ireland after the troubles’, available at www.historyandpolicy.org/papers/policy- paper-113.html, accessed on 21 February 2012. 18 Georgina Blakely, ‘Digging up Spain’s past: Consequences of truth and recon- ciliation’, Democratization, 12:1 (2005), p. 53. 19 Newton Emerson, ‘McGuinness’s campaign still too toxic’. 20 For example, writing in the aftermath of the very different reaction by Pro- visional republicans to the death of former IRA-man, Martin Meehan on the one hand, and the separate killings of the two Catholics Robert McCartney and Paul Quinn, on the other, the novelist Glenn Patterson suggested that the ‘disturbing thought is that in the all-new Northern Ireland we are still being asked to believe not what we see but what we are told we should see’. Glenn Patterson, ‘What price the process?’, Guardian, 22 November 2007, available at, www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2007/whatpricetheprocess, accessed on 21 February 2012. 21 Fintan O’Toole, ‘In a memorable decade, why throw history out of the window?’, Irish Times, 10 September 2011, p. 9. 22 J.H. Plumb, The Death of the Past (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004[1969]), p. 17. 23 Ibid., pp. 46–7. 24 Niall Ferguson, ‘Introduction’, in Ibid., pp. xx–xviii. 25 Tristram Hunt, ‘If we have no history, we have no future’, The Observer, 28 August 2011, available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/ aug/28/tristram-hunt-history-teaching-schools, accessed on 24 February 2012. 26 Claire Connolly, ‘Introduction: Ireland in theory’, in Theorizing Ireland, edited by Claire Connolly (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 2–3. 27 See, for example, Stefanie Lehner, Subaltern Ethics; Kirk Simpson, Unionist Voices. Index

1998 Agreement, 18, 20, 21, 47, 82, Borges, Jorge Luis, 79–80 86, 118, 125, 142, 172 Bourdieu, Pierre, 94 British, 1, 3, 12, 13, 16, 20, 21, 38, 54, Adams, Gerry, 20–1, 26, 41, 77, 82, 64–80, 82, 83, 86, 90, 93, 97, 98, 88, 97, 100, 112, 115–19, 131, 100, 101, 108, 111, 113–19, 121, 142, 157, 162–3, 166 131–3, 138, 156–60, 163–4, 168, Adorno, Theodor, 42, 47, 58–9, 171 170 Aguilar, Paloma, 27, 152–3 Butor, Michel, 22 Ahern, Bertie, 60, 128 Alcobia-Murphy, Shane, 65, 68–70 Cameron, David, 1, 67, 93 Algeria, 9 Campbell, Sarah, 107–10 Allen, Kieran, 72 Cantacuzino, Marina, 134–5 Alonso, Rogelio, 75, 99 Carr, E.H., 104 Améry, Jean, 59 Caruth, Cathy, 23–30, 155 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985), Cercas, Javier, 36 114–15, 117 Clinton, Bill, 118 Arendt, Hannah, 23, 148 Coakley, John, 167–70 Assmann, Jan, 27 Commemoration, 1, 9–10, 26, 41–2, Auge, Marc, 29, 93 65, 86, 73, 80, 88, 92, 100, 131, Aughey, Arthur, 72–3 140, 147 Connolly, Claire, 178, Balkans, 9, 19, 50, 154 Connolly, William, 23 Ballagh, Robert, 73 Conway, Brian, 150 Barnes, Julian, 145 Barthes, Roland, 96 de Bréadún, Deaglan, 116–17, 166 Bean, Kevin, 15–16, 21, 70, 130 de Certeau, Michel, 1 Beck, Ulrich, 46–7, 58 Deane, Seamus, 53, 55 Belfast Agreement, see 1998 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), 40, Agreement 42, 81–3, 142 Benjamin, Walter, 11, 34 Derrida, Jacques, 38, 57–8, 62, 125 Bennett, Ronan, 98 Devlin, Martina, 86–7 Berry, Jo, 135 Dorfman, Ariel, 40 Bevernage, Berber, 57–8, 128 Downing Street Declaration (1993), Bhabha, Homi, 52–3 118–19 Billig, Michael, 148 Duggan, Dave, 47–8, 50, 65–6, Blair, Tony, 64, 67, 118 68–9 Bloody Friday, 64–5, 77–80 Bloody Sunday, 5, 64–80, 81–2, 99, Éirígí, 20, 37, 85, 165 150, 157 Elton, Geoffrey, 103–5, 107 Bloody Sunday Inquiry, see Saville Emerson, Newton, 86–7 Inquiry Boal, Augusto, 54 Fanon, Franz, 53–4 Booth, W. James, 14, 129 Ferriter, Diarmaid, 115, 118

208 Index 209

Figes, Orlando, 30 La Capra, Dominick, 62–3 FitzGerald, Garret, 73 Langer, Lawrence, 29 Forgiveness Project, the, 134–5 Lanzmann, Claude, 29–30 Foster, R.F., 171 Lawther, Cheryl, 92–4 France, 30, 38 Lazarus, Neil, 53 Friel, Brian, 59, 68, 69 Lehner, Stefanie, 43 Levi, Primo, 9, 17, 37 Germany, 4, 11, 38, 62, 164 Loyalism, 12, 24, 39–40, 42, 45, Gibney, Jim, 88 48, 50, 78, 86, 92, 109, Gillis, Alan, 22 136–7, 139, 156, 158–9, 161, Good Friday Agreement, see 1998 164 Agreement Lundy, Patricia, 136–7 Graff-McRae, Rebecca, 10 Lynch, John, 69–70, 77 Graham, Colin, 56 Grandin, Greg, 15 Magee, Patrick, 71, 134–5 Gross, Jan, 30 Maier, Charles, 36 Guatemala, 15 Major, John, 118 Mannheim, Karl, 28 Halbwachs, Maurice, 27, 147–8 McAleavey, Jimmy, 47–8, 51 Hamber, Brandon, 127, 136 McAleese, Mary, 37–8 Hansson, Heidi, 69–70 McBride, Ian, 31, 147 Hart, Peter, 38, 87 McCarthy, Justine, 87–8 Hastings-Smith, Laura, 89–90 McDonnell, Bill, 54 Healing Through Remembering, 39 McGee, Patrick, 55 Herron, Tom, 69–70, 77 McGovern, Mark, 136–7 Historical consciousness, 26, 32–8, McGrady, Eddie, 116 47, 51, 66, 72, 153 McGuinness, Martin, 67, 74, 76, Hobsbawm, Eric, 12, 24, 88 87,100, 131, 142, 157 Holocaust, the, 26, 30, 31, 62 McIntyre, Anthony, 119 Horkheimer, Max, 42, 47, 171 McLoughlin, P.J., 108–12, 115–17, Hume, John, 56, 110–20, 137, 146 120, 159, 161–4, 166 Humphrey, Michael, 15–16, 170 McNamee, Eugene, 89–92 Hunger strikes (1980–81), 1, 5, 59, McQueen, Steve, 59, 81, 85, 88–92, 81–100, 114, 117, 134 96, 98–9 Meehan, Martin, 157–9 Ignatieff, Michael, 3, 66 Megill, Allan, 31 Irish, 1, 3–6, 12, 20, 21, 24, 26, 35, Memory, 9, 10, 14, 17–19, 23, 37–8, 41, 43–58, 60–1, 64, 66–8, 26–38, 45, 51, 57, 59, 60, 72, 74, 76–88, 93, 96, 100–26, 63, 68, 71–2, 77, 80, 81, 131–2, 136–8, 140, 143, 146–7, 95–6, 125, 145–53, 159, 165, 156, 159, 160–8, 170–2 174 Irwin Zarecka, Iwona, 10, 155 Memorials (memorialisation), 3, 42, 60 Jansen, Stef, 9, 154 Mendeloff, David, 128–9 Jelin, Elizabeth, 32, 153 Misztal, Barbara, 152 Morrison, Danny, 97–8, 100, Kearney, Richard, 56 140 Kenny, Enda, 1 Mulhern, Francis, 52, 54 Kubal, Timothy, 95 Mustafa, Shkir, 55 210 Index

Narrative, 2–5, 9–10, 12, 14–15, Rancière, Jacques, 34, 105 17–18, 21, 24–5, 29–37, 40, 42, Reconciliation, 1, 3, 8, 11, 13, 15–17, 44–5, 52, 54–5, 58–9, 61, 63, 21, 26, 30, 43–6, 57–9, 82, 85, 64–5, 69–70, 72, 77, 80, 81–2, 86, 91, 92, 114, 115, 122, 124, 86–7, 89, 91, 93–6, 100, 102–9, 126–30, 134–6, 140, 142, 170, 112, 115–16, 118–20, 122, 124–6, 172 128–9, 131–9, 141–4, 147–50, Regan, John, 87 152, 157, 162–3, 167–74 Republicans, 3, 5, 12, 15, 16, 21–4, Nationalism, 2, 4, 5 10, 19, 20, 21, 35, 38, 39, 42, 48, 50, 53, 55, 64, 68, 38, 41, 47–56, 63–78, 80, 82–3, 71, 73, 75–8, 81–8, 93, 96–102, 86–7, 93, 101–22, 123–44, 146–8, 108, 111, 115–20, 126, 130–42, 150, 155, 156, 159, 160, 161, 156–60, 162–6, 172 162–6, 169, 170 Restorative justice, 127, 129, 135–6 Nuremburg, 11 Revisionism, 51, 54, 55, 68, 72, 101, 103, 108, 111, 122, 156, 160 Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, 68, 75 Reynolds, Albert, 120 O’Rawe, Richard, 82, 96–7 Ricoeur, Paul, 17–18, 34, 60, 62–3 O’Toole, Fintan, 37–8, 88–91, 96, Rigby, Andrew, 127 172–3 Rolston, Bill, 136 Oakeshott, Michael, 72, 94 Rousso, Henry, 30 Oswald, Alice, 23 Royal Ulster Constabulary, 81, 158

Paisely, Ian, 157 Sands, Bobby, 59, 85, 89–92, 97, 100 Parnell, Charles Stewart, 110, 116 Sartre, Jean-Paul, 30, 164 Peace process, 1, 20–1, 24, 40–4, Saville Inquiry (Bloody Sunday 46–7, 51, 56–7, 61, 74, 82–6, 99, Inquiry), 65, 67, 71, 74, 75 113, 119, 121, 127, 134, 146, Schaap, Andrew, 23 162, 164 Schudson, Michael, 31–2, 151 Pearse, Padraig, 31, 55 Schwartz, Bill, 96 Pine, Emilie, 59–60, 62, 90–1, 96 Second World War, 11, 30, 38, 62 Plumb, J.H., 173–4 Sectarianism, 2, 7, 41, 49, 55, 66, 76, Pocock, J.G.A., 23, 33–4, 44, 96, 78, 86, 87, 100, 107, 115, 122, 106–7, 109–10, 121–2, 129, 137 125, 133, 143, 156, 161, 163, Poland, 30 164 Policy, 1, 8, 10, 25, 60, 67, 80, 83, 95, Sennett, Richard, 29, 45 102, 108, 115, 131, 132, 138, 141, Simpson, Kirk, 88, 93 142, 163, 168, 170 Sinn Féin, 2, 3, 5, 16, 20, 40, 42, 72, Popular Memory Group, 149–50, 77, 78, 81–9, 87, 100–2, 114–20, 159 126, 130–4, 137–46, 156–7, 163, Portelli, Alessandro, 153–4 165 Post-colonialism, 51–63 Social Democratic and Labour Party Post-conflict, 1, 8, 10, 15, 24, 25, 36, (SDLP), 17, 18, 40, 60, 62–3, 37, 61, 80, 82, 83, 85, 88, 136 75–8, 86–7, 92, 101–2, 107–11, Poulantzas, Nicos, 86–4, 91, 94–5 115, 117–18, 120–2, 126–7, Provisional Irish Republican Army 137–43, 146, 161–5 (PIRA), 12, 48, 64–8, 71–9, 81, 86, South Africa, 4, 8, 11, 24 101, 108, 110, 131, 133, 134, 137, Spain, 11, 36 140, 141,161 Stephenson, Shelagh, 135 Purvis, Dawn, 39 Storytelling, 4, 172 Index 211

Tebbit, Norman, 133–5 Valensi, Lucette, 9, 154–5 Thatcher, Margaret, 82, 134 van Boheenen-Saaf, Christine, 155 Theatre of Witness, 44–5 Victims, 1–3, 9–17, 25–6, 29, 36–7, Todd, Jennifer, 111, 160–1, 166, 168–9 39, 41, 43–4, 60, 63, 66–7, 74, 77, Tonkin, Elizabeth, 27 80–2, 85, 87, 89, 93, 98, 123, Transitional justice, 135, 136, 170, 173 126–8, 132, 133, 135, 142, 161–6, Trauma (traumatic paradigm), 2, 8–9, 170, 175 26, 36, 51–2, 59–65, 68, 70, 82, Volkan, Vamik, 8, 12 88, 94, 153–5, 166–8 Trimble, David, 113, 162 Weber, Max, 11, 14 Truth recovery, 3, 4, 5, 15, 16, 47, 48, Whelan, Kevin, 60 58, 91–3, 123–44 White, Hayden, 104–9, 121 Widgery Tribunal, 67, 69, 74 Ulster unionism, 20, 92, 109, 112–14, 136, 137, 139 Zeldin, Theodor, 11–12, 25 Ulster Unionist Party, 40, 77, 86, 116, 162