THE POLITICS OF PRIMARY IN : PARENT PARTICIPATION AND NATIONAL REFORMS

NANSOZI K. MUWANGA

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Pbilosophy Graduate Department of Political Science of Toronto

@Copyright by Nansozi K. Muwanga 2000 National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*I of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son pe~ssion. autorisation. Educational reforms in Uganda since 1986, culrninating in the introduction of Universal

Primary Education (UPE) in 1996, attempted to reestablish centralized control over education and, by implication, reverse the trend toward the unregulated involvement in education of both of parents and non-state institutions. These reforms ran counter to existing participatory pattems of educational financing and administration, as well as to the political philosophy underpinning the National Resistance Movement (NRM) governrnent, i.e., democratization and popular participation in decision-making and service delivery. The inherent tension between educational reforms and political goals raises an important question that is central to this study: Cmthe state strengthen its administrative control over education and also preserve and extend local participation?

This study examines parent participation at the local level in the financing and management of pnrnary education during the penod 1971 to 1997. This is a period that began with a slide toward political and economic disintegration and ended with a decade of political and economic consolidation under the NRM. Arnong the objectives the NRM set out to achieve after seizing power in January 1986 was the creation of a political consensus around its political reforms with the broad aim of promoting democracy. Among its other objectives, the new government sought to equalize educational oppomuiities as a comentone of its poverty eradication strategy. The link between the two objectives - promoting democracy and equalizing educational opportunities - was straightforward: a more

"educated" citizenry would contribute to the democratic, participatory and developrnent- oriented agenda of the MIM government. Focusing on the patterns of participation that emerged during the penod of disintegration as diverse groups and interests became involved in the schools, the study examines the political and educational implications of that participation during the time of national consolidation.

This study rnakes four arguments. First, that participation, as it becarne established in Uganda drew upon powerful individual and farnily motives, as well on concems for the cornmon good. Second, that govemment efforts to assert political control over education in order ro equaiize access to education and promote equality tended to divide parents betsveen those who supported the added investrnent and those who opposed the reduction ofroles for parents and religious institutions. Third, that this opposition based on hard won and effective system ofparticipation put the govemment's legitimacy at risk; whereby to build aconsensus for its policies, the govemment had to find a way of working with institutions of participation. Fourth, that as politics became more open and participation increasingly institutionalized, the govemment, having a development agenda, ran into problems conceming its perceived legitimacy and its need to build consensus for its policies. This fourth argument extrapolates beyond the case study to highlight how the issue of parent participation is a harbinger of heightened politics associated with opening up political systems where strong participation exists in an are3 where govemment needs to increase its legitimacy. Acknowledgements

Many institutions and individuals, both in Canada and Uganda, have contributed in numerous ways - financial, professional, and persona1 - towards my cornpletion of this work. First, 1 am most grateful for the financial support 1received 60m the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto. 1would also like to thank the administrative staff, in particular, Margaret Mackone, Shelly MacLarty and Joan Kallis--whose help has been invaluable to me. Prokssionaily, I wish to hank Professors Jonathan Barker, Richard Stren, and David Wilson--al1 members of my doctoral committee-for their enthusiasm, readiness to discuss ideas, and insightful cornments. S~eciaIthanks go to my supervisor, Professor Jonathan Barker, for his continued confidence in my work despite my own occasional discouragement. Furthemore, his long journey to visit me in Uganda during my field work not only allowed me to share my remarkable experience with him, but gave me the opportunity to cl&@ my ideas through our discussions. 1 also want to thank Professor Richard Stren for having made it possible for me to become part of the stimulating yet informal culture that characterizes the Centre of Urban and Comrnunity Studies. The Centre has been my locus of learning, an important venue for social interaction and developrnent and, importantly, has also provided me with emptoyment. I benefited immensely fiom Professor David Wilson's experience with issues in African education. His comments, on several cirafts of this thesis, asked tough questions, suggested usefil readings, and provided me with an extremely usehl overall guide on the politics of education in Afnca. 1 wish also to thank Professor , former Director of Institute of Social Research (1996-97), Minister of Education (1997-98), Prime Minister ofUganda (1999), as the unofficial fourth member of my degree cornmittee, both for his knowledgeable comments and valuable documentation. Next, 1 would like to thank the Rockefeller Foundation for the Ahcan Dissertation Intemship Award for my research in Uganda. 1am especially grateful to Makerere Institute of Social Research for having taken me on as a research associate for the duration of my research. I also convey my special thanks to my research assistants, Rebecca Mukyala, Erasmus Kimbowa, and James Serunjoji. They not only were highly knowledgeable, but a great pleasure to work with. My thanks go out as well to our excellent guide during our many journeys-- Mayanja-as well as to Kigozi for library assistance. 1am indebted as well both to President's Office and to the Ministry of Education for financial support towards the completion of my work A special th& to Elizabeth Kanyogonya and Arnelia Kyambadde - President's Ofice - for their kind help, and to Gertrude Kizito, Department of Political Science, , for keeping the channels of communication open between Toronto and Makerere. 1 am especially gratehl to al1 the people whom 1met in the schools that 1 studied. The willingness of the head teachers, teachers, parents and pupils to meet with me and speak frankly about their experiences, expectations, and concerns in education was essential in making this smdy what it is. I am dso indebtcd :O go~emmentofficiais both at the dishct level and in th2 Ministry of Education for having provided me with access to interviews, as well as to many usefil documents. 1would also like to thank various friends and members of my extended family in Canada and Uganda. 1extend a heartfelt thanks to Nancy Barker, who not only opened up her home to me when 1 first arrived in Toronto but became a wonderfbl sounding board both on academic and social matten. 1am deeply grateful to Sara and Ensa Mugabi, Grace Kiyaga-Nsubuga and their families, Alice Mutungi, Winnie, Amie, Godi, Vera, Jeremy, Jay, Andrea, Emmanuel, and rnembers of the ' Church (Toronto), a11 of whom have enriched my Ph.D. expenence, for their fkiendship and support. 1 would like to extend a special thanks to Maureen Emanuel, who endured long hours ofediting and weaving in revisions, but above all, for always being there. 1 am also deeply grateful to Kim's Jaja Hajati and our Fnend Bart whose compassion, wisdom, unwavering fiiendship, and support. over the years, has been invaluable. Finally, 1am deeply grateful for the continued support and love of my family. Each one, in a different way, has conhibuted toward what has become a collective goal. My greatest thanks go to rny parents for whom equal educational opportunity began at home. I may not have mded up in this field had they not communicated so strongly their belief in the importance of education, and their deep concem about al1 things political and social. I must also thank my sisters and their families. During my absences, they have helped me parent my daughter, Nakirnera (Km). Vikki, Tmdi, Maarna Julie, Lydia Obbo, Rose Moshe, Nant, and their families: thank you a11 for stepping into my shoes when 1needed help and doing it so very well. 1 am especially grateful to my sister Ree for her continued moral and fuiancial support, as well as to my brother, Emmanuel. Last but not least, 1 would like to thank my daughter Kim for her patience and a maturity well beyond her yean. 1 am deeply grateful for her understanding of my fiequent absences and for being a constant source of inspiration, humour, and learning. 1 hope that this study makes her as proud of me as 1am of her - always. Table of Contents

Abstract Aclaiowledgernents List of Tables Abbreviations

Introduction A Statement of the ProbIern 0 bjectives of the Study De finition of Parent Participation Methodology The Context of the Study Thesis Outline

Chapter One - Politics, Participation, and

Introduction

Modernization and the Post-colonial State in Africa 1.1.1 Education in Afncan Politics 1.1.2 Participation and State Development 1.1 -3 Education for Social Equality 1.1.4 Divergent Paths to Educational Refom and Social Equality 1.1.5 Education for Social Control

The Winds of Change: Participation and Educational Change

Perspectives on Participation

Redrawing Educational Boundaries Between the State and Society

Chapter Two - Politics, Participation and Education in Uganda

2.0 Introduction

2.1 The Socio-political Conte-ut

2.2 The Historical Context: Pre-independence Period 2-2.1 CoIonial Administration and PoIitical Differentiation 2.2.2 Economic Penetration and Digerentiation 2.2.3 The Politicization of Education 2.2.4 Religion, Ethnicity, and Ugandan Nationalisrn 2.3 The Historical Context: The Post-independence PeRod 74 2.3.1 Post-independence Politics, Administration, and Education 75 2.3.2 The Church and State in Education 79 2.3.3 Education for National Unity and Social Equality 82

2.4 Summary 85

Chapter Three - When Politics Fell Apart: Parents' Role in Rescuing the Schools

3.0 Introduction 86

3.1 Redrawing Educational Boundaries Eetween Parents and the State (1971-1979) 87 3.2 3.1.1 Parents Respond to the Cnsis in Education 95 3.1.2 Parent Participation in in Uganda 97 3.1.3 Parent Participation: Motivations and Strategies 99 3.1.4 The Framework for Participation: The Structure and Goals of PTAs 1O5 3 1 5 Common Reactions to PTA Activities 107

3.2 Politics, Participation, and Education (1979-1985) 109

3.3 The Social and Political Consequences of Parent Participation 1 i4

Chapter Four - Participation: Parents', Teachers', and Administrators' Perspectives

Introduction

Dimensions of Parent Participation

Competing Perspectives on Participation in Schools 4.2.1 Attitudes of Teachers Toward Parent Participation 4.2.2 Attitudes of School Administrators Toward Parent Participation 4.2.3 Attitudes of Parents Toward Participation 4.2.4 Advantages of Participation

Shifting the Balance of Power: Parents' Access to Participation in Schools 4.3.1 Parents' Organization iii the Schools 4.3.2 The Influence of Education on Parent Participation 4.3.3 Gender and Parent Participation 4.3.4 RuraUUrban Differences and Parent Participation 4.3.5 Social Status and Parent Participation 4.3.6 School Ownership and Parent Participation

Summary Chapter Five - The Government's Struggle for Control: The First Year of UPE

Introduction

Universal Primary Education (UPE): The Concept

UPE: The Goals - Equdiing Access and Promoting Equity

The lmplementation of UPE 5.3.1 Pre-UPE:Primary Education Finance 5.3.2 Re-UPE: Primary Education Administration 5.3.3 UPE: Financing 5.3.4 UPE: Administration 5.3.5 UPE: Parent Participation

Reactions to UPE 5.4.1 Equal Access to Education 5 A.2 Quality versus Quantity

Summary

Chapter Six - Conclusion and Summary of Findings

6.0 Introduction

6.1 Participation and Equality: The Political Dilemma

6.2 Participation at the Scbool Level 6.2.1 Participation as a Political 'Leveler' 6.2.2 Participation as a Political 'Sorter'

63 Participation at the National Level 6.3.1 Participation and Equality 6.3.2 Participation and the Issue of Govemmmt Legitimacy

6.4 Political and Educational Implications of the Findings

6.5 Conclusion and Recommendations

References and Bibliography Appendices

Appendix A: Questionnaires Appendix B : interviews AppendixC: NRMTenPointRograrn Appendix D: Excerpts nom the Education Act 1969 Guidelines of PTA Constitution Appendix E: Maps of Uganda and Study Sites Appendix F: Photographs of Study Sites List of Tables

0- 1 Population, Religious Distribution, and in the Three Study Sites 12

3- 1 Official Division of Roles Among the State, Ministry of Local Govemment (MLG), Ministry of Education (MoE), Parents, Parents, School Management Cornmittees (SMCs), and Parent Teachers Associations (PTAs). 92

Educational Establishments in Uganda 1970- 1986 94

Rate of attendance of PTA Meetings : Rural Parents 133

Rate of Attendance of PTA Meetings : Urban Parents 133

lnvolvement in School Activities (Rural Parents) - Gender 134

Involvement in School Activities (Urban Parents) - Gender 134

Type of InvoIvement in School Activities : Rural Parents 134

Types of Involvement in School Activities : Urban Parents 135

Position on PTA Executive (Rural Parents) - Gender 152

Position on PTA Executive (Urban Parents) - Gender 152

PTA Contributions (per child, per term) in 6 Schools in Urban and Rural Areas ( 1995-96) 173 Abbreviations COU Church of Uganda DE0 District Education Officer DIS District Inspector of Schools DP Democratic Party GDP Gross Domestic Product IMF International Monetary Fund KCC City Cowicil KY Kabaka Yekka LEGCO Legistative Council LC Local Council MoE Ministry of Education NGO Non-govemrnent ûrganization NRA National Resistance Amy NRM National Resistance Movement PLE Primary Leaving Examination PTA Parent Teacher Association RC Roman Catholic SAPs Structural Adjutment Prograrns SMC School Management Cornmittee SUPER Support for Pnmary Education Reform TDMS Teacher Development Management System UMEA Uganda Muslim Education Authority UNICEF United Nations Council for Children UNDP United Nations Development Program UNEB Uganda National Examinations Board UNLA Uganda National Liberation Amiy UNLF Uganda National Liberation Front WC Uganda People's Congress WPE Universal Prirnary Education UPM Uganda Patriotic Movement USAID United States Agency for intemationaI Development Social demand is a very real factor in educationai planning. If there is a strong pressure arnong the population for a certain amount or kind of schooling, such pressure constitutes a politicai if not a developmental need (Adams and Bjork 1969: 148). INTRODUCTION

President :

We cannot transform our country's sustainability itnless we deveiop the human resource area first . . . human resource developrn ent th rough mass education (Museveni 1995)

The counoy cannot aflord to continue with the curent education system through which an island of educaied peopb is prodzrc~d.bat suroundcd &ya sea of ignorant Ugandans. The business of government is usually conducted in writing while the majority ofpeople are illiterates ( Museveni 1995)

Parents: Ourfuture lies in education; (fourchildren do not go to school. then rve do not have a firture (Rural Parent 1994)

These statements capture both national and popular expectations about education. The concept of education as an engine of modemization, popular in the early 1960s, and the enduring faith in education as an economic and social leveler form the bedrock of modem

Afiican educational development (Coleman 1965; Abemethy 1969; Inkeles l969b; Alrnond and Verba 1963). Colonial administraton assigned to missionary education the task of socializing Afiican peoples into "modem" men and women (Abemethy, 1969;Inkeles 1969).

In the immediate post-independence period, however, social equality becarne the driving force behind educational refoms in dif3erent Afncan countries. Nationalist leaders invested in educational expansion in the belief that in addition to promoting modernity, education also had the capacity ro forge nations out of disparate entities, and to redress religious, ethnic and regional imbaiances (Comrnack, 1987; Heyneman 1989; Harber 1998). 2

By the 1980s, however, the capacity of govemments to meet national expectations and public aspirations in education had received major setbacks. The dual crises of political legitimacy and economic decline throughout Afnca resulted in a cnsis in education, rnanifested by low levels of participation, declining standards, and increasing inequalities in educational opportunities (Kinyanjui 1993; Bray 1991). Kinyanjui charac tenzes the crisis as being subtler and less graphic than the famine or food crises but as having, nonetheless, equally signifiant political and human consequences (1 993). The magnitude of the crisis in education in the 1980s was al1 the more drarnatic since, as Ki-Zerbo notes: "Afnca produces children at a rate unparalleled anywhere, and pushes them into cIassrooms at a rate

faster than anywhere" (1990: 46).

Despite the fact that people got used to the diminishing role of goverment in education, they still focused on education as one of the principal avenues for personal and professional advancement. This gradua1 decline in states' capacity to meet nsing demands

for education provoked increased participation on the part of individuals, communities, and non-state institutions, especially in the areas of educational financing and management

(Kinyanjui 1993). This tum of events began challenging the legitirnacy of govemments in

Afiican political and social life, calling into question the traditional division of power and

responsibility between state and society in the delivery of seMces (Migdal 1988; Olowu

1990; Young 1996; Harber 1998).

Over the last two decades, the relationship between education and development (the

latter understood to include social and political as well as econornic development) has 3 received renewed attention. Reports that draw attention to the positive effect of education on a wide range of social indicators have reinforced the salience of education to development

(UNICEF 1994; UM>P 1998; World Bank 1985,1993,1995,1996). While thecontribution of basic education to such issues as increased productivity, lowered child mortality, and fernale emancipation is not in question, there is debate over the government's role in education that relates to broader political and economic changes now occurring in most countries in Afkica. Fueled by the failure of centralized systems of education, such debate reflects the rise in academic interest and research concerning the benefits of 'popular participation' in decision-making. The enthusiasm of academic researchers over the benefits of participation has encouraged reform options that incorporate local participation while, at the sarne time allowing educational poiicy makers in sub-Saharan Africa to retain some control over the basic structure of the primary school systern (Maclure 1995).

In the Iast decade, the decentralization of educational systems has gained ground as a reform option both for political and economic reasons. This argument is supported by academic analysts who recomrnend the decentralization of educational systems as a solution both to insufficient public financing and low levels of participation (Lauglo and Mclean,

1985; Prawda 1993; Reimers 1997).

Embedded in these arguments is a challenge to the statzis quo conceming the use and distribution of power in the formulation of educational policy and its application in practice.

The broadening of educational govemance that currently is being advocated entails not just the change in a Iaw or in a formal rule, for in many ficancountries it is accompanied by 4 popular movements toward equality in the possession and exercise of power. Wherever power relationships change, however, conflict is a predictable outcorne.

A Statement of the Problem

The changing politics of education is particularly ciramatic in Uganda. Villasden and other writers on Uganda note that the national reforms by the National Resistance Movement

(NRM) govemment since 1 986 represent a major reconstruction of politics, administration, and public finance, a reconstruction that has resulted in one of the most ambitious attempts to decentralize and democratize' govemment in recent tirnes (Tidemand 1994: Villadsen

1994; Apter 1995; Khadiagala 1 995).

The NRM came to power in Uganda in 1986. It had three main objectives: first, to

Iiberate the country from dictatorship; second, to democratize politics; and, third, to modernize the economy and subsequently, society (Museveni 1996). According to President

Museveni, the kttwo objectives have been achieved. He notes, however that the third objective of modernizing Uganda requires a restmcturing of the educational system (New

Vision, December 16, l996:4).

Redirecting education to serve the needs ofa modem state is fùndamentally a political process regardless of whether the strategy is adaptive, evolutionary, or revolutionary. This

1 Although many writers are impressed by the Local Council (LC) systern under the NRM govemment, and were intrigued by the extensive decentralization of power and responsibility, the prospect of a transition to democratic govemance in Uganda is now. (2000) the subject of a growing debate. For example, Aili Tripp (2000: 55-67) expresses concern over the shrinking political arena. 5 is because education is one of the most important institutions both for confemng present and

Future social privileges and for achieving national developrnent. Moreover, political reforms that emphasize participation and openness also tend to encourage the expression of different interests and 'voices' that then go on to challenge the government's efforts to restnicture the educational system.

In the two decades before the NRM gained power, a weakened governent in Uganda held its spending on education to a bare minimum, virtually abandoning its administrative control of that sector. During that same penod, comrnunities, parents, and religious institutions gained increasing control over the public school system, organizing around both

Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs) and religious organizations (Odeat 1989; Brett 1996;

Senteza-Kajubi 1997; Passi 1995). These groups undertook the task of expanding primary education, which usually meant taking control of its financing and management.

Similar initiatives occurred in other Afncan coutries, notably in Zambia and

Cameroon, during the period of economic austerity of the 1980s (Graham-Brown 1991;

Boyle 1996). In Uganda, however, parents played an unusually large role in rescuing education and the scope and magnitude of their initiative was especially impressive. For example, in 1993, it was estimated that parents' financial contribution to pnmary education accounted for between 65% and 90% of the recurrent costs of primary education (Senteza-

Kajubi 1987; 1997; White Paper 1992; World Bank 1993). This financial involvement extended the power of parents and religious groups over the hancing and administrative functions previously dbedto the state (Senteza-Kajubi 1991 ; Uganda Govemment 1992; 6

Brett 1992; World Bank 1993; Apter 1995). Senteza-Kajubi notes that, as a consequence,

PTAs achieved an institutionalized stability within the school system that significantly altered the power relationship between the state and society in the provision of education

( 1987; 1997).

Despite the impressive rescue of the education system by parents and religious

groups, and despite the NRM's public cornmitment to expanded citizen participation,

concems of the NRM govenunent over persistent inequalities prompted it to attempt an

extensive reorganization in education. Toward this end, the governrnent cited figures

showing that school age children out of school outnumbered those in school (Ministry of

Education (MoE) 1996), figures that are corroborated by a üNICEF report (1994).

Moreover, literacy figures in 1994 stood at 44% for women and 54% for men. According

to the same report, the low level of literacy, especially arnong women, had important

implications for women's vulnerability and equity, especially in a country in which only 5%

of women reach the post prirnary school level. This Report merindicated that even in

worst case scenarios involving HIV/AIDS, with an annual population growth of 2S%, the

population was expected to double to 35 million in 28 years, with approximately half of that

population under 15 years of age WCEF 1994).

Early NRM educational refoms banned PTA contributions and special private

coaching by teachers for students in the schools. Other reforms followed from the

Govemment White Paper on Education (1992), and were geared toward making school

hancing and administration uniform. 7

The introduction of UPE in 1996 was aimed both at providing equal educational opportunities for al1 Ugandans and promoting equity in order to "produce citizens who are capable of carrying Uganda through a penod of successful growth and sustained development" (Museveni 1996). While the objectives of UPE were clear - increased enrollment and wider distribution of educational facilities - the concepts of "equality of access" and "equity" underlying the initiative were overly broad, vague, and subject to conflicting interpretations by different stakeholders involved in the financing and administration of education. At the time ofmy research (1996-7), parents expressed concem that refom would destroy the quality ofeducation and undermine the level of collaboration they had established. At a more philosophical level, the UPE policy, so resonant of centrally planned educational developments of the 1960s and 1970s, was at odds with the emphasis on popular participation and control of seMces embodied in the NRM government's broad political objectives.

After years of dictatorial goverment and political instability, the MUI set out to create a system of govemment that would be democratic and development onented. In practical terms, no longer would local leaders be appointed. They would be chosen by the very people they sought to lead, and who would play an active role in policy-making and implementation. Functions, powen, and responsibility for services would be devolved from the center to local governments to facilitate local democratic control, participation in decision making, and the mobilization of support for development that would be relevant to local needs. That way decision making would be taken as close as possible to the people 8 affected by the decisions made (Local Govemment pesistance Councils] Statute, 1993:2;

Harvey and Robinson 1995).

The seeming inconsistency between educational and politicai goals arose from introducing reforms whose intent was to control education at the sarne time that governrnent was promoting an increasingly open political environment. Under such conditions. the participation of parents and non-state interests became reinforced, and competing concepts of education, equality of access, quality of education, and participation became more obvtous.

Objectives of the Shidy

This study explores the issues that surround these confiicting goals. It examines the role played by parent participation in the financing and management of primary education at the local level during the period 1971 to 1996. It analyzes the social, political, and economic conditions that generated the participation of parents, comrnunities, and religious bodies in the financing of primary education. Finally, focusing at the local level, the shidy looks closely at parent participation and its consequences ?.

This study makes four arguments. Fint, that participation, as it became established in Uganda drew upon powerfùl individual and farnily motives, as well on concems for the

The role of parents in expanding educational access is well documented (Senteza-Kajubi 1987; Brett 199 1, Uganda Government 1992; WorId Bank 1993; Passi 1995). However, littIe has been written about education in Uganda as an arena of poIiticaI action, or about parent participation in education as an important dimension of civil society at work. 9 common good. Second, that govemment efforts to assert political control over education in order to equalize access to education and promote equality tended to divide parents between those who supported the added investrnent and those who opposed the reduction of roles for parents and religious institutions. Third, that this opposition based on a hard-won and effective system of participation put the govement's legitimacy at risk; to build a consensus for its policies, the govemmeiit had to find a way of working with institutions of participation. Fourth, that as politics becarne more open and participation increasingly

Uistitutionalized, the government having a development agenda ran into problems concerning its perceived legitimacy and its need to build consensus for its policies.

These four arguments invoke important questions about both educational policy and political outcornes. The relationship between educational refoms (particularly the introduction of UPE) coming kom the center, and existing local action in education rooted in a popular response to govemment failure would ultimately determine what type of education system would emerge. The issues, therefore, are who would participate in its design and how would the changes affect the role and aspirations of the key players in education.

Definition of Parent Participation

"Participation" refers to involvement on many levels: economic, social, political, and cultural. Moreover, it can connote both active andlor passive involvement, and can entail bo th representative and participatory dimensions (Benveniste 1977). 10

The importance of participation in education rests both on its philosophical and practical implications (Harber 1998). In literature that advocates wider participation and representation in education, typically five groups are identified: teachers, parents, pupils, the local council, and the local comrnunity (Lauglo and Maclean 1985). The argument on behalf of participation in education is usually twofold: first, that those imrnediately affected by educational practice should be represented in decision making; second, that the involvement of parents and cornmunities in the mobilization of funds and resources, not only is invaluable to the accumulation of resources, but also enhances local ownership of educational services

(Bray 199 1). Both of these arguments embody democratic principles.

At the practical level, Graham-Brown notes that factors that can influence the successfùl implementation of educational policy are not confined to the educational system itself (199 1). During the processes of negotiation and accommodation that accompany educational refoms, participation becomes not only socially and rnorally desirable, but hctionally necessary (Bray 1996; Elmore 1978; Williams 1980). Furthemore, Bray argues that wherever cornrnunities are encouraged to contribute money and labour and are given a share in power and responsibility for decision making, one finds an increase in both the resources available to schools and in the sustainability of projects (Bray 1996).

Methodology

The methods used in this study involved field research, library research, and document analysis. In order to understand the history of PTAs, 1spoke to parents, teachea, Il and administrators who had a long history of involvement in the schools. To understand how the PTAs worked, 1 included two sweyquestionnaires (one designed for the parents and one designed boih for teachers and head teachers), a school profile survey for administrators

(which inquired into sources of income, teachedpupil ratios, and school expenditues); separate focus group discussions with parents, teachers, and pupils; and, finally, in-depth face-to-face interviews. The interviewees consisted of four main groups differentiated by their relationship to schools. These included head teachers, teachers, parents, national and local education officiais, as well as individuals involved in . I talked to a range of parents, parents with children in the schools selected, and parents with children in other schools in the surrounding areas. In the schools studied, using the school registers and assisted by the head teachers, 1 selected two parents (1 male and 1 female) fiom each grade (grade 1-7). I took into consideration charactenstics such as gender and occupation that were deemed important Muences on their attitudes to schools and their participation in school affairs. Although this method did not select a statistically random sample, it did achieve the research objective: a set of interviews that reflected major overall trends and differences. My impression £kom the whole range of interviews was that they contained no major bias. Participatory observation (e.g. in meetings and class rooms) also provided an important source of data. Survey and Sample

Field research for this study involved the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods. Government figures showed that there were approximately 8,000 governrnent-aided and private pnmary schools throughout the country, with a higher concentration to be found in urban areas, more specifically, in the central region of .

Since it was impossible to cover al1 districts or to obtain a representative sarnple, 1 selected three districts that, in my view, captured some of the more important variations in Uganda, namely, diversity in income levels, urban-nual disparities, and ethnic and gender differences.

The districts chosen for the study were Luwem (rural), (niraVurban), and

Kampala (urban), al1 located in the central region of Buganda.

Table 0-1 : Population, Religious Distribution, and Literacy Rates in the Study Sites

/ Location / Population % Loeally Religion Literacy rate

1 1 Catholic 1 Cou3 1 Muslim Kampala 770,000 4 1.6% 39.4% 38.5% 19.8%

Mpigi 913,867 73% 48.8% 33.1% 16.0% Luwero 449,69 1 72.4% 34.2% 48.3% 14.0% Source: Population Census 199 1

1 COU(Church of Uganda) Description of Research Sites "

Kampala District

Kampala is the capital of Uganda. It is divided into five administrative divisions: Central,

Nakawa, , , and Rubaga. According to the 1991 Census, Kampala had a population of 770,000: 397,000 females and 377,225 males.

The literacy rate among the adult population as a whole is 88%, with the rate among the male population at 91% and among women at 86%. Religious composition as a percentage of the total population of Kampala includes: 39.4 % Catholic, 38.5% Church of

Uganda, and 19.8 % Muslim. The ethnic composition of Kampala, measured by birthplace, includes: people bom in the district, 4 1.6 %; bom elsewhere in Uganda, 56.1%; and bom outside of Uganda, 2.3%. Of the total population, the Baganda are the dominant eihnic group in Kampala, with a population of 469,219, i.e 6 1%.

Kampala has a total of 28 1 schools divided among its five divisions: division

54 schools); (43 schools); Rubaga didision (56 schools); Central division

(37 schools); (91 schools). Eighty-eight per cent of al1 school age children are enrolled in the schools while 11.9% are out of school. There are 2,300

The most authoritative sources of data on population and district resource endowments are the 199 1Population Census, and District Resource Endowment Reports. Because there has been an average annual population growth rate of 2.5%, however, officials in the Decentralization Secretanat suggest that the figures in the 199 1 Popdation Census should be adjusted upward by at Ieast IO%, in order to approximate the figures valid for 1995. Furthemore, at the time of this study, only one Resource Endowment Report for Mpigi district had been completed. Data on resource endowment for Kampala and Luwero were compiled from other official sources. 14 classroorns in Kampala. According to the Kampala District Education office, however, the ideal would be 3,925 classrooms, based on not more than fi@ students per classroom.

There were no official figures on the distribution of schools by ownership (Le., private, Non- govemment Organizations (NGOs), and govemment-aided). The study covered schools in four of Kampala's five divisions, the exception being Rubaga.

Schools in the Kumpalu District

Eight primary schools in Kampala were studied: Bat Valley Primary School, Shimoni

Demonstration School, Buganda Road Primary School, Kitante Primary School, Kyanja

Muslirn Primary School, St. Lawrence Primary School. Church of

Uganda (CICI) Primary School, and St. Paul Banda Primary School.

Mpigi Disiricf

Mpigi district lies at the heart of the Uganda. It is bordered by Mubende and Luwero districts to the north, Kampala district to the est, Masaka district to the southeast and Lake

Victoria to the south. Mpigi has five counties (Kyadondo, Mawokota, Gomba, Butarnbala, and Busiro), and one municipality ( Municipal Council).

Accordhg to the 1991 Population and Bousing Census, Mpigi has a population of

9 13,867people of which 455,703 are males and 458,164 are fernales. The urban component of the total population is 15%. Mpigi has a literacy rate of 73.3%: 75.3 % for males and

71.3% for fernales. 15

The religious composition of Mpigi district includes: Church of Uganda 33.1 %,

Catholic 48.8 %, and Muslim 16.0%. Mpigi is relatively homogeneous with respect to its ethnic composition, as measured by birthplace. Almost seventy-three per cent of the population were bom in the district, 24.0% were bom elsewhere in Uganda, and 3.2 % were bom outside of Uganda.

The district has a total of 829 primary schools. Of these, 40% are pnvate, 5 1% are government aided, and 9 % are owned by NGOs (Mpigi District Education Office). The study covered schools in al1 the counties in Mpigi, with the exception of Entebbe

Municipality.

Schoois in Mpigi District

The eight schools studied in Mpigi District include: Mpigi Muslim Pnmary School, Senene

C/U Primary School, Nsangi Prirnary School, Kabasanda Muslim Primary School, Kibibi

Muslim Primary School, Maddu C/U Primary School, Dinah Nabagereka Pnmary School, and CNPrimary School. St. Kizito Pnmary School replaced Mpigi Muslim

Prirnary school. My three visits to Mpigi Muslirn Primary School found it deserted except for the presence of the headmaster, who informed me that the school currently had no teachers, and that he was in the process of trying to find teachers for the anticipated infiux of UPE students. 16

Luwero District

Among the three study areas (Kampala, Mpigi, and Luwero), Luwero district is the lest developed and most predominantly rural. Part of the now famous Luwero hiangle,

Luwero had been a war zone for over five years during the penod 1981 to 1986, and had experienced the worst social, economic, and political destruction of any district in Uganda.

Luwero district is bordered by Nakasongola district to the north, by Mpigi district to the south, and by Kampala district to the southeast. According to the 1991 census, Luwero has a population of 449,69 1, with an urban component of only 8.1 %. Literacy rate among the adult population is as follows: 59 % among men and 56 % among women.

Religious composition as a percentage of the total population includes: Church of

Uganda 48.3 %, Catholic 34.2 %, and Muslim 14.0 %. The ethnic composition of the district measured by birthplace is as follows: 72.4% were bom in the district, 23.3% were bom elsewhere in Uganda, and 4.3% were bom outside of Uganda.

Luwero district has 114 pnvate schools and 239 government-aided schools. Luwero is divided into four counties: Bunili, Katikamu, Nakaseke, and Wabusana (Barnunanika).

The study covered schools in al1 four counties (Luwero District Education Office).

Schools in Luwero District

The eight schools studied in Luwero were Bombo Mixed Pnmary School, Kayindu

C/U Pnmary School, Zirobwe CNPnmq School, Kiwoko ClLl Frimary School, St. Kizito

Roman Catholic Primary School, Wobulenzi Public School, Kakooge UMEA Primary

School, and Wampiti CKJ Primary School. 17

Of the three districts, Luwero has the lowest level of econornic activity, owing to a protracted penod of political instability. However, its communities are highly politicized and ethnically heterogeneous. Mpigi, on the other hand, is relatively homogeneous with respect to ethnicity, with a stronger economic potential and more commercial activity.

Kampala, the capital city, was chosen for its cultural diversity, high level of economic activity, and the wide variations in the socio-economic backgrounds of its inhabitants.

Despite such significant differences, the districts were selected as case studies because they shared one important charactenstic that enhanced their utility for analysis - a high level of local organization and action in education.

The field research began with a screening survey in al1 three districts that was airned at selecting a sarnple of schools for in-depth study. Surveys of 24 schools provided a pool of 12 schools (four schools in each district) that were used for further study. The targeted schools were govemment-aided schools. Selection critena included school performance in the 1995 Primary Leaving Examination (PLE), and the existence of well-established structures for parent participation.

The Question naires

Two separate swey questionnaires were administered to head teachers, teachers,

PTA oficials, and parents. They were used as a bais for the second stage of data collection, which involved in-depth face-to-face interviews with head teachers, parents, and education administrators at the national and district Ievels. 1also conducted focus group discussions 18 with a representative sample of teachers and pupils in the twelve schools selected. Other sources of data included newspaper articles, both in both English and Luganda, published over the period 1971 - 1997, school financial and administrative records, and PTA records.

Participant obsenration of the schools' physical structures, as well as attendance of several

PTA meetings provided additional data. In addition, 1 attended a number of local and

national workshops on UPE, a district workshop for teachers and head teachers on UPE,one

national conference for district officials on UPE, and one meeting between the Catholic

Church leadership and Ministry of Education officials conceming the issue of the religious

fee in schools.

The purpose of the questionnaires was to obtain socio-economic information on

parents in schools located both in urban centers and ma1 localities. to identify the types of

school administration, and to reveal existing structures that suppoaed parent participation.

The hancial profile questionnaire for head teachers elicited specific information about

school incomes and expenditures, enrollment figures, and teachedpupil ratios.

The primary objective of the interviews was to discover how parents, teachers, and

school administrators thought and felt about parent participation in school af'fairs, about

equality, and about access to primary education. Furthemore, interviews were used to gain

insights into factors that limited access to education, whether at the school or household

level.

Recent studies on education in Uganda attribute the decline both in the quality and

quantity of primary education to low levels of govemment Einancing and the lack of 19 centralized administrative control (Carasco and Munene et al. 1996; White Paper 1992).

Interestingly, the decline in govenunent educational financing firom 1971 to 1986 did not adversely affect educational expansion, as measured both by the growth of physical facilities and the increase in enrollment figures (Passi 1995; Nabugwi 1995). Despite disparities in the quality of education and access between and within communities (as alluded to in the studies), quantitative expansion has been consistent.

The Context of the Study

The study was shaped in important ways by its timing, for it was carried out at the height of education restructuring. Political tensions surrounding education reforms made the process of collecting data protracted. This required the careful framing of questions, and necessitated repeated visits by way of gaining the respondents' confidence. Teachers, parents, and administrators feared that the information they disclosed might either be misinterpreted or used against them5. These femappeared to have affected how respondents responded to the questionnaires. Hence, the marked discrepancies between their responses on the questionnaires and their comrnents during informal discussions.

The study covers the period from July 1996 (including the inception of UPE in

December 1996), until December 1997. Because this study was undertaken during the launching of UPE, it constitutes a preliminary appraisal. A fuller assessrnent would not be

5 See, "Seven Headmasters to be suspended over UPE," The Monitor, July 2, 1997:9; "Minister dams UPE detractors," The Monitor, March 18, 1997. 20 possible until time has placed these events into a broader perspective. However, valuable assessments still can be (and have been) made as events occur.

The collection of accurate statistics on school expenditures and on government contributions to capital and recurrent expenditures in schools was made difficult by the lack of up-to-date financial records in rnost schools. Even where data were available, they had to be treated with caution for obvious reasons. The political and administrative problems that have accompanied years of political instability and economic mismanagement have fostered a lack of transparency at ail levels of the school system, a situation that was compounded by the fact large-scale changes in education were being attempted in a short period of tirne.

The absence of reliable data during the launching of WE, for example, was one of the notable problems confionting both the government and this research. The last census in

Uganda took place in 199 1, but with a population growth at 2.5% per annum and migration on the increase, even the population figure of 16.5 million remains provisionai. Similady, a teacher census in 1992 proved to be inaccurate when it came to assessing the staffing requirements for UPE 6. After two separate counts of teachers, the government's hstration

In a Technical Note on the Utilization of Funds for Initiatives on Primary Education, the authors note that "there is a discrepancy between the number of pnmary teachers (75,000) enurnerated by the Ministry of Education in its annual census and relied upon by MoE for planning purposes and the number of primary teachers on the Ministry of Public SeMce (MPS) for September 1996. They propose that a possible explanation for the discrepancy is that some primary teachers are funded fiilly by PTAs. 21 with "ghost teachers" and "missing pupils"' resulted in two separate physical head counts of teachers and pupils. The reader is thus warned that population data and most official statistics on enrollment and finances should be taken as broad indicators, rather than as precise measures.

Another problem arising from the newness of the project is that the number of officia1 reporis and secondary sources specifically applicable to the UPE process is small. To compensate, the study made extensive use of newspaper reports, oral information (whether

formai in interviews or informal in focus group discussions), official reports, and my attendance at national and local sensitization workshops.

It must also be acknowledged that even official reports are influenced by political consnaints and contain biases on the situation of education in general and of UPE in

particular. Sirnilarly, initial interviews with parents and head teachers were very stilted,

owing to the politically charged nature of the topic. During the research, daily newspapers

contained government threats, both explicit and veiled, against teachen and administraton

believed to be "decampaigningl' UPE8. The politically charged environment caused the

intewiewing to be protracted. Many repeated visits were necessary to gain the respondents'

confidence. Nevertheless, valuable information, much of which was too recent to be

contained in academic and official writing, was obtained.

During the interviews with government and school officials, care was taken to address

Example of this probIem is discussed in , November 19, 19995.

s The Monitor, January 2 1, 1997:6. similar topics with interviewees holding comparable administrative positions. However, obtaining interviews was not always easy, partly because many officers were responsible for specific aspects of UPE, and partly because of the speed of developments. Thus, informal discussions out O fofice settings gave the interviewees more flexibility and were much easier to arrange.

Gaining the confidence ofparents, teachers, and administrators was an important part of the data collection. However, once participants were confident that 1 was not working for the govemrnent, parents were inclined to be cooperative, and the cooperation of teachers and administraton was generally excellent.

Tbesis Outline

The thesis is divided into six chapters. Chapter 1 reviews the theoretical and empirical work on politics and education in Afkica in the post-independence penod. Since this study focuses on linking participation and changes in education at the local level, the review examines changes in the political context of participation. It examines changes in political and economic conditions during the 1970s and 1980s that resulted in the rise of popular participation in the public realrn. It discusses three different perspectives on participation, their respective underlying assumptions, and the social and political issues they raise for educational development.

Chapter 2 situates education in Uganda's politics and gives a context to the politics of education in Uganda. It examines the political, economic, and social bases of colonial 23 administration and their relationship to education. Chapter 2 also discusses the centrality of education following independence, as well as surnmxizing the main political, economic, and social consequences of political centralization upon education.

Chapter 3 shows how the PTAs rescued education when the govemment fell apart in the 1970s and early 1980s. It discusses the issues that parents, teachers, and school administrators identified as important to the functioning of schools. These include teachers' welfare, school facilities, education standards in relation to the PLE, and parent participation in schools. The chapter also examines the strategies employed by parents to meet their objectives. It also shows that PTAs, generally speaking, have similar constitutions, their areas of focus differ, as does their capacity to meet their desired objectives.

Chapter 4 provides a close-up view ofparticipation in action. It gives depth and detail to the way parents, teachers, and administraton made schools work when govemment financial support and administrative direction were inadequate. The focus is on how the system was operating in the penod after the point at which NRM govenunent brought peace and political stability. The chapter explores the way parents themselves interpret the concepts of participation and access to education, both in rural and urban seîtings. An account of parents' ideas and understanding of the concepts of access to education is useful in analyzing the following aspects of UPE reforms: the dnving force behind parent participation in education; the skills and expectation for participation that existed in schools on the eve of UPE and; the divergence between governrnent policy and its interpretation at the local Ievel. 24

Chapter 5 focuses on the introduction of UPE, in 1996, as part of broader socioeconomic and politicai reforms. This chapter examines the introduction ofUPE against a background of educational provision that served multiple interests. It descnbes the problems that the governrnent had with a PTA-dnven schooling system, and with their recomrnended refoms. It discusses how the reforms tended to impact on the existing participatory system of educational financing and management, and how different stakeholders responded to the challenge. The research disclosed that the interests and motivation behind parents' sustained participation in schools differed fiom govemment interests in important ways. This chapter also examines the suitability of hierarchical and centralized control in meeting individual expectations in education.

Chapter 6 draws an interim conclusion relating WEto the expenence of the parent power that preceded it. The remarkable record of PTAs in rescuing the schools in a penod of political disruption provides a revealing insight into civil society at work. Parents' organization and action represent legitimate expressions of local interests. The chapter underlines the surpnsing power of PTAs accomplishment, and tries to explain how it could happen. It aiso draws together the themes of the government reforms and reflects on the dangers and oppominities apparent in the early stages of UPE. CHAPTER ONE - Politics, Participation and Education in Africa in modem Afkica, one cannot discuss access to wealth and power without discussing formal education. Educational policy, whether seen broadly in its cultural aspects, or more functionally as the training in skills, is in modem Afnca, a basic political issue (üchendu l979:28 1).

1.0 Introduction

Despite the breakdown of forma1 systems of education in many Afiican countries, the statement cited above is as relevant today as it was in 1979. Indeed, the power that govemments historically have had over education is not peculiar to Uganda. Moreover, exarnining some of the concepts that have underpimed refon efforts in education in the past, e.g., equal access and social equality, provides the grounds for analyzing parent participation. Such an examination also provides a basis for analyzing contemporary educational reform in Uganda.

In this chapter, I examine education and politics in sub-Saharan A£iica in the immediate post-independence period, emphasizing how the main tenets ofthe modemization approach exerted great influence both on political practices and educational development.

Next, 1 examine some of the political and economic changes that took place throughout

Anica in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as their consequences.

One such consequence was the emergence during that penod of popular action in the public reaim (including education), action that was precipitated both by economic and political crises. I then go on to discuss how the concept of participation gained increasing popularity, largely as a result of reduced interventionist role of the state in society and 26 despite different perspectives on participation; also the difficulty of locating individual and collective agency within the broader political and economic context.

The growing support for popular participation was an important depamire from a long tradition of political authoritarianism which had pemeated many different policy arenas, including education, in Uganda and elsewhere. Matrole the government cm and should play in education thus becarne a central topic between policy rnakers and ordinary citizens striving for a more promising future for their children.

Finally, 1 examine the implications of these political and economic changes for both the development and provision of education.

1.1 Modernization and the Post-cotonial State in Africa

In the irnmediate post-independence period. approaches to development concentrated on modemization as a desirable goal that promised economic, social, and political development. The shared conviction among early writers that almost any function of society

- from the econorny to social welfare - could be "rnodernized." focused on political development as a precondition for other aspects of modemity. Within a nation, the generation of greater wedth, of the equitable distribution of such wealth, or at the least a more equitable access to that wealth, required a more systematic organization of political decision making stnictures that engendered political participation (Almond and Verba 1963).

Of particular interest was the specific set of values and attitudes that were most supportive of democratic development. In this regard, Almond and Verba (1963) identified 27 a high level of citizen participation and action as the most politically effective. In addition to voting, and as a measure of an enabling political culture, participation was important since it tended to carry with it high levels of political interest, knowledge, opinion formation, and organizational activity.

Almond and Verba argue, however, that the transition of new states from traditional values and attitudes to modem and democratic ones could be attained through socialization.

In their view, education was "the most obvious substitute for time, and a key factor supporting the ability of individuals to participate" (1963: 27). Education in developing countries would accomplish, in a relatively bief period, what took the West centuries to ac hieve.

Almond and Verba, however, qualiQ their optimism conceming the role of education in the joumey of new states toward democracy and welfare. Hinting at the complexity of education in the modemization process, they note that civic culture cannot be transmitted solely through indoctrination, and that " . . .attitudes and values combine in a complicated, subtle way that manifests inconsistencies, and the balancing of opposites . . . "(1963: 27).

At the same tirne? a country's political culture is shaped, over time, by its specific circumstances, which are hmedby the history, geography and socio-economic structure of its society.

Their analysis, nonetheless, gives precedence to the instrumental nature of education in providing both the cornpetence to participate and the belief that political participation, properly stnictured, can overcome existing social and political obstacles (Almond and 28

Powell 1960;Alrnond and Verba 1963). Views similar to the ones expressed by Almond and

Verba on the crucial role of education in national developrnent influenced educational development in most African States. However, the political role of education in socializing individuals into participatory attitudes and behaviors, was not a central concem in the educational policies of the 1960s.

1.1.1 Education in African Politics

As in other Afiican countries, the legitimization of the post-independence government and of the state bureaucracy in Uganda was based on nationalism, economic growth, and the promotion of social equality. As "...the key that unlocks the door of modernization . . . ," education was expected to play an important role in this national strategy for achievingj ust societies and improving the quality of life for a signi ficant nurnber of citizens (Abemethy 1969). Thus, education was given tasks beyond the socializing the young in modem values, attitudes and skills. The role education was given in national development included promoting unity over difference around common national symbols, forging nations out of disparate identities, rationalizing government, and increasing productivity.

Precisely because education was given such broad tasks, the public had hi& expectations about its capacity to fulfil individual aspirations for a better life. It was perceived to lead to productive and gainhl employment and, as such, was viewed not only as an individual gain, but as a social and economic asset to the farnily. The few who were 29 privileged to receive an education laid claims on the respect and material rewards that it merited, claims they assumed the govemment would hlfil. Formany parents, education was a family goal for the next generation, a way of giving their children the oppomuiities they had never had. This was the basis of the private interest in education and an important factor in the politics of education (Abemethy 1969).

While public and private interests in education were conjoined, during the immediate post-independence penod has to be placed in a context in which states accepted development as a sovereign responsibility. The development responsibility they undertook involved two parallel activities: the integration of plural cultures into a national framework and the modemization of the economy. These activities generated four issues: state building, nation building, popular participation, and a just distribution of political benefits (Uchendu 1979). For each of these issues, education and educational processes touched on politics, and govemment action. in policy tenns, tended to intersect with the entire society. Of these Four issues, however, popular participation and the fair distribution of political benefits are the most relevant to this discussion.

1.1.2 Participation and S tate Development

As was noted earlier, once new states assumed responsibility for the overall development of society, the control of education and its rewards becarne linked to state policy and practice. Govemment control over education, evident in the references in national development plans to "Education for National Development" and "Education for National 30

Unity," however, signaled an important departure frorn the views of the early modernkation writers on the role of education in political development. The main purpose of education. according to Almond and Verba, is its contribution to political socialization, to changes in attitudes, and to enhancing individual capacity to participate in political change (Aimond and

Verba 1963).

Almond and Verba's study (The Civic Culture. 1963) showed striking cross-country similarities in the five countries studied: United States, United Kingdom, Gerrnany, Italy and

Mexico. Their findings reveal that the greater an individual's education, the more he or she is aware of the activities of governrnent, and the more likely he or she is to have opinions on a wide range of political topics, to engage in political discussions, and to join voluntary organizations. "This set of orientations" they concluded, "constitutes what one might consider the minimum requirements of political participation . . . It is just this basic set of orientations that those of limited education tend not to have" (1963: 382).

The shift in ideological thinking, and the tendency of politics to give precedence to order and stability over political development, shaped education such policies that they seemed to conform more to huma. resource development than to the development of an individual's capacity to participate effectively in political modemization. While education continued to be identified with modernity, this congruence resulted in a view of education, and schools in particular, as bureaucratie organizations (Inkeles 1969). Furthemore, educational policies that placed the state at the apex of education systems eclipsed the significance of participation as an important dimension of the educational process. 3 1

The work of Coleman and Inkeles, both infiuential in the development of education in new states, is illustrative of this change. In their respective works, they found education to have the strongest relationship to modem attitudes, values, and behavior (1964; 1974).

However, Inkeles' empirical research portrays schools as providing the requisite bureaucratic skills, values, and behaviors. This approach supports the view of schools as bureaucratic organizations that conform to and support authontarian control over participatory democratic govemance. By adopting a neutral approach to the issue of participation, Coleman and inkeles implicitly supportedguided participation over the development of individual capacity to participate. For example, they do not address the question of how citizens are supposed to participate, and leave the process of participation open to interpretation as to whether it should be a forced or voluntary process (Inkeles 1974). Participation (the structuring of popular action to influence policy) as an organizing principle for modemization was not evident in the theory and practice of politics and educational development in the latter part of the 1960s and early 1970s. Wnting in 1972, Cruise O'Brien notes the consensus among writers on African politics:

The great majority of recent Amencan scholarship is agreed on one basic point that few hopeful prospects cm be held out to most of the underdeveloped world in the absence of the creation of new and more effective political institutions . . .the new political order should be the work of political elites, able and willing to impose new structures on the masses from above. The idea of democracy, of effective popular representation in the process of govemment, is in this perspective in the short nin not merely irrelevant but in effect positively dangerous (1972: 362).

This analysis of politics was based on the new wave of modemization thinking among writen who, breaking with the optimistic view of political development expressed by

Almond and Verba, focused on issues of political crisis. order, corruption, and decay. An illustration of this new perspective was to be found in the work of Huntington, in which he explicitly supported both political centralization and the maintenance of order as of supreme political importance (1968). While Huntington agreed that participation was important to political development, he also noted that both the capacity for and interest in participation differed from person to penon and from group to group. For that reason, he argued that participation should not only be guided, but should be limited to the few with the cornpetence to participate. Ethnic, religious, and linguistic conflicts among different groups in different national contexts underscored Huntington's analysis, giving it theoretical and

This view ofAfncan poIitics has subsequently been challenged by Afiican scholars: 'The West must accept that the wish for demomcy in Africa is genuine. Very often one hem westerners murmuring that perhaps Africans have their own way of doing things and democracy does not suit hem.... If Africans cm fly complex jet fighters or carry on intricate research into genes, why can't their leaders be made to understand fieedom of expression and Çeedom from arbitrary arrest?" (Cameron Duodu 199 2) ,Quoted in Clive Harber. 1997: 16. Education. Democracy, and Political Developmnt in Am. Brighton: Sussex Academy Press. 33 practical resonance. The convergence between political thinking and practice found expression in a view of development that argued for the suppression of human rights and freedoms on the grounds that it would lead to economic growth, more education, better housing, and a higher standard of living (Huntington 1968; Kasfir 1974). The existence of strong ethnic and religious affinities, particularly when they provided a channel for cornpetition, the acquisition of wealth, and the attainment of power or statu, was regarded as dehimental to the most important national concems: nation-building and social equality.

Political leadersj usti fied greater state control over the political environment as necessary for mediating cornpeting demands on political systems in order to realize national goals.

As power was concentrated at the political center, the parameters of social action were redrawn. Development was identified less with the participation of individuals in development and more with control and the capacity of political systems to cope with competing interests. Hence, education and its development were used more as an instrument of social control than as an emancipatory vehicle for enhancing individual capacity to participate in political change. Consequently, the interests of goveming elites and desire for system maintenance took precedence over interests in social justice, or in listening to the voices nom below, and the crises identified by govemments were those that presented a threat to the capacity of goveming elites to maintain order (Sandbrook 1976; Chazan et al.

1992). The subjugation of civil society organizations, whether through CO-option, suppression, or banning, effectively curtailed the participation of opposition groups and the representation of non-state interests in the public realm (Kasfi 1976). 34

Civil conflict in countries such as Nigeria (1966) and Zaire (Belgian Congo, 1960) legitimized the control exercised by national leaders over their political space. The challenge and danger of ethnic and religious conflicts to the national goals of nation building and social equdity has been attributed to a shared colonial legacy inherent in post-independence political and administrative stnictures (Chabal 1986). Chabal argues that the institutional process of de-colonization was based on a colonial modei of govemance that was neither democratic nor accountable, and that held little regard for social welfare or economic progress (Chabal 1986). Therefore, irrespective of the democratic intentions of independence and constitutional arrangements, post-independence leaders were influenced by the colonial legacy of autocratie rule to become themselves authoritarian and to restrict dernocracy.

Chazan (1993) and Rosberg (1 982) challenge the idea that democratic leadership was driven to autocracy by a colonial socio-economic legacy. They attribute the difficulty in achieving national integration, or unity in divenity, to post-independence political practice.

Chazan illustrates this point by refemng to Afncan nationalism. She notes that in many parts of Afnca, nationalism was not liberal in any fundamental sense because:

Emphasis was put on consensus as opposed to tolerance, on locality in contrat to self expression, on identity and not on individual rights, on political boundaries but, hardly on procedures (Chazan 1993: 75). 35

In a similar vein, Jackson and Rosberg draw attention to specific democratic elements in independence constitutional arrangements, particularly with regard to political competition which, they argue, were deliberately obscured by post-independence leaders:

The removai of constitutional rights and protection fiom political opponents, the elimination of institutional checks and, balances, and the centralization and concentration of power in presidential offices, as well as the termination of open party politics and the regulation and confinement of political participation - usually within the frarnework of a single ruling party (Jackson and Rosberg 1982: 23-4).

The changes in the direction of autocracy were partly a refiection of the character ofdifferent leaders and their varying degrees of political cornitrnent to nationalist goals. In his reflections on politics in Africa during this period, Wiseman notes that:

Afnca did not want or need democracy and, anyway, was incapable of making it work (Wiseman 1990: ix).

Contrary to this view, there are examples of stniggles between govemments and seemingly intractable social forces that, in some countries, threatened anarchy. The move toward authontarian control of the political arena fiom significant social and ethnic forces is well illustrated by Uganda's problems with political integration. Revisions to Uganda's constitution in 1967 dismantled quasi-federal arrangements under which Buganda, as a separate entity, had a special position within independent Uganda The new unitary constitution (1967) was aimed at reducing Buganda's political, social, and econornic influence within independent Uganda. In reality, however, while the constitution provided a new legal fiamework for goveming diffierent groups, it changed neither the fundamentai structure of power relations, nor the source of social inequalities. Existing social and 36 political coalitions that gave Buganda its political and social leverage vis-a -vis other social groups, for example, and which dated from the colonial period, were not altered.

Di fferences among the capacities of various countries to establish political hegemony over competing social forces suggest that the reality of controlling the social environment and social organization is complex and dependent on each individual country's historical, social and political conditions (Migdal 1988). In contrast to the views expressed by Chazan,

Rosberg and Wiseman, Chabal's analysis of the obstacles facing national leaders in the construction of politics sheds light on the socio-economic dynamics of post-independence rule. He argues that a major problem of the analyses of political power and state capacity in Anica was that they were based on an exaggerated view of the Afncan state as an autonomous sphere of political action. He notes that the capacity of governments to govem on the basis either of enforced and limited pluralism or of interest representation did not capture the dynamic beh~eenstate practice and its social environrnents. Chabal points out that in reality, state power, rneasured by its potential "to touch al1 aspects of society, traditional as well as modem ...," was conditioned by local forces which had pnor claim to political allegiance and were instrumental to political practice (1986: 60). The ment of

Chabal's analysis is that it raises important questions conceming social force as a political force. In contrast to the early modernization approach to PLfiican politics and to other analyses, Chabal is concemed with why leaders were ineffective as opposed to why acan states were not democratic. His aaalysis exposes some of the weaknesses of the overly optimistic generalizations of modernization writers conceming Afirican politics, and of 37

African's potential for political development. Highlighting important areas of political confiict and their political consequences, his reasoning provides insight into why leaders were unable to sustain their political commitment to social equality. However, an important drawback in his analysis is that it, too, suffers from the deterministic thinking and easy generalizations conceniing the limitations on political leaders' capacity to act.

It could be argued that, during the 1960s and early 1970s, governments in most

Afncan countnes had both the political and economic capacity to consolidate public support for their rule by delivering on the promised social equality. Ultimately, the chance for govemments to deliver on their promise of social equality was undermined by their inability to align political objectives with political practice, generally letting the opporhmity pass in order to avoid conflict among different factions. An example of this is illustrated by the governments' abandonment of the goal of social equality in education. This can be accounted for by the fact that, although educational equality was embraced as a national goal by most Afncan countries, achieving that goal was ofien not to be politically expedient.

Mudoola notes, for example, that in Uganda, the colonial structures for governing remained in place after independence, thus providing the setting for reinforcing social divisions and thus underminhg the extent to which central political institutions could enjoy a wide degree of acceptability (Mudoola 1987). 1.1.3 Education for Social Equality

In the imrnediate post-independence penod, nationalist leaders were faced with the problem of how to deal with potentially disruptive consequences of a wide range of inequalities.

Various forms of inherited institutional inequalities became apparent: between nual areas and urban centers, between regions, between geographic and ethnic groups, and between areas with missionary activity and those without (Uchendu 1979). Disparhies in educational oppomüiities ultimately became evident in differences in living standards, wealth, and status. For governments, inequality in the distribution of education made education both a part of the problem and a part of the solution in addressing existing social inequalities and conflicts.

The pervasive faith in education as a social and economic leveler was based on assumptions about education as an independent force having an integrative and transformative capacity. Less explicit but just as signifiant was the importance attached to education as a source of political legitimacy. Providing schooling for those groups, that by accident or design, had previously received little or no education at al1 became a social and political imperative (Weeks 1967; Jolly 1968; Thompson 198 1; Urch 1992; Cooksey, Court and Makau 1994). To give education added force as a homogenizing mechanism, governments centralized and bureaucratized educational systems, and also increased their expenditures on education.

In Zambia, for exarnple, educational expenditures rose from K13 million in 1963-64 39 to K 85 million in 1973 (Commack 1988). In 1974, Tanzania, one of the poorest Afncan countries, set the end of 1977 as the date for achieving of univenal pnmary education. In

Nigeria, while educational objectives changed several times, UPE as a policy objective remained constant, and a plan was launched in 1974 to phase in LJPE by 1976 (Bray 1984).

Increases in national expenditures on education and the expressed political cornmitment to equalizing educational opportunity were viewed both by governments and the public as sufficient conditions to provide the means for social mobility and, by implication, to redress existing social equalities. As a concept, however, social equality encompasses equal opportunity, equal rights, and equal earning potential. h promoting mass education as a symbol of equal educational opportunity, governments side-stepped the thomy issue of the diverse sources and forms of inequality. Most governments either were not in a position to address deep-rooted inequalities, or else lacked the financial capacity or political will to promote fùndamental social changes.

The considerable emphasis placed on primary education in general, and the drive for

UPE in particular, had obvious relevance in legitimizing governments and enhancing their capacity to 'penetrate society, regulate social relations and extract and redistribute resources ..." (Bratton l989:4 15). Mass education, which provided numeracy and literacy skills, became the most effective channel for propagating and enforcing govemment policies by linking central governent institutions to local ones (Bray 199 1). Irrespective of existing social and political conditions, educational systems throughout ecawere centralized, standardized, and secularized. Producing citizens whose attitudes were simultaneously 40

"nationalist" and "modem" involved breaking the monopoly of religious organizations over education and replacing it with a centralized system of administration and financing.

Both on political and social grounds, govemments defended the centdization and bureaucratization of education (Obote 1968; Nyerere 1967; Nkrumah 1963). Govements and education policy makers argued that the social, racial, and regional mingling in education contributed toward national integration in three important ways: first, by giving citizens a sense of belonging to a fixed community; second, by instilling cooperative behavior among diverse groups through a cornmon cultural experience; and. third, through exposure to educational content that both stressed common symbols of nationhood and down-played political di fferences.

By the early 1970s, despite some improvement in literacy rates in the majority of

McanStates, wider coverage and extensive promotion campaigns (in some cases including new Afiicanized curricula), the anticipated social changes did not materialize (Kinyanjui

1993; Furley 1988). Worse still, in most instances, mass education exacerbated existing differences, whether these were expressed in inequalities arnong regions, between rural areas and urban centen, or between rich and poor people. Differential access to education and to its rewards had an unintended consequence. The exodus of the educated from mlto urban areas, for example, reinforced rather than remedied the durbandivide (Heyneman 1983).

The failure of govermnents both to redress the imbaiances evident in education and realize a wide range of anticipated social changes has been attributed to two main causes.

On the one hand, persistent imbalances in access to education are attnbuted to the colonial 41 legacy. Colonial education was highly segregated, with different schools and financial resources for different racial, ethnic, and religious groups. Thus, by design, colonial education effectively excluded the vast majority of Afncans fiom schooling (Cornmack

1988). Harber argues that despite the expressed objective of social equaiity, education reforms did not alter the existing colonial character of educational structures and curricula that supported elitism, divisions, and deference to authority (Harber 1997).

The faltering role of education in alleviating the problems of social inequality has also been attributed to the unrealistic expectations of governments (Levin 1976). While the social justice appeal of education held the promise of transforming entire societies, educational policies adapted to existing social structures and to their embedded inequalities.

In a study of educational policy and politics in Nigeria in the 196Os, Abernethy notes that, contrary to the view of education as an independent force, schooling is a system of social reproduction that reflects and reinforces existing social, political, and economic conditions. He Mernotes that, where inequalities arnong different social groups exist, and in the absence of fundamental changes to the stnictures of political and economic power are absent, the capacity of education to transcend inherent inequalities is, limited at best

(Abemethy 1969). Abemethy's analysis does not contradict Commack's explmation for the failure of educationai policies to transform societies. However, by conmghis analysis to the specific social and political conditions existing in Nigeria at the tirne, he illuminates the constraints faced by national leaders attempting to reform the educational system.

The obstacles identified by Abernethy draw attention to the tensions between the 42 respective objectives of educational reforms and political practices. He attributes the difficulties expenenced by policy makers in the implementation ofeducational reforms, and those experienced by UPE in particular, to political and administrative bottlenecks

(Abemethy 1969). He further argues that in the case of Nigeria, in addition to major socio- economic disparities arnong regions, the political capital nding on mass education tended to minimize the importance of regional differences and the governrnent's limited financial and organizational capacities. In Abemethy's opinion, translating the political rhetoric of

'education for social equality" into practice was constrained both by the framing ofthe policy and the political process of its implementation. How the policy was framed had an effect on how educational reforms were received and implemented in different areas. Arnong other things, Abemethy's analysis highlights the dificulty in aligning educational goals with political practice.

Differences among Tanzania, and Uganda in meeting national education objectives ofnational integration and social equality underscore the influence of political and social processes on outcornes. Significant differences in the outcome of education reforms in these three East African countries best illustrate the dilemma faced by the respective governrnents in their efforts to reform education. In al1 three countries, education was centralized and standardized. However, ooly Tanzania attained real success in education, as measured by wider coverage, promotion of citizen participation, and national integration.

The following section examines the aims of educational reforms in these three countries and the political prac tices underpinning thern. 1.1.4 Divergent Paths to Educational Reform and Social Equality

The social transformation envisaged by national leaders in Tanzania, Kenya, and

Uganda rested on different political objectives and educational goals. While governments in al1 three countries rationalized educational restnicturing both as a political and social imperative, the difference in the political goals underpinning the reforms led to divergent paths in educational development (Obote 1968; Nyerere L 967).

In Tanzania, educational reforms were consistent with a development ideology that was based on participation and social equality (Camoy and Samoff 1990; Court and Ghai

1974; Cooksey, Court and Makau 1995). The systematic reorganization of education and the extension of state control over education were designed to support the political ideology and practice of self-reliance and social equality (Urch 1992; Cooksey, Court and Makau 1994).

In the view of President Julius Nyerere, socialisrn - the declared national goal of socialist development - was a state of mind (1967). To achieve the desired transformation in

individual consciousness that socialist construction required, and to prepare its architects and

work crews, radical educational reforms had to hlfil two main objectives, fint, the

expansion of citizen participation and democratic practice and, second, the fostenng of

equality arnong different segments ofthe population (Sarnoff 1993). The aims of educational

reform were to develop the cornpetence of individuah to participate in political change and

to redress inequalities in al1 aspects of life. 1.1.5 Education for Social Control

The educational policies of Uganda and Kenya, on the other hand, were designed to bring order and stability to highly fkactured societies (Furley 1989). In Uganda and Kenya

(unlike Tanzania), the purpose of education in contributing to the goals of nation-building and social equaiity were not underpinned by specific changes in political practice. in fact, political practice was at odds with the social appeal of educational reforms. Education plamen, in considenng educational development, placed greater emphasis on order over democracy and on control and stability over representation and accountability.

The educational reforms in Kenya focused on dismantling the obvious symbols of social differentiation long reflected in the racial segregation of schools. Racial divisions were abolished in the post-independence period, but schools remained differentiated in terms of teachers and resources. The differentiation in schooling served pnmarily to benefit the children of the political and economic elite who were able to retain their advantage in the education system through the establishment of harambee (self-help) schools in their areas

(Court and Ghai 1974). The dual system of education that emerged made no attempt to dismantle a polarized political and social structure that favored the more politically influential parts of the country (Court and Kinyanjui 1980). The new system displayed the same charactenstics as the three-tiered colonial system of education, in which separate educational systems had been established for Afncans, Asians, and Europeans, with each having different educational emphases and resources (Court and Ghai 1974).

Education in Uganda followed the patterns characteristic of Kenya and the majority 45 of African countries. It was characterized by regional, religious, and ethnic disparities. Its provision was dominated by missionary efforts, but also assisted in a few areas by pnvate efforts. Conversely, receptivity to education varied by ethnic group, religion, and gender.

Of particular concem to the government in Uganda was the country's structured social divisions, which were closely associated with colonial education. Access to education mirrored inherent divisions along regional, ethnic and religious lines (Sekamwa 1995). The most glaring discrepancy in missionary education, however, was the concentration of schooling in one region, Buganda, and, within that region, the limiting of access to educational opportunities to the select few (Khadiagala 1995; Apter 1995; Sekamwa 1995).

A complicating factor was that education became the fomm for rivalry among Catholic and

Protestant (Anglican) missionaries. The uneven distribution of educational opportunities and of education's political and social rewards, created an enduring rivalry between these two religious denorninations in schools, as is discussed below in Chapter 2.

It is worth noting that the religious bias in education was one of the most pressing political problems presenting policy makers with the greatest obstacle to educational reform.

It was, therefore, no surprise that the centralization of educational financing and administtation was accompanied by resistance kom religious organizations, which hitherto had been the main stakeholders in education (Sekamwa 1995; Senteza-Kajubi 1997). The struggle between government and religious bodies over education was politically significant and highiights two important questions that continue to arise in the efforts to refom the education system. First, who should control education? Second, what role should education play in national development?

As discussed earlier, the sources of conflict in the post-independence penod were multifaceted. However, as the basis for different forms of inequalities, education was an important source of conflict. An illustration of the centrality of education to political and social organization is the distribution of post-independence leadership positions, recruitment practices and patronage networks favoring the Baganda in post-independence Uganda (Apter

1997; Furley 1989; Mudoola 1993). Buganda's advantage in education gave the region political, economic and social leverage over other areas, as measured by its share of post- independence leadership positions and recruitment in the civil service (Apter 1997; Mamdani

1976; Mudoola 1993; Mutibwa 1992). Moreover, the region's advantageous social and economic position vis-a-vis other areas of Uganda underscored its daims to political autonomy. The political position that Buganda occupied within post-independence Uganda presented the government with a dilemma. As noted by President Obote:

We cannot aord to build two nations within the territorial boundaries of Uganda: one rich, educated, AfÎican in appearance but mentally foreign, and the other, which constitutes the majonty of the population, poor and illiterate (1968) 'O.

However, the political rhetonc linking education to national unity and social equality did not translate into smictural changes relating to the sources of inequality, nor did it result in significant changes to the stmcture of the educational system. As Mudoola argues, the political hmework in which a hgmented elite governed both encouraged and reflected the

10 It is interesthg to note that in 1996 (see introduction) Resident Museveni used similar arguments to justiw the need for extensive educational reforms in Uganda. 47 growth of localized centen ofpower at the expense of central political institutions (Mudoola

1987). Thus, against a background ofdivisive politics that encouraged localized control over social and political organization, the goverment's capacity to align national objectives and educational goals towards a more equitable system of political and social representation was limited. Moreover, the miçtmst and conflicts generated by the structured power relations made the govemment al1 the more inclined to control political and social action.

It is worth noting that the problems described were not peculiar to Uganda. Despite an obvious tension between educational goals and national political practices, however, govemment oficials and the public continued to view education as the ultimate investment in the future, having both national and individual benefits. The political cornmitment and substantial financial expenditure resulted in the rapid expansion of educational systems.

Educational expansion to meet national human resource needs, together with the rise

in popular demand, heightened popular expectations of education. Moreover, institutional

expansion and expanded recruitment in the middle - and high - level managerial positions

of newly Africanized bureaucraties supported popular perceptions of the unlimited potential

of education to equalize the life chances of different groups within society (Court and Ghai

1974; Graham-Brown 199 1; Urch 1992; Cooksey, Court and Makau 1994).

1.2 The Winds of Change: Participation and Educational Change

Colonial structures of administration established a relationship among education,

wages and occupations, and rewards. Because educational attainment was WCually the ody means of access to relative wealth and power, demand for equality in different countries was manifested in a demand for schooling (Uchendu 1979). Thus, to a large extent, the political legitimacy of the post-independence state in Afnca rested on its ability to meet these aspirations. As discussed earlier in this chapter, social equality, including equality of oppomuùty, equality of income, and equal rights, was part of the political agenda of states because:

The education provided by the colonial government in the two countries which now form Tamania... was not designed to prepare young people for the service of their own country; instead it was motivated by a desire to inculcate the values of a colonial society... It induced attitudes ofhuman inequality, and in practice underpinned the domination of the weak by the strong, especially in the economic field (Nyerere 1967).

We are about to shape a future pattern which departs lrom the one we have known for many yean. We shall determine a national education policy which will unite our people and prosper them ( Nyerere 1963: 140).

The mainspring for education policies in the different countries was a desire to alleviate the disruptive consequences of inequality, although for different purposes and by different means. There was a fear that education could potentially "breed two cultures" in one country, with relations characterized by "a gulf ofmutual incomprehension, hostility, dislike, lack of understanding and a distorted image of each other" (Obote 1967). Thus, national leaders provided more schooling as a means both of creating conditions of individual equality and of taming divisive elements within the educational system and society. As noted, govemments focused on providing equal educational opporhmities as a means of fulfilling popular aspirations for social mobiiity and a better Iife.

In contrast to the achievements in educational expansion of the early l96Os, the last 49 two decades have witnessed a decline in the quality and quantity of public education throughout Afi-ica. In addition, most countries have been forced to sacrifice the goals of equity and eficiency as a result of reductions in educational expenditures (Bray 1996).

Under the constraints imposed by nationally mandated structural adjustment policies, cuts in public expenditures have disproportionately affected primary education, and are refiected in the limited resources available for school facilities and teaching matenals.

Moreover, the political and economic conditions conducive to the ideals of modemization, such as political development, institutional expansion, power concentration, political participation, and rapid economic development, have experienced major setbacks.

Consequently, clairns about the power of formal education to contribute to nation building and social equality have becorne cautiously guarded. Correspondingly, approaches to education, once linked to the state, have been replaced by pragmatic strategies that emphasize collective responsibility for the provision of education arnong govements, parents, cornmunities, and non-state institutions.

The organizational crisis in most, if not all, Afncan states in the late 1970s and early 1980s undermîned the ability of governrnents to meet national goals, let alone to fulfil popular expectations. Already embattled governrnents were forced in the mid 1980s to adopt economic reforms, typically Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs), which required drastic cuts in public expenditure on social services, accompanied by the introduction of user fees

II This was not the first time Afncan countries had experienced an organizationa1 crisis, but it was more pronounced in the 1970s and 1980s due to the factors outlined. 50 for services. Scarcity of resources, deepening poverty levels, and a decline in the states' economic and administrative capacity solidified social differentiation. In addition, the widening gap between rich and poor was a major setback for the social goal of education al1 over the continent (Brett 1992; Harber 1997).

The public's response to the political and economic changes resulted in an increase in social mobilization and action around social service provision. In some countnes, the virtual collapse of the statel? witnessed the emergence of social forces as viable centers of political and social organization in the public realm, with different groups within society assuming responsibility for the delivery of such services as security, health, and education

(Passi 1997; Whyte 1995). The net result of popular action in the provision of social services was a reassessment of centralized systems of political, economic and social organization, both at the theoretical and practical Ievels. Of particula. concem was the resurgence of ethno-nationalism in sorne countries, a trend that challenged the very viability of nationhood by providing an alternative basis for political and social organization (Zartman 1995;Villalon and Huxtable 1998). Popular action in the public realm, particularly in Hobbesian political environments, resurrected the political issue of social equality and equai access to goods and services.

ûptimism about the positive contribution to political deveiopment of popular responses to economic and political crises was echoed in African political circles:

1; Uganda and are prime examples of social, political and economic dislocation (Zartman 1995). The changes taking place in eastem Europe have far- reaching political implications for the Third World in general and for AEnca in particular. The winds of change that swept away dictatorships, autocratie one-party systems, and unresponsive social institutions in Eastern Europe, and fueled a democratic rejuvenation and observance of human nghts, are not unfarniliar in McaThe winds of change in Eastern Europe are providing considerable opportunities for African people and oppressed people the worid over to intensiQ their stniggle for democracy (General Obasanjo, as chair of a conference of the African Leadership Forum (April 1990).

The consensus arnong researchers and students of Afncan politics was that the "colonization" of politics by the state to the exclusion of other actors was one of the major factors responsible for Eca's economic and political decline (Olowu 1990; Sandbrook 1976).

Research and scholarship interests focused on the dynamic between state and society, particularly in decision making processes (Migdal 1988: 8; Chabal 1986). Other studies focused on individual organizations within cicil society, and on their structures, political organization, strategies, and capacity to inform policy. The new direction in political enquiry that focused on civil society - occupying the middle ground between communal groups and state structures - provided a departure kom the long-held view of Afican politics as the preserve of states and state agencies. It exposed the limitations of earlier analyses that pnmarily focused on the capacity of states to penetrate society, regulate social relationships, and extract and appropriate resources. By illuminating the complex relationship between state and civil society, the new wave of political thinking and practice generated a renewed interest in alternative sources of political action, and their potential for Afnca's political renewal (Olowu 1990).

Despite the usefulness of civil society as a framework for anaiysis, there is no consensus conceming its meaning and content in the Afiican context. The debate conceming civil society in Afiica centers on what civil society can and cannot do:

1s civil society a necessary precondition for state consolidation? 1s it a key brake on state power (and consequently in constant confrontation with the state)? 1s it a benign bmker between state interests and local concems? Or is it a medley of social institutions that interact with each other and with ha1 structures in ways that may either facilitate or impede govemance and economic development.

1s civil society a progressive challenge to the Afkican state and its institutional complex? Does the challenge it poses have the potential to advance democratic govemance? (Ndegwa 1996: 3).

Another area of debate concems the generic application of "civil society" to a wide variety

of issues and forms of social organizations in Afnca. As "...a vast ensemble of constantly

changing groups and individuals whose only common ground is their being outside the

state..." the issue remains what civil society can and cannot do, and the extent to which it

holds the prospects for politicai renewal (Ndegwa 1996).

Two interpretations of ''civil society," proposed by Foley and Edwards (1 999,best

illustrate the ongins of the main areas of debate. In the first version, closely related to Alexis

de Tocqueville S Democracy in Amerim, special emphasis is placed on the capacity of

associational life in general, and the habits of associations in particuiar, to foster patterns of

civility in the actions of citizens. In the second version, the emphasis is on civil society as

a sphere of autonomous action.

Ndegwa's work on NGOs in Kenya presents two faces of civil society. In one case,

civil society is depicted as a progressive force. Io the second case, civil society is show to

be limited in its scope of operation and influence. Ndegwa argues that a generic approach 53 to civil society which applies broad-brush assurnptions concerning the capacity of organizations to bring progress, or to contribute to the overall democratic process, obscures the particularistic elements of individual organizations. He notes that the intersection between decision making structures and expressed interests results in important differences in organizational coherence among civil society organizations. Both focus and organizational structures of different organizations determine the extent to which they are representative of the interests to which they lay claim, and of the strategies they adopt to meet those interests. Ndegwa fiirther notes that there are organizations within civil society that have locdized interests with no relationship to wider political issues, but which are nonetheless important, either for the delivery of a service or for collective strategizing for the cornmunity 13. This point is particularly important in understanding the scope and limitation of self-help strategies and collective responses to economic and political crises.

Ndegwa's analysis introduces new insights to the participation debate. His work demonstrates that while civil societal organizations are an important reality of Ahican politics, not al1 of hem have an explicitly political agenda, and few of them can claim to be autonomous spheres of action seeking to reorganize power relations (Ndegwa 1996). Issues raised by Ndegwa's analysis that are ofparticular relevance to this study include the equality of representation in organizations, participatory versus autocratic decision making structures, and the translation of interests into action. These issues provide an important staaing point

13 Many community organizations and self-help groups operating in different areas - towns and villages - in Uganda are instructive- they cater to differmt community interests, from burial assistance to financial loans. 54 for examining different perspectives on participation and their relevance to educational development.

1.3 Perspectives on Participation

The potential ofcivil society to influence thecourse ofpolitical and economic change remains subject to debate. However, the potential ofcivil society to provide fresh insight into alternative development strategies, and into the centrality of popular participation in social, econornic and political development, is immense.

Critical reviews of political structures in most countries in Africa in the 1980s suggest, with varying degrees of success, an important departure in political practice. The popularizing of participation in development research and practice is supported by political activists, international development agencies, and World Bank officiais who link local participation to improvements in service provision (World Bank 1993; Bray 1996).

Participation as a sine qua non in contemporary developrnent strategies is underpimed both by political and economic arguments. However, political arguments concerning the redistribution and democratization of political power are more often cited than are economic arguments. Recommendations for increased local participation in decision making in Afiica are largely influenced by a wide body of literature and empirical studies focusing on Latin America In Latin America, where class cleavages are both rigidly defuled and identified as sources of political tensions, increasing participation in order to redistribute political power is viewed as critical to the sustainability of development policies (Rivera 1992; Morales-Gomez and Torres 1992).

The educational challenges that most acanstates face at the beginning of the new millennium are concerned with the issue of equal access to education. In the past, educational planning that was aimed at redressing irnbalances in the systems did not always generate politically acceptable options. Consequently, steps taken to address sources of social inequality, particularly access to education, neither kept up w i th demand, nor signifi cantly altered the unequal bais of power structures. While the state in Afnca, as

Mwo(1999) argues, remains pivotal to the political future of Afncan counbies, its position as the locus of political power is not.

The salience of religion and ethnicity to social and political organization, evident in their resurgence in different countries, remains an important source of political tension. The importance of mediating conflicting interests and stnicturing governments that are responsive to the different interests makes participation and its rewards equally relevant to Afiica.

Moreover, economic arguments suggest that the participation of local communities in programs can help mobilize local resources to improve on the design and delivery of services

(Bray 1996; Regan 1995; Rondinelli 1990; Lubanga 1995; Nsibambi 1997).

The significance attached to local participation in decision making is based on three assumptions that Link popular participation, empowerment, tmsparency, and accountability

(Tidemand 1994; Wunsch and Olowu 1990). The first assumption is that groups are able to set in motion f?ee and equal public discussion and decision making. The second is that popular participation empowers previously marginalized groups - women, the poor, and 56 those from regionally disadvantaged areas - by defining, hancing and implementing collective objectives (Migdal 1988; Wisner 198 8; Prawda 1990). The third assumption is that groups, once empowered, can enforce thek demands and aspirations vis-a-vis state institutional complexes. Implied in each of these three assumptions is that participation contributes positively in dernocratizing power, meeting basic needs, and fulfilling human potential (Chazan 1982; Wisner 1988; Korten 1984).

Whether participation is conceived as part of a planning process, a part of decision rnaking, or merely social learning, the issue is whether or not those involved in the process at different levels have the capacity and opportunity to participate. Drawing this distinction raises important questions: Participation by whom and under what kinds of conditions?

Participation at what level and with respect to which issues. Answering these questions influences how participation is conceived.

Local level politics in Uganda illustrate the dilemma of participation. The decentralization of political power has given local areas and their local councils increasingly greater responsibilities over their affairs. However, recent media accounts of corruption at the local level and on the selection process of local leaders reveal that a lack of knowledge, education and familiarity with issues being debated presents obstacles to the full participation of local cornmunities lJ. Moreover, conceming leadership positions, evidence suggests that

For a discussion on corruption at the local level, see '%omption hurting decentmlization," The Monitor, February 7, 19928; "Confessïng MPs, and the 'eater' view of the Local Council Bill," The Monitor, February 7, 1997: 12; and "Districts are being eaten to the bone under decentralization," The Monitor, October 25-28, 1996:8 57 such roles are usually assumed by the more educated and wealthy members of local communities, who tend to be more conversant with the issues and who can use the knowiedge to mobiiize support.

The relevance of these issues to this study is in underlining the complexity of participation, and the problems that participation poses For equality goals. The blanket support for participation in much of the writing on Uganda, for exarnple, does not capture the interaction between the new participatory arrangements and existing power structures.

Moreover, the existence of forma1 participatory stnictures does not signiQ that participation is going on, nor does their presence buffer new sources of conflicts that may be a result of the newly opened-up political spaces.

Huntington (1968) and Kasfir (1974) have argued that social mobilization cm contribute both to a decline in political order and to the polarization of factions within society. They argue that in certain contexts, participation may generate conflict and reinforce existing social differences. Kasfir and Huntington's arguments are supported by Zarmiann's study of collapsed States. He notes that in countries that have undergone social upheavals the absence of a central authority makes social and political factionalism more pronounced

(Zartman 1995). [n such cases it becomes debatable whether participation based on cornmunity and family loyalties is a positive attribute.

The polarization of factions within society raises important questions about the bais for and outcomes of participation: participation for whom, by whom, and to what end? The argument that participation may not necessarily benefit the intended beneficiaries (Midgeiy 58

1986) is particularly important, and directs attention to the context and structure of participatory arrangements, as well as to the locus of power within them. Ndegwa argues, for exarnple, that if power resides with representative elites and not with the citizens at the local level, then it is no different fkom what Jackson and Rosberg (1982) descnbe as "the organization of state power through personal nile" in sub-Saharan Afi-ica (1996: 1 14).

The areas of debate within the different perspectives on popular participation relate to the objective of participation, the locus of power in any organizational context, as well as to the capacity and means available to individuals to participate in political change. The differences outlined direct attention to the importance of the context in which participation takes place, as well as to the means by which the rhetoric of participation is translated into practice. In democratic political theory, participation concerns the means by which power is distributed, controlled, and legitimized (Held 1987). Pateman, however, argues that participation can be viewed either as a means to an end or as an end in itself (Pateman 1970). in her conceptuaiization, participation has an intrinsic value beyond that of merely acting as a check on the power of leaders, as a means of testing public opinion, or as a legitimization of authonty structures. Accordingly, she identifies participation with "equal participation," whereby equality means "equaiity of power" in determiring the outcorne of decisions

(Paternan 1970: 27). This perspective on participation synthesizes common elements of contemporary theories of representative democracy, arguing that participation is an integrative force that gives people a sense of community and belonging (1 970: 24).

As anticipated benefits of participatory decision making, representation of interests, 59 transparency and accountability, and distributive equity (Rondinelli and Cheema 1993)- clearly have relevance to this study of parent participation in education at the local level.

1.4 Redrawing Educatiooal Boundaries Between the State and Society

The economic crises in various Afkican countries over the 1st two decades have given rise to two debates conceming educational reform. The first debate focuses on the most effective approach to curent financial problems facing education systems in Africa. The second debate concerns the issue of what are the most effective and efficient systems of educational govemance. Maclure suggests that there are three options open to policy makers in ecafor responding to the cnsis in education in general, and in primary education in particular. His fint option is for govemments simply to ignore the school crisis, or at least to rnake no effort to intervene with new plans and policies - in short, to sit the cnsis out.

However, a do-nothing policy is unlikely, given the enormous financial and political capital invested in formal school systems (Maclure 1994). Maclure argues that govemments and donor agencies are virtually cornpelled to respond to the crisis with new plans and policies

(Maclure 1994: 239).

A second kind of response that Maclure proposes is to "de-institutionalize" formal schooling at the primary level and instead, provide support for alternative foms of children's education, for example, public sector endorsement of traditional, community-based leaming and apprenticeship schemes, with regular provision of non-formal instruction in such areas as Literacy, health, and agriculture. The prevailing tenets of formal education, that is, social 60 mobility, promotion of citizenship, and the acquisition of essential productive skills ,make this an unlikely option.

The third option, in Maclure's view, is to introduce reforms while retaining the basic structure of the prirnary school systern. Within the parameters of this moderate alternative' the notion of decentralization has become a key focal point of school reform in many countries.

The decentralization of education as a solution to constraints in national expenditures on education has gained relative popularity in Latin Amenca in recent times, and coincides with the growing interest in decentralization in different national contexts. Rondinelli (1 98 1,

1989) describes four approaches to decentralization: de-concentration, delegation, devolution, and privatization. The four approaches cm be adopted separately or in parallel.

Within particular areas the aims are to provide incremental changes in power structures in systems of govemance, as well as to mobilize local resources for services (Lyons 1985).

Approaches supporting the decentralization of education as a policy option for redressing many of the general pmblems associated with the financing and administration of education are challenged by those who argue that decision making and control of education should remain at the center (Lyons 1985). Lyons argues that centralized planning in education is essential to equity, national unity, and management efficiency in education. He notes that, contrary to popular expectations, localized control over policies is undermined by the strengthening of selected centrai govenunent agencies vis-a-vis local institutions (Lyons

1985). Furthemore, Hunt argues that, the diversity of interests in education, makes it 61 di fficult to achieve a consensus (Hurst 1985). This heterogeneity of interests can lead to the monopoly of decision making power by the powerful, to the exclusion of others (1985: 83).

Ln addition, Sarah Graham-Brown argues that in an important area such as education, participation may only serve to perpetuate glaring inequalities, whether expressed in gender relations or between regions, ethnic groups or classes (199 1; Apter 1995).

For the purpose of this study, the importance of a discussion on alternative systems of educational govemance is in illurninating the possibilities. as well as the coostraints, inherent in different approaches to educational refom. Moreover, the importance attached to participation within national development suategies brings into sharper focus explicitly political questions conceming social equality and participation. These questions have particular relevance to govemance issues in education. as well as to the purpose and contribution of education to the broader political and social changes currently underway in di fferent parts of Afica.

At the beginning of the new millemium. education is still widely viewed as a social and economic leveler (Museveni 2000). This chapter has exarnined the issues and concepts that are germane to this study: equality of access to education, participation. and social equality. In the first decade and a half of independence, education conformed largely to state interests and national goals. The centralization and bureaucratization of educational systems

discussed in this chapter effectively circumscribed the role of non-state actoa in the provision of education. Since the early 1970s, whether as part of a planned national strategy

to decentralize educational systems or by default, there has been a significant increase in the involvement of parents and non-state actors in education.

However, participation in education has to be exarnined on a case- by- case basis, taking into account the political and socio-econornic factors that influence its impact on educational development. Having drawn in this chapter on the concepts of equality ofaccess to education, participation, and social equality, the next chapter explores how these concepts apply to politics and educational developrnent in Uganda. CHAPTER TWO - Poiitics, Participation, and Education in Uganda

2.0 Introduction

Modem education in Uganda has passed through four important phases: first (during the colonial period), a period of close alignment between colonial administration interests and missionary education; second (in the irnrnediate post-independence penod), both the centralization of education and its alignment with national political interests; third (in the

1970s and early 1980s), the emergence of participation and action in education among parents, communities, and non-state institutions; and, fourth (the 1990s. culminating in the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1W6), represents a possible tuming point in the provision of pnmary education in Uganda. The fint two phases bear a striking

sirnilarity to educational developments elsewhere in Afi-ica. In Uganda, however, one

encounters a unique set of social, political, and economic problems in relation to education.

In this chapter, 1 constnict a contemporary social in Uganda,

identXying both constraints and opportunities that continue to play an essential role in the

development of alternative models of education policy.

1begin by outlining the socio-political context of modemeducation in Uganda. Next,

1provide a brief historicai background of colonial interests in education, showing how the

colonial policy of divide and mle resulted in educational inequality. Next, 1 explore the

political and social context of educational reform in the immediate post-independence penod

(1962 to 1971 ), showing how increasing political and economic centralization af5ected the 64 goals and govemance of education. Finally, 1summanze the implications of these changes for educational development.

2.1 The Socio-political Context

At independence on October 9, 1962, Sir Winston Churchill glowingly referred to

Uganda as "the Pearl of Afi-ica." Uganda had a strong economy, a well-developed infrasmicture and an exemplary system of education 15. This picture stands in stark contrat to Uganda's post-independence history, now characterized by endemic political conflict and economic and social collapse (Lwanga-Lunyiigo 1989). Variously described as "thirty years of bananas" (Mukulu 1993 16), "years of blackness," and "post-colonial agony" (Kamgire

1988: 55), Uganda's post-independence experience includes no less than eight changes in govenunent, a civil war, and two wars of liberation.

Uganda's population of 17 million people (Govemment Census 1992) is composed of more than forty distinct "nationalitiest' and at lest twenty-six different languages/dialects

(UNICEF 1994). In addition to the country's cultural pluralism, conflicts exist among the three dominant religious groupings -- Catholics, Protestants, and Muslims (Apter 1997). In pre-colonial Ugandan Society, religion provided an important system of social organization.

1s Makerere College (Kampala) was the fint established post-secondary institution catering to the entire East ecanregion. It was attended by most of the prominent Af?ican post- independence leaders including Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

16 Thirty Years of Bananas was the title of the local playwright Alex Mukulu chronicling Uganda's post-independence political tmjectory. 65 particularly among the Baganda, the largest and most powerful ethnic group (Gukina 1972).

Moreover, during the colonial period, the colonial administration and missionary education

made religion an important feature of the country's political and social organization. In

addition, social differentiation amplified the tensions between and among religious and

ethnic groups. Finally, in the post-independence penod, the religious axis in political party

formation gave Uganda's nationalist smiggle a distinct character.

Political instability in the post-independence period has been attributed to a

combination of political, economic, and social factors (Karugire L 988; Mutibwa 1992).

Arnong these factors, a distinction has often been made between those that are related to

inherent imbalances in the country's allocation of resource endowment to its different

regions, and those that are directly associated with the systems of govemance, both during

and after the colonial penod (Brett 1996; Karugire 1988). For exarnple, glaring disparities

in the distribution of education across the population can be related to policies that supported

highly uneven access to social goods and benefits on the basis of religion, ethnicity, and

social status.

2.2 The Historicai Context: Pre-independence

The British colonialists made no attempt to mold Uganda into a nation (Apter 1995).

If anything, they reinforced political divisions, thereby watering the seeds for Future

animosity and contlict among different groups. The alliance that formed between British 66 forces and the Protestant (Anglican) Kabakaf7 to defeat the Catholics and subdue the

Muslims in the religious wars in 1892, marked the beginning of British rule in Uganda

(Gukina 1972). It also marked the beginning of the Bntain's policy to divide and nile.

Although religious and ethnic conflicts in Uganda could not be said to be a consequence of colonial rule, colonial administration gave such conflictspolitical and economic significance

(Karugire 1988; Mutibwa 1992; Gukina 1972). Britain's policy helped to regularize her administrative presence in Uganda and, in turn, to intensiQ ethnic, religious, and social differences (Karugire 1988; Hooper and Pirouet 1989).

2.2.1 Colonial Administration and Political Differentiation

The 1900 Uganda Agreement, signed between the British and the Kabaka. defined the powers of the Kabaka and of his chiefs, and their matenal interests, within the colonial administrative structure. The Agreement also provided the Barnework for colonial rule in other areas of the country. For exarnple, limited agreements were worked out with Bunyoro in 1901, and Ankole and Toro, in 1933, kingdoms in the western region of the country.

Under the British, the rest of Uganda was carved up into districts that coincided with culrurally homogeneous groups. As an observer pointed out:

The establishment O fdistncts based wherever possible on tribal residence has contributed to a sense of district nationalism and separatism that in many cases did not exist prior to the arriva1 of the British (Burke 1984: 14).

t 7 Kabaka refers to the King of Buganda. Uganda was divided into four kingdoms: Tom, Bunyoro, Buganda and Ankole, each with its own government. 67

Ln addition to setting Buganda '* apart fiom the rest of the country, the 1900 Agreement

shified the balance of the power struggles among religious groups, dating back to the religious wars of the 1880s and 1890s, in favor of Protestant chiefs (Burke L 984). The

kingdom of Buganda, perceived to have an advanced system of political, social, and

economic organization, provided the model for colonial rule in the rest of the country (Apter

1995).

There were obvious advantages in using a hierarchical model of govemance to

penetrate society and maintain social order. However, the reinforcement of social, economic,

and politicai inequalities that had already existed at different levels within Buganda provided

fertile ground for subsequent conflicts over access to power (Gukina 1972).

2.2.2 Economic Penetration and Differentiation

The division of the country into econornically "productive" and "non-productive"

zones paralleled the north/south divide and reinforced the politicai differentiation already

evident in colonial administration. The introduction of a cash economy based on coffee,

Cotton, and rubber meant that the British Protectorate of Uganda, by 1916, was fuiancially

self-supporthg (Hooper and Pirouet 1984). The concentration of the cash crop system in the

south however, and in Buganda specifically, determined the Pace of econornic and social

development in the region. Infr;istmcture development in the south - road networks, hedth

II Buganda is the central region of Uganda and considered by the colonialist to highly organized political system. 68 facilities and schools - yielded obvious benefits to colonial economic interests, for example, in the extraction of agricultural produce. In contrast to these developrnents in the south, the north was treated as a source of cheap labor and military personnel, and was glaringly neglected (Hooper and Pirouet 1984).

Such regional imbalances were acknowledged to be a potential source of conflict by a member of the Legislative Council (LEGCO). In 1956, he cautioned against continuing the northhouth division between "warrior" and "educated classes." He argued that, "... it is our duty to see these backward people are educated, ... so that the future of this country is not put in jeopardy" (Proceedings ofthe Legislative Council, official record, Ianuary 1956:

41). Disparities in economic and social development between the two regions were important in lirniting access to political power and its social and material benefits mainly to people fiom the south. However, it was the unequal access to education that reinforced the existing social differences in the immediate post-independence period, when access to jobs and political power were clearly based on educational qualifications.

2.2.3 The Politicization of Education

The real and symbolic role of education in replicating the existing disparities that came to characterize Uganda deserves to be emphasized. During the decades prior to independence, the development of modem education was the responsibility of the two

Christian missions, Catholic and Protestant. The nght of Christian missions to own and operate schools was not challenged under the Protectorate government, despite the 69 recornmendations of the Phelps-S tokes Commission report in 1923 that the Protectorate should take a more direct role in education. Governrnent intervention in the actual financing and administration of schools was minimal. Despite this, as a powerfil socialization tool for maintaining social and politicai order and as the principal means of social mobility, education was used to support colonial interests in the differential development of the country (Gukina 1972).

Education for future leaders was limited to a few privileged members of society, namely the sons of Baganda chiefs who gained access to King's College Buddo, an elite school that closely ernulated English public schools such as Eton and Harrow. The 1953 admission figures to Makerere College, the only post-secondary institution in the country, reveal that of the total 1,698 AFrican students admitted, 67 1 (40%) were nom Buganda

(Mamdani 1976).

A corollary to the ethnic division in education was the religious mis. Aided by

Anglican missionaries, the Protectorate governrnent encouraged Ugandans in the belief that the Anglican religion and education were superior to those provided through Roman

Catholicism. The distribution of public offices and access to political and economic power in favor of the educated Protestant elite strengthened this belief (Kamgire 1988).

Anglican and Catholic missionaries contuiued their historical nvaIry in the school systern (Mudoola 1993). Indeed, illustrating the persistence of this rivalry well beyond independence, Professor J.P. Ocitti notes that:

Football matches between neighboring Catholic and Protestant schools were not games but battles of breaking legs among the players and battles of throwing stones among the warring spectators.

Ln an environment in which most of the schools, with the aid of govemrnent grants, were managed and staffed by church-related voluntary agencies, Muslims, as a religious and social grouping, were left out of the political equation entirely. While Koranic schools catered to the Muslim community, these schools had a restricted curriculum that focused almost exclusively on religious instruction, and was not geared toward inculcating the kinds of professional skills required for the job market. However, the Pmtectorate governrnent saw nothing anomalous in this situation and, even after its attention was drawn to the marginal position of Muslims in education, it failed to make the situation a pnonty (Welbourn 1965;

Burke 1964). For example, in 1941, out of a total educational gant of 6.63 1 English pounds,

Muslim education benefitted to the tune of only 18 English pounds (Welbourn 1965).

Having limited access to education relegated Muslims to third class citizenship, such that they were unable to take full advantage of the political, social, and econornic rewards of education in the post-independence period (Welbourn 1965).

With education under the control of Catholic and Anglican (Protestant) administraton, it was inevitable that access to jobs, social benefits, and other oppomuiities would reflect these divisions. Similarly, the concentration of schools in Buganda virtually guaranteed that the sons of Baganda chiefs, especially those who were Protestants held favorable positions in the job market (Mamdani 1976). Indeed at the time of independence, the region of Buganda not only possessed nearly half of the country's graduates, businessmen, and civil servants but also dominated the leadership positions in Muslim, Catholic, and Protestant religious organizations (Gukina 1972).

In sumrnary, the educational system in Uganda both refîected and reinforced the situation that aiready had been inherent in the country's political environment: first, it was hgmented under the management of the two main reiigious groups (Catholic and

Protestant), each of which competed with the other for political dominance; second, it was directed toward fulfilling the educational needs of the south and of Buganda in particular.

The political significance ofeducation and its role in social and political organization in the post-independence penod is in setting the scene for the multiple levels ofconflicts in the country's political and social organization.

2.2.4 Religion, Ethnicity, and Ugandan Nationalism

in Uganda, both religion and ethnicity played a significant role in nationalist politics,

forming the basis for mobilizing political support and defining political interests (Gukina

1972). In short, Uganda's struggle for independence was by no means a unified resistance

to colonial rule. Gukina notes that: "...in Uganda, resistance was to both colonial nile and

Buganda domination ..." (1972). Cornmenting on the polarity of interests in the country's

'hationalist" movement, Anthony Low notes that:

It is widely assumed bat in a colonial territory the major polarity is between indigenous people and colonial authonty. But in Uganda this was not so; here was certainly one polarïty, but rarely an ovemding one. In consequence other polarities were especidly free to operate; and it happened a number of these were very important: between Catholics and Protestants; between Baganda and non-Baganda (Low 1962: 57).

Political interests among the Baganda and non-Baganda, not surprisingly, were at odds. On the one hand, the Baganda viewed independence as an oppomuiity to validate their special, semi-federal position within Uganda. Their slogan was sitaknnge - what I have 1 hold. On the other hand, for the non-Baganda, independence was an opportunity to overturn the old political and social order in which Buganda dominated, a sentiment captured by the popular slogan of the non-Baganda: situdda nnyuma - there is no tuming back (Low 1962).

It was widely believed that the Baganda, principally because of their education status, were favored in govemment jobs, includingjobs outside Buganda. Low has argued that one of the reasons for the belated nse of modem political parties in Uganda was the lack of educated Aficans. It is not surprising, therefore, that Buganda, with the highest number of educated Afncans, was where political parties sprang up in the late 1950s (Low 1962).

As groups mobilized their political support in the stniggle over which faction would inherit the post-independence state, rivalry between the two dominant religious groups,

Protestant and Catholic, spilled over into the political arena. That ethnicity and religion were the impetus for political organization was expressed in the formation of the three dominant political parties: Uganda People's Congress (WC),Democratic Party (DP) and the Kaboka

Yekkcr party (KY)I9 (Mudoola 1993). First, the UPC supported the notion of "One People

One Nation." However, despite its early renunciation of religious factionalism, the UPC's true raison d 'etre was its opposition to the BantuL0Catholics, and to Buganda's daims to

19 Kabala Yeb,a Luganda tm, means ''King Alone" [One King]. The party represented the monarchist constituency.

9 Uganda is composed of four major ethnic groups: Bantu, Nilotic, Sudanic, and Nilo- Hamitic. The distribution of Bantu tribes is arnong people in the south, central and western political autonomy within the state of Uganda (Hooper and Pirouet 1989).

Second, while the DP purportedly represented "democratic justice," the party's interests, organization, and political actions were shaped specifically along Catholic religious lines (Welbourn 1965; Guha 1972).

Third, the KY Party supported the principle of "One King, " as its narne indicates.

The KY party's monarchist stance appealed mainly to the Baganda, owing to the ethno- nationalist thmst of its political campaign. For example, the party pledged to uphold al1 things Bugandan, including the monarchy and its culture. In so doing, it would safeguard both the Kabaka's supremacy and Buganda's primus inter pares position within an independent Uganda (Gukina 1972; Kamgire 1988). While the political parties possessed, collectively, considerable electoral strength, none individually could be said to be a symbol of Ugandan nationalisrn, "...bred in the exigencies of the struggle for independence ..." (Low

1962: 23).

Given the different political interests of the three parties, the coalition between the

WCand the KY in the 1962 Legislative Council elections can be seen as an exarnple of political expedience, for the two parties appeared to have nothing in comrnon beyond their interest in gainhg political power. Despite divergent views on almost every conceivable subject, the UPC and the KY happened tu share a cornmon desire for Protestant ascendancy

(Hooper and Pirouette 1984). Thus, the coalition's victory in the National Assembly elections (KY 2 l seats, WC37 seats, and DP 22 seats) (Gukina 1972) exacerbated religious

parts of the country. 74 rivalries and ethnic tensions, such that it became obvious that differences in the two parties' interests were not politically sustainable (Gukina 1972). Whereas the KY'S election slogan

was "... no man can be above the Kabaka in prestige and political power, on Bugandan soi1...," the UPC's slogan was "...one nation, one people ...."

nie independence constitutional provisions reflected the different interests in

Ugandan "nationalism." The constitution attempted to accommodate the interests of the political, religious, and ethnic factions that were Iocked in the struggle for political power

(Low 1962; Marndani 1976; Mutibwa 1992).

2.3 The Historical Context: The Post-independence Period

The independence constitution, carefully worked out to balance the special interests both of Buganda and of Protestant and Catholic groups, resulted in a document that

combined unitary, federal and semi-federal elements.

A complex system of compromises led to a disparity between the fonnal objectives

of independence and the practical accommodation of particularistic interests. Moreover, the

disjuncture between constitutional provisions and political practices intensified the tensions

among the different interests, underminhg political cohesion in a united Uganda (Lwanga-

Lunyiigo 1989; Mutibwa 1992). 2.3.1 Post-independence Politics, Administration, and Education

The problems of national integration in the face of social inequality were not unique to Uganda. Against a background of deeply rooted ethnic and religious conflicts, the capacity of the fint post-independence govemment to mediate the many political and social demands was severely limited. Constitutional arrangements, most likely by design, failed to address the fundamental sources ofpolitical, social and economic inequality. Indeed, such arrangements tended to structure social inequalities (Kamgire 1988; Mutibwa 1992; Mudoola

1987; Apter 1997).

"Constitutional impossibility" Functioned as an explanation for why a more

progressive social and economic policy did not evolve during the first few years of the post-

independence administration. One source ofconflict was the stmggle between the central and

the Bugandan governments concerning how to interpret the constitutional provisions. Also

contentious was the issue of how to divide power and responsibility between the centrai

govemment and Bugandan government. The gap continued to widen between the

independence constitutional arrangements that had provided for a coalition of interests in

charge of state power and subsequent political practices that played to particularistic

interests. Moreover, the tems of the constitution (particularly with reference to the

distribution ofpower and resources between Buganda, as a distinct administrative entity, and

the central government) were not sufnciently delineated to avoid conflict (Hooper and

Pirouet 1989). Non-subordination in the name of Bugandan nationalism encouraged resistance l1 to central govemment interference in al1 aspects ofBugandaYsaffairs. The region had separate systems of govemment, of political representation and administration, and of taxation.

Moreover, Buganda retained considerable control over such social services as hospitals and schools within its jurisdiction. The tension over Buganda's autonomy reached a climax over the thorny issue of the "lost counties" (Hooper and Pirouet 1989). The central government, in an effort to exercise political and administrative control over al1 of Uganda, including the

Kingdom ofBuganda, challenged Buganda's claims to counties that had previousiy belonged to the Bunyoro kingdom (Gukina 1972). President Obote's insistence that a local referendum be held on the status of the "lost counties," counties that a British Governor had transferred

fiom Bunyoro to Buganda twenty-seven years pnor to independence, fanned the flame of

Buganda's ethno-nationalism (Hooper and Pirouet 1972).

Tensions that arose between Buganda and the central govemment fheled secessionist sentiments among the Baganda, causing the central govemment to become even more determined to put an end to that region's political autonomy. As a result, relations between

the political coalition of the WCparty and the KY party became strained. The govement

forcibly ended the political impasse, which resulted both in open conflict and a constitutional

crisis (Mutibwa 1992). The tend government abrogated the semi-federal independence

constitution in 1967, replacing it with a unitary one. Consequently, Uganda was declared

., A discussion of the conflict between the Buganda govemment resistance to central govment direction following the Castle Commission report is in Apolo Nisbambi's article, 'The Politics of Education in Uganda 1964-70," Uganda Journal 197658-82. 77 a republic, its hereditary rulers were abolished, and the semi-federal status of Buganda was revoked (Onyango-01oka 1997).

Mutibwa argues that the political cnsis of 1966, as well as the myriad political problems that eqted in the post-independence period, could have been avoided had

Uganda's independence been conditional fiom the start on a completely unitary system of government (Mutibwa 1992). However, the interests articulated on the eve of independence were so diverse and so deeply ingrained that it is questionable whether a unitary constitution was politically feasible under the circumstances. Buganda's "special" status within Uganda has continued to present successive govemments with a dilemma. Oloka-Onyango ha observed that the sooner govemments in Uganda stop pretending that Buganda is not an issue, the sooner the politicians and the public will be able to come to terms with its significance to the country's political and social fabric (Oloka-0nyango 1997).

The 1967 constitution made substantial changes to the country's political, social, and economic organization. By confemng wide-ranging powers on the central governrnent, the constitution heralded the process of state centralization (Mutibwa 1992). Political consolidation was attained through a legal Framework that extended presidential powers over both the legislature and parliament. The new state powers, in the aftermath of the constitutional crisis, effectively curtailed the political rights of individuals, the influence of citizen organizations, and political action. Political opponents faced arbitrary detention and impnsonment without trial, O flen effective means of ensuring political conformity. 78

The introduction of the Detention Bill gave the state extensive coercive powers.

Article 10 (1) and Article 19 (2) strengthened the govemment's position vis- a- vis penonal liberties and individual freedoms of movement and association. Although a detained person could have hisher case reviewed by an independent tribunal, the govemment, under Article

10 (7), was not obliged to act in accordance with the recommendations made. Furthemore, no order for detention could be questioned in any court of law (Article 10 (8)).

As an extension of political centralization, the state expanded its control over the economy either by nationalizing foreign assets and companies or by acquiring a controlling share in companies that were not nationalized. Thereafter, the economy became channeled through state-run CO-operativesand marketing boards. in addition. state control over the country's politics and economy enhanced the government's capacity to exert geater control over the provision of social service, including education, which the government intended to reorganize.

For example, in its fint Five-year Development Plan, the central govemment focused on increasing schooling opportunities to the African population. Targeting education in particular occurred not only because colonial education had long been perceived to be at the root of political and social inequality, but because the governrnent considered that the act of expanding education was an important source of govemment legitimacy. 2.3.2 The Church and State in Education

At independence, the educational system was divided dong religious and racial lines.

The three main religious bodies (the [Protestant] Church of Uganda (COU), the Roman

Catholic Church (RC), and the Uganda Muslim Education Authority (UMEA), had their own schools. In addition to several privately owned schools, members of the Asian community,

(Hindus, Muslim Ismailis, Sikhs, and Roman Catholic Goanese), had their own schools that catered to their religious and cultural interests. Religious and ethnic tensions that were already evident in the country became arnplified by the govemrnent's move to gain greater control over education. However, religious resistance to educational refoms on the part of

Protestant and Catholic religious bodies tended to generate the most conflict with central govemment. Welbourn notes that on the eve of independence, religious conflict among the religious denominations was so pronounced that:

Protestants, Catholics and Muslims educated in separate schools tended to regard one another not as fellow citizens of one nation but as members of different communities each rivaling the other for power, wealth and statu (1965: 30).

Education, in short, reinforced social and political differentiation. Moreover, in promising to provide equal opportunity in education, the fust post-independence administration was CO- opting education as a tool for consolidating and legitimizing its power.

The stated objectives of the Education Act of 1963 which, in effect, nationalized education, were threefold: national unity, human resource development, and the ficanization of the education system. The Act gave govemment direct control over dl religious and racially segregated schools, the principal aim being to put an end to the 80 sectarian divisions in education. Authorities argued that the practice of dedicating separate schools to different population groups both duplicated the work of teachers and stretched the country's lirnited resources (Uganda Government 1964). It might also be argued that, in light of the events that precipitated the constitutional crisis in 1966, there was an underlying political logic to the reform, namely, a desire to reduce Buganda's monopoly over education and its political, economic, and social rewards. Educational opportunities that typically had favored the Buganda region were regarded as contrary to the governrnent's efforts to forge a unified state out of Uganda's cultural pluralism (Khadiagala 1995; Apter 1995; Bogonko

1992). Be that as it may, the extensive educational refoms the govemrnent had designed to support its political goals of nationalism and equality were by no means universally embraced.

Religious bodies, in particular, having established a pnor claim over the provision of education, predictably clashed with the govemment over these changes. The changes in education ended the resistance arnong religious bodies against religious segregation in schools, as was noted in several education reports pnor to independence (The Thomas

Education Cornmittee, 1940; the de Bunsen Education Cornmittee in 1952; and the Lawrence commission of 1962). The Education Act removed religious bodies from the financing and administration of education as well as fiom al1 aspects of education policy. Designing the syllabus, teacher tmining accreditation and recruitment, teaching standards, and the maintenance and expansion of physical structures were ail centralized and bureaucratized.

Religious groups (or "foundation bodies" as they were subsequently referred to), continued 8 1 to be involved in education but only in an advisory capacity. The pnnciple of social equality provided the rationale for tightening administrative and financial control over education, and for effectively closing education policy to public debate (Bogonko 1992). While such a pnnciple was agreeably vague, what it meant in concrete terms was greater state influence over education, in much the same manner as the state had extended its control over politics and the economy (Sathyamuryhy 1986).

Religious groups maintained that their main objection to the government's nationalkation of education did not relate to the underlying objectives of the reformsperse. but rather to the manner in which the changes had been introduced, i.e., without their prior consultation. A consensus arnong the three religious bodies was that they should have been notified of the proposed changes, given that they had always been the main stakeholders in education. Ideally, they should have formed the core of any planned initiative (Father

Monday 1997; Father Kasibante 1997; Haj Rugasa 1997). The conflict of interest between the state and these religious bodies was most marked in the Roman Catholic Church. The church's position concemed the way in which its religious role in schools was undermined by the changes, particularly in light of its doctrinal position as defined by the Encyclical

Letter of Pope Pius XI:

Education, first and supereminently is the function of the Church, and this is by a two fold supematural title which God has conferred upon her alone and which therefore transcends in authonty and validity any title of natural order.

The church also used the view of St. Thomas Aquinas, who had argued that it is the responsibility of parents to look after their children mtil they reach '?he age of reason." Hence, the Catholic leadership argued that parents should have the nght to educate their children in schools of their choice. The Catholic leadership insisted that:

The Catholic citizen of Uganda wants Catholic schools for Catholic children with Catholic teachers (Catholic Bishops of Uganda 1962: 4).

While Catholic resistance to educational changes was expressed in religious rhetoric, it was clearly politically motivated. Catholics widely perceived the Act as a bid to undermine their traditional role in schools and, by implication, to deny them access to political power.

Moreover, the reforms were seen as yet another example of a Protestant govenunent advancing Protestant hegemony in a bid to weaken Catholicism's religious and political following (Mudoola 1993; Father Kasibante 1997). The Catholic Church's position on education was fully endorsed by its political arm, the Democratic Party.

2.3.3 Education for National Unity and Social Equality

Ironically, resistance to educational changes on the part of religious bodies effectively legitimized the need for reform expressed by government, for it validated the govemrnent's argument that education becomes disintegrative when it is allowed to represent sectarian

interests. Despite the purported emphasis upon egalitarianism in education policy in the first

Five-year Development Plan, human resource development was actually the number one priority. Indeed, the main thnist of the reforms, as based on the recommendations of the

Castle Education Commission (1963), was to produce enough qualified people to fil1 the country's growing needs:

The main weight of govemment expenditure on education must concentrate on Secondary and Technical education, particularly the former, since the present limited secondary school facilities are the bottleneck to the production of Ugandans for higher academic professional and technical education (Five Year Deveiopment Plan, 1962- 1965166: 26).

Expansion was achieved through an increase in govemment-sponsored schools. For example, in 1962 there were only twenty-eight govemment grant-aided schools. whereas in

1970 there were seventy-three grant-aided schools. The increase in new pnmary and secondary schools and in teacher-training colleges reflected a substantial increase in government expenditure on education (Sekamwa 1995). However, despite these quantitative achievernents, it was apparent by 1970 that educational reforms had failed to redress irnbalances in the education system. Moreover, while the raising of a socialist consciousness had been an implicit goal in Obote's Cornmon Man 's Charter and the blueprint for Uganda's

"Move to the Left," the reforms did not go far enough to foster socialist consciousness among the small elite fortunate enough to have gone beyond the pnmary school stage (1970).

From President Obote's "Move to the Left" speech (1970), it was also clear that the govemment attributed this failure to a trade-off between, on the one hand, quantitative expansion and, on the other hand, substantive reforms to the curriculum.

It could be argued, however, that the failure of educational refoms to bring about the desired social transformation that would meet both national and individual goals related to 84 another important factor, namely, that Mehad been changed either in the structure or substance of an educational system that originally had been designed, during the colonial period, to cater to a small elite. Moreover, while educational changes overcarne many of the traditional religious biases, they did little to eradicate the inherent elitism in education that was at the root of social and political inequality.

Furthemore, the structure of education continued to be based on a complex set of final examinations at the end of each school cycle that was designed with a view to the attainment ofwhite-collar ernployment. However, the possibility of passing such exams was not available to everyone. Moreover, as the educated elite lefi the countryside pemanently for urban centen in search of employment opportunities, the gap between the rate of development in urban areas as distinct from rural areas increased (Gukina 1972).

The social goal of education was also at odds with political practice. Save for vague references to a %ove to the left" and "socialist development," educational reforms served only to reinforce stnictured power relations arnong the different political and social groups.

Hence, social conflict related both to religious rivalries and regional irnbalances continued to dominate political and economic structures. While there were some changes to the

cmiculum (notably in civic education and in Ugandan history and geography), that had been

designed to cultivate an Afncan identity in the minds ofugandan students, their significance

was lost in an environment in which political practice supported other sources of

identification. 2.4 Summary

This chapter has described and discussed the foundations of modem educational

development in Uganda. It has also highlighted the important role played by education in

accentuating existing ethnie and religious conflicts. The dictates of missionary education,

which had adhered to the colonial policy of "divide and rule," resulted in uneven access first

to education and, consequently, to political power and social benefits. Because of the

heightened social and political contradictions that developed (not the least of which was the

tension between national interests and educational goals), the state failed to meet its

development promises with respect to education in the post-independence perîod. This

failure to realize individual expectations about education led to a stniggle over education.

During the penod of economic and political decline that followed, the struggle in

Uganda over education spurred on educational development. The desire to fulfil individual

educational expectations took a new turn in the early 1970s challenging the existing systern

of educational financing and administration and resulting in important consequences both

for education and politics.

The next chapter descnbes the efforts of parents to rescue schools in the face of

political and economic collapse, and discusses the political and educational implications of

such efforts. CHUTER THREE - When Politics Fell Apart: Parents' Role in Rescuing the School

The education sector was the first to be hit by a forced pnvatizaîion process. The PTA fees innovation was a swim or sink alternative which schools faced in the country. The fees threshold depended on the prestige and status of the school especially its result outputs. It brought differentiation but that's the price to pay when public coffers cannot sustain a programme.

Re-socialization [i.e.,changing parents' attitudes towards PTA fees] of the process is almost a pipe dream. Assurning the process took off, it could lead to fkesh migration of teachers ... to supplement their incornes. 1 could not see how middle class and influential parents would allow a slide to this scenario without taking remedial measures by restoring the status quo (Patrick Kiggundu National Analvst September 5 - October 8, 1996).

3.0 Introduction

Since 1971, local initiatives in education have changed the locus of power and organization in education. Indeed, the increasing involvement in the schools on the part of parents, communities, and religious organizations became the dnving force in the provision of education. The comrnents cited above point to the importance of parent organizations and action in education. Yet, before 1971, parent participation in decision making relating to educational policy and practice was virtually unknown. The role of parents before 1971 consisted mainly in organizing to send their children to school, in hd-raising activities, and in supporting govement initiatives.

In this chapter 1explore the rise in parent participation in education in Uganda during the 1970s and early 1980s. First, I examine the impact upon educational financing and administration of the political, institutional, and econornic changes during the penod 1971 to 1979, changes that redrew the boundaries between state and society. In demonstrating the 87 role of parents in rescuing schools, 1 focus on three aspects of parent participation: first, the parents' interests in and motivation for rescuing the school systern; second, the forma1 structure of parent participation in schools; and, third, the strategies that were applied in rescuing the school. Next, 1analyze the relationship among politics, parent participation, and education during the period 1979 to 1985. Finally, 1 examine the social and political consequences of parent participation in primary education, identi @mgthe social and political tensions that it generated.

3.1 Redrawing Educational Bouodaries Between Parents and the State (1971-1979)

Begiming in the early 1WOs, Uganda experienced political and economic crises that even surpassed those experienced by many other AFrican countries. Political conflict becarne endemic, producing extensive social damage and calling into question the very existence of the state (Doombos 1987; Apter 1995; 1997).

The Idi Amin regime, 197 1 to 1979, was most noteworthy for the persecution and expulsion of Uganda's Asian minonty, for the brutality of state-led violence, and for economic mismanagement. Together, these Ieft an indelible mark on the financing, administration, and distribution of social services.

The expulsion of Ugandan Asians in 1972 and subsequent expropriation of their properties and businesses, part of the state-declared "Econornic War," had two immediate effects on the country's social structure. First, the expulsion fnghtened non-Afncan groups into fleeing the country, leaving a void in administrative and social service structures. 88

Second, the expropriation of Asian businesses and their re-allocation to local entrepreneurs gave rise to a new type of political elite, the mafita min@ ", who were more interested in gaining access to services and resources than in long-term social and economic planning

(Mutibwa 1992: 140). Under the control of lhis irresponsible elite, Ugandan society was subjected to the wont forms of political decay, such that social services (including colleges, schools, and hospitals) were stripped of al1 resources (Brett 1996).

The political and social circumstances in Uganda at the time were not supportive of a state-planned and state-managed system ofeducation. An unschooled but upwardly mobile elite, drawn mainly from the military and from petty tradesmen (largely Muslim), dominated the government offices. Economic and social planning was replaced by ad hoc responses to events as they occurred, and lacked an overall strategy for development. However, contrary to what one might have expected, national and public interest in education did not decline.

In the first three years of Amin's regime, the government, riding on a populist tide, expanded state controlled educational facilities with the financial support of the Gulf States

(Nabuguzi 1995). At the same time (and despite a job market that favored people fiom West

Nile and Muslims), public demand for education was on the increase (Mamdani 1976;

Nabuguzi 1995; Passi 1995).

P Mafita min@ literally translated means " a lot of oWfat." The term is derived fiom notions of the "politics of the beily." It was used to refer to those who had "eatenn (accumulated) and become "fat" (wealthy) as a result. 89

The economic mismanagement and political chaos that ensued created a gap between the escalating demand for education and the state's capacity to provide it (Brett 1996).

Despite financial assistance received fkom the Islarnic states for Islamic instruction and

Koranic schools, the governrnent's financial commitment to education did not meet public demand (Passi 1995; Nabuguzi, 1995; Senteza-Kajubi 1997).

Statistics for the penod between 1971172 and 1977/78 suggest that the government expenditure on social services was more or less stable: 15.3% and 14.7% of the Gross

Domestic Product (GDP), respectively. However, the GDP itself was not stable. Similarly, a decline in the ministry of education's share of government expenditures (fiom 22.6% of

GDP in 1971/72 to 17.5% in 1977/78 appeared to be rather Iimited (Odeat 1983).

However, a look at general economic indicators for the same period reveals that government spending, educational spending, and the economy in general suffered a steep decline. Between 1970 and 1980, monetary GDP dropped by 25%. equivalent to a reduction of per capita GDP by approximately 42% (when the population increase is factored in). This meant that the government expenditure that was a stable percentage of GDP also declined by 42% on a per capita basis. The volume of irnports and exports fell by two-thirds f?om their peak value in 1972, industrial production declined by 80%, and the consumption of vehicles and of electricity dropped to two-fifths of their 1970 value (Nabugwi 1995).

School administrators involved in the schools at the time confirm that the decrease in the allocation of school remittances was substantial, and probably much greater than the figures disclosed. During the interviews, they explained that the discrepancies between the 90

'official' versus the actual governrnent expenditures suggested strongly that the govemment was suppiying air," in short, that official figures could not be tnisted. They argued that as early as 1972, the financial contributions of parents, religious bodies, and entire communities to teachers' salaries, to scholastic materials, and to school buildings and maintenance were almost a total substitute for govemment financing, not merely a supplement to it.

A sharp decline in the administrative and technical support available to keep services functioning was another major setback for the government-provided services. The impact of the ensuing brain drain on the provision of social services in general, and on education in particular, has not yet been studied. However, according to Haji Abubaker Kakembo, former

Chief Education Officer in the Ministry of Education. the flight of skilled manpower had a serious impact on the hvo main areas of education - administration and teaching:

Our education system produced qualified people, but with a ready market in S. Mca,Botswana, Kenya, Namibia, Zambia and oveneas ... these (qualified teachers) were not retained here (Recent Magazine 1995: 57).

A survey of national daily newspapen published between 1971 and 1980 reveals that the issues of hancing and management dominated reports on education. Those reports exposed the govemment's stniggle with the burden of supporting education single-handedly. The governrnent openly called upon parents to contribute money, materials, and labor to their schools. Between January and July 1973, the govemment emphasized to parents and teachers both the importance of their financial input to education and the need to maintain educational standards following the deputue of the Asians:

3 Mating priced figures or falsifjmg evidence for gain. Mr. Lugolobi (Education Officer Jinja-Njem district) wanted to know if parents have grasped the economy of the country since the departure of the Asians ...that it called on them to ensure CO-operationwith teachers to resolve problems LVoice of Uganda Iuly 1 8, 1973 : 5).

The editonal of the Voice of Ueanda in January 1973 endoned the government's decree limiting the freedom of scholars to find jobs outside of the country:

With the country facing a shortage of teachen, the students at Makerere University and elsewhere should be penuaded, failing that, compelled to take up teaching (in their own country). They should be told it's for God and their country, and since their country is paying, they should comply (Voice of Ueanda January 1 1, 1973: 8).

Financing and staffing issues were among the many challenges facing the govemment in providing education during the 1970s and, later. in the early 1980s. An important consequence of the decline in the govemment's financial and administrative capacity to sustain education as it had intended was the undennining of the govemment's direct control over education and professional monopoly of educational provision at the school level.

Table 3-1 presents the officia1 division ofroles and responsibilities, among the central the govemment, the Ministry of Local Govemment @KG), parents, the Ministry of

Education (MOE), parents, the Parent Teachers Associations (PTAs), the District Education

Officer (DE0)and the School Management Cornmittee (SMC) in the provision of primary education (Education Act 1969). Table 3-1 Official Division of Roles Among the State, MLG, MOE, Parents and PTA*'

Tas k ne Government-aidcd Schools Private Schools

Tuition Fee MLG (50%) Parents ( 100%) Parents (50%) Invesmient MLG Owner PTA tir hG0s PT A Teachers Incentives b MOE PTA PTA

Teachers Training and Trans fer MOE MOE (PTA Influence) Foundation Body S MC/ PTA

Financial Management SMC Head teacher Head tacher Owner PTA PTA

Discipline SMC Owner i Expulsion DE0 PTA (PTA Influence) Head teachcr

Inspection MOE MOE

Exams üNEB UNEB Policy Matten MOE MOE (PTA - No Influence) (PTA - No Influence) Source: Service Provision Under Stress in East Africa - 1995 (Passi 1995: 219).

(a) These tuition fees were controtlcd by the SMC (6) Monetary incentives to top up tachers' salaries; :9 The Founder of the school such as the church, the comrnunity, or the government (d) Uganda National Examination Board, which has a monopoly over school examinations and certification

The division of roles and responsibilities (see Table 3-1) was premised on a state- centered structure of administrative control. However, as early as 1973 the decline in financial resources available to MOE compromised the goverment's ability to carry out al1

3 MLG=Ministry of Local Governrnent; MOE=Ministry of Education; UNEB=Uganda National Examination Board; SMC=School Management Cornmittee. 93 functions as specified. The impact of the declining role of the state in education was most noticeable in three important areas: school inspection, physical structures and repain, and teachen' salaries and welfare. The headmaster of Kakooge Muslirn Primary School (whose experience in the school spanned twenty years) explained that fiom 1972 onwards, the govemment ceased to conduct regular inspections of schools, or to provide the necessary resources toward development in schools, including repairs, constniction, and the provision of scholastic materials. Furthemore, the payment of teachen' salaries fell behind schedule, while the payment of non-teaching staff in schools ceased to be part of goverrunent remittances (Senteza-Kajubi 1997).

The decline in government support for education did not arrest the expansion of educational institutions, however. Between 1970 and 1980, the number of primary schools doubled (see Table 3-2). Intakes in the govement-aided primary schools increased from

46% to 58% of school age children, with enrollment rising fiom 7 19,000 in 1970 to 902,000 in 1974, and to 1,850,872 in 1980 (Nabuguzi 1995; Odaet 1990). Given the dismption of the government, these figures must be treated with caution, since it is unlikely that educational administraton retained a hi& standard of record-keeping. However, the mushrooming of primary schools in different parts of the country suggests that the supply of education was increased in order to meet existing demands, and that agents other than the state stepped in to do the job. Table 3-2 Number of Educational Establishments in Uganda, 1970- 86

Establishment 1970

Prirnary Schools 2,755

Middle and Higher Schools I Teacher Training Institutions 26

Vocational Schools 121

Universities 1 Source: Service Provision Under Stress in East Afnca

The fact that education not only survived but thnved (see Table 3 -2) is remarkable for three reasons. First, there had been a decrease in real govemment expenditure on primary education (Nabuguzi 199 5). Second, the poli tical environment at the time increasing ly became more prone to conflict and confrontation than to cooperation. Third, the rise in demand for education occurred in parallel with a fdl in household incomes, as the following figures suggest.

Between 1971 and 1977, the cost of living for low-income earners rose by more than

500%, while the minimum wage rose by only 14% over the same period (Passi 1995). This scenario resulted in a decrease in resources availabie for education, health, and other social goods at the household Ievel. Under the circumstances, it rnight have been expected that, as an alternative to educating their children, many parents ( particularly those living in nuai areas) in order to supplement household incornes, would have preferred their children to 95 engage in the lucrative tram-border trading activities or in the thriving parallel magendo 25 markets. On the contrary, many parents in these areas continued to attach a great deal of importance to education, as is illustrated by the rising demand for education and their willingness to sustain schools. While the weakening of centralized control over education partly explains parents' increased involvement in schools, it does not explain how the substantial educationd expansion occurred during this period.

3.1.1 Parents Respond to the Crisis in Education

Parents attribute the rapid expansion of education during Amin's rule to efforts on the part of individuals and cornrnunity groups to supplement state resources, especially with

respect to the payment of recurrent expenditures in schools (Interviews). Such financial

contributions were particularly significant a few years into Amin's rule, when the economy

collapsed and when, in the wake of that collapse, skilled teachen and administrators fled the

country (Interviews 1996;1997).

The crisis in education mobilized parent and religious organizations into action

(Father Kasibante 1997; Father Monday 1997; Haj Rugasa 1997). Faced with collapsing

seMces and irrational controls, citizens began either to provide their own services through

"parallel market stmctures," or to modify the way in which state agencies operated (Brett

1992). In education, the state's role was undemined by parents and religious bodies, the two

Mugendo literally translated means ''alternative market(s)," but is popularly used to connote illegal transactions of any kind. 96 main sources providing financing and administration in schools. Parent Teacher

Associations (PTAs) assumed the control of financing and administration in the schools.

Religious bodies, sidelined by educational policies in the 1960s, seized the opportunity to strengthen their moral authority and parochial interests both in urban and rural schools (Brett

1996). In short, PTAs and religious bodies rushed in to fil1 the gap that had been lefi by the state.

Several explanations are cited in the literature as to why parents in Uganda becarne increasingly involved in the financing of education. One explanation was simply that the parents wished to acquire more knowledge; another, that they had become more aware of the benefits of education to their children; indirectly. that education provided both children and parents with an escape from the political and economic chaos of the time. These explanations are consistent with my own findings.

Popular participation in education altered the political and economic environment in which education policies were formulated and implemented. First, the state reduced the claims it had made on education as a publicly provided service that was instrumental in ensuring that national objectives were met. Second, as the state's monopoly over education disappeared, multiple providers with competing interests emerged. At the forefiont of the

financing of schools, a "new breed" of parents gained both a voice and an administrative

presence. Their financial contributions gave hem considerable Say in school administration

at all levels. Moreover, education once again came to reflect the interests of religious

organizations (Senteza-Kajubi 1997). 97

From the perspective of this thesis, the significance of parents' action in education lies both in what motivated them to take action and the organizational hework through which their efforts were channeled.

3.1.2 Parent Participation in Primary Education in Uganda

Prior to independence, when the financing of education was largely in the hands of religious bodies, school administrators relied on the financial support of communities and conformed to the churches' machinery of consultation in decision making (Father Monday

1997; Father Kasibante 1997; Passi 1995; Senteza-Kajubi 1997; Muwonge-Keweza 1997).

When education was nationalized in 1963. the state extended its monopoly over education through hierarchical and bureaucratized structures that were replicated within the schools.

Changes in the financing and administration of education undermined the involvement of parents, communities, and religious bodies in schools, particularly at the decision making level. At the national level, the govemment assurned responsibility for education policy, financing, and administration. At the local level, Missionary Boards of Education were replaced by District Education Officers OEOs). Within the schools, School Management

Cornmittees (SMCs) *' were established to represent govemment interests and enforce govemment po hies.

The rationale for centralizîng education in the immediate post-independence penod,

-3 The SMC consists of representatives of parents (3), the govemment (3), the PTA (l),and the foundation body (1). 98 as discussed in Chapters 1 and 2, was the govemment's desire for uniformity and equality of access. The state's monopoly of education thus rested on the assumption that the state had the capacity to finance and manage education. While the changes made the state the main source of educational policy and administration in principle, in practice the state continued to rely on the financial contribution of communities, religious bodies, and parents to expand educational facilities (Senteza-Kajubi 1987; Muwonge-Keweza 1997).

The prior existence of a framework for participation in schools on the part of non- state interests (albeit without decision making powers) provided an entry point through which PTAs could extend their involvement in schools in response to the political and economic crises of the 1970s and early 1980s (Nabuguzi 1995; Senteza Kajubi 1997). By

1985, PTAs, as a result of contributing between 70% and 85% of the recurrent expenditure in schools, were the locus of educational financing and management (World Bank 1986;

Senteza-Kajubi 1997).

Parents and communities who were meeting the financial burden of sustainhg schools also directed the expansion of schoo ling (Senteza-Kajubi 1997). According to

Heyneman (1989), 19% ofthe national budget was allocated to education in 1981. While this figure is not hi& (when compared to the 28% of the national budget spent on education in 1963), it was nonetheless consistent with national growth. The Worid Bank Report on

Social Sectoa in Uganda (1987) maintains that, in reai tms,public investment in education was insufficient, and that government expenditure on most items, except for teac hem' salaries, was negligible (UNICEF 1994; Senteza Kajubi 1987; 1997; World Bank 1985). 99

Since parent participation in school decision making was circumscnbed by law, the financial role assumed by PTAs raised a number of questions conceming the interests that shaped both the involvement of parents and the strategies parents adopted, including, financial contributions and the donation of matenals.

3.1.3 Parent Participation: Motivations and Strategies

In the post-independence period, parents' interests in education were shaped by a widespread belief in the virtually limitless potential of education to change individual lives

(Hyden 1988; Nyerere 1967). Heyneman (1976) alludes to the legendary desire for education by Ugandans, a desire sharpened by political events. Based on private rates of retum on investment, particularly in rural areas, pnvate investment in education was consistent both with individual aspirations and persistent demand. in mal areas, for example, Heyneman states that for a youth working in a village industry in rural Buganda in 1971, the chance to eam more than Ushs 50.00 per month in 1971 was 55% if he had completed Grade 7, but rose to 74% if he attended a secondary school (Heyneman 1983).

In Uganda during the 1970s and early 1980s, another motivation for parent participation related to cross-border mobility. It is estimated that between 1971 and 1986, hundreds of thousands of Ugandans went into exile in different parts of the world (Mpanga

1996). The capacity of education to transport individuals fiom the political and economic chaos ofUganda in the 1970s was illustrated by the unprecedented number of professionals who fled the country (Senteza-Kajubi 1997). A higher percentage of Ugandan docton and teachers went into exile than was the case for any other professional groups, a state of affars that had a major impact on the provision and maintenance of social services. At the same time, such evidence of professional rnobility served to underline the benefits of an education, for it reinforced in people's minds the importance of education beyond Uganda's borders

(Mpanga 1996; Hyden 1995).

Thus, the participation of parents in schools could also be attributed to a strong belief in education as the principal avenue for social mobility, as the following comments illustrate:

With colonialism came a new type of education: The white-collar job education. This education was motivated to inculcate the values of colonial Society. October 9, 1962 27 le fi us with this firmly rooted attitude. The office job! It should be noted that an attitude once implanted is difficult to uproot. Not rnuch has been done to reverse the trend (Education versus school Exarn, Voice of Ueanda January 1 1, 1973: 2)

Let's us face the facts. Many parents in Uganda send their children to school with an attitude of passing their children through school to an office job. Ofien you will hea. a parent remark: My son, 1 toiled under the sun and 1 would not like you to be like me. Study hard and become a big man! (Voice of Ueanda lanuary 1,1973: 5)

The decline in the govemment's sources of financing of education in the 1970s and early

1980s thus posed a serious threat both to educational standards and individual aspirations.

However, the relationship between educational standards and the realization of individual goals and aspirations must be seen agaînst the context of an educational system based on final exarninations (at the end of the primary school cycle) that were geared toward white- collar employment. The final examination at the primary level is called the PLE. It is set

7 Uganda's independence kom British de. by the Uganda National Examination Board and usually takes place in November. All who are leaving primary school write the same exam, the results of which are marked centrally.

Preoccupation with school standards is illustrated by the way in which parents, school administrators, and the government officials, as a mesure of the success or Failure of a schoo1, use the tems "standards" and "school performance" in the PLE interchangeab 1y.

Great importance is attached to the PLE at the end of the primary school cycle as a reference point for evaluating school performance and educational standards. According to my research, parents and school administrators (regardless of the district of the type of school involved) identified educational standards and school performance in the PLE as an important motivation for rescuing the school during the 1970s and 1980s. The importance of PLEs was also captured by newspaper reports dunng 1970s and 1980s that gave voice to parents' interests From different parts of the country (rural vs. urban) and in different types of schools (nch vs. poor).

An example Eom a report on the annual PTA meeting at Primary School deplored the poor performance of their school in the PLE and asked the headrnaster to devise ways of putting the school back on the education map of the country:

The parents asked the headmaster and teaching staffto pull up theirsocks and maintain the high standards attained by the school in the past ...if necessary they were asked to go to neighboring schools like Kako, Nkorni and Kitagobwa and see for themselves the methods applied in those schools which were performing well because as a parent put it "it is very surprising for Buloba which was one of the leading schools in Uganda to be lagging behind ... with standards falling shoa of those achieved by schools mer away fiom Kampala"(Voice of Uganda February 1, 1978: 3). In a Ietter thanking the headmaster of Kapchorwa Primary School, a former pupil stressed standards and performance as the areas in whic h the headmaster had made the most effective changes:

Previously the school was bushy and untidy and the pupils reluctant without any proper organization ...Mr. Salimo has managed to produce good results in the PLE tu make the school shine. He has made the school attractive. May he continue with that spirit to help the young generation to get a good education (Felix Yosse De Pidos, Sebei College, Uganda Times November 10, 1982: 5).

The Lango " District Education annual report (1 972) cites the devotion to duty, hard work, and responsibility on the part of teachers, as well as the spirit of cooperation among parents, teachers, and pupils in Lango, as being responsible for the good results in the PLE:

Because of the good spirit of cooperation between parents and teachen, the 1972 Pnmary Leaving Examinations results were very encouraging. Grade One passes rose fiom 1 1% to 12% on the previous year. Mr. Onegui urged the residents of Pagik to put more efforts so as to achieve higher and better standards if their district is to face national competition with confidence (Teaching in Lango is Satisfactory, Voice of Urranda January 19, 1973: 5).

A conflict between parents and teachers over poor PLE results in Busoga district, as reported in the U~andaAras in 1972, is furthet illustration of parents' preoccupation with results- based evidence of school standards:

The administrativeSecretary ofBusoga District, Mr. A. Balunya, has advised teachers and parents not to tum their joint meetings into a mud-siinging platform. Mr. Balunya who was opening the a meeting of the Parent Teachen Association of Mwin Primary School in Jinja said that the purpose of the meeting was to find out the causes of poor performances in the primary

a Kapchorwa is in eastern Uganda t) Lango District is in northern Uganda leavuig examination by Busoga pnmary schools last year and devise ways to overcome them @on? sling mud, teachen and parents are told: Ueanda km,May 12, 1972: 4).

Parents' activism in schools in the 1970s and early 1980s can thus be attnbuted to their perceptions about the direct benefits ofeducation. Ln particular, the parents' shouidering of the financial responsibility for schools is linked to their concems over falling educational standards, and the implications of that decline for individual aspirations. The following section examines the various strategies adopted by parents to improve the situation in the schools. These strategies, which include financial and in-kind contributions towards teachers' welfare and salaries, Mer illustrate parents' preoccupation with school performance and educational standards (Senteza-Kajubi 1997). In short, parent activism in schools presupposes a consensus around cornmon objectives and strategies.

Some of the strategies adopted b y parents focused on infrastructure development, such as erecting new school structures or maintainhg existing ones. Between 1973 and

1985, parents contributed to a variety of services within the schools, ranging fiom classroom construction to the health needs of teachers. In 1973, for example, the PTA in Bunyamba

Sub-county of Kkooki County, Kyotera district, in South Buganda Province, erected a new school building within 17 days to replace an old one (Kisai Parents set up this Challenge:

Voice of Ueanda, September 9,1975: 3). Similar efforts were recorded at Nanziga Primary

School in Mengo district, and at schools in Bugerere County (Voice of Uganda October 20,

1975: 8) and in the Kigezi district (Voice ofUeanda November 30, 1973: 4). In Kampala district, parents of Nakesero Prirnary School raised Ushs 45,000 toward the purchase of a 1O4 school bus, and used the annual PTA party to raise additional funds for teacher housing

(Parents give Ushs. 45,000 towards bus purchase: Voice of Uganda December 6, 1976: 5).

The parents' cornmitment to sustainhg schools is perhaps captured best by the expenence of Ssenene Prirnary School, as recounted by its PTA chairman.

Ssenene Primary School, on Kasanje Road in MawokotaCounty. Mpigi district, was established by one parent who provided land, close to the church, on which the school was to be built. The school operated as an independent school that completely relied on the suppon and contributions of the parents in the are& that is, until it was taken over after the

NRM govemment came to power in 1986. It had a student population of 438 students and

I l teachers.

In 1978, parents of the school became worried over reports of Iooting and destruction to property. As the war waged against the Amin regime by joint forces of the Tanzanian army and Uganda National Liberation Amy -A) advanced towards Kampala, they agreed to take measures to safeguard their school and its property. In an emergency meeting called by the PTA chairman, parents decided to remove the iron sheets off the school buildings as a first step toward protecting the school. The PTA chairman explained that while there were many valuable items in the school, the iron sheets that provided the roof of

the school building would be the most expensive items to replace should the school be looted or destroyed. Parents helped to dig a huge hole in the chairman's Zusuku and buried over

70 pieces of the iron sheets disguishg the area by planthg sweet potatoes over it. After the

30 A banana plantation. 1O5 war ended, parents organized to dig up the uon sheets, and re-roofed the school building.

This example is but one of many cases of cooperation among parents and school officiais that reflects innovative approaches to the problems of individual schools.

In the focus group discussions, parents revealed that the majority of their initiatives

(which included fund-raising, donation of materials, time, and labor) focused on teachers' welfare and school facilities, both of which had a direct relationship to school performance.

Based on the perception among parents that teachers were the means towards enhancing school competitiveness in the PLE, ensuring the welfare of teachers becarne the target of many of the Financiai activities in schools. Taking care of teachers' welfare meant providing them with housing, supplementing their salaries. and creating environments conducive to teaching, including the purc hase of textbooks, black boards. chalk, and other teaching aids.

With heightened motivation, and having developed a set of effective strategies for improving the schools, parents were in a better position to shape the existing Framework of participation (PTAs) to meet their needs.

3.1.4 The Framework for Participation: The Structure and Goals of PTAs

Since their inception in the formal school system, PTAs were envisioned as welfare associations having no executive role in the govemment-aided schools, nor legal authority either to own or manage them (see Table 34), for division of powers and responsibilities in schools)(Muwonge-Keweza, 1997). Pnor to the 1WOs, their main role in schools had been to improve relations between parents and teachers, a restricted role that excluded policy or 106 decision making relating to the hancing and management of schools. Indeed, within the school hierarchy, PTAs typically were facilitators ofgovenunent policies and directives, and their own work (comprised mainly of fhd-raising activities and cirafting recommendations) had always been subject to the approval of the school management cornmittee (SMC).

The structure of PTAs has always been participatory and loosely modeled on democratic pnnciples (see Appendix D, Guidelines of PTA Constitution). Al1 parents who have children in the school are eligible members of the PTA body and thus eligible for election to the executive committee. Moreover, executive memben are democratically elected, either by secret ballot or by a show of hands, and serve a two-year term (see

Appendix D). The executive codttee reports to parents on projects and progress at the annual PTA meeting. Where the executive committee is comprised of severd sub- cornminees that deal with specific issues such as finance, welfare, and academic performance, these sub-cornmittees report to the executive body. The head of each sub- cornmittee, however, is directly accountable to parents during the annual PTA general meeting.

PTAs have two main sources for raising funds: PTA fees paid by parents and money that is raised f?om local communities, private organizations (including religious bodies), international organizations, and productive school projects. Parents' labour, matenals, or other donations by parents in the fonn of food, plots of land, subsidized housing/subsidized medical care for teachers, al1 provide additional resources.

According to the constitution of PTAs (the wording of which tends to Vary slightly fi-om school to school), PTA executive comrnittees are guided by a cornmon set of principles and objectives:

- To accelerate the development and welfare of the school. - To facilitate proper child rearing and education in general within the school. - To initiate ideas and projects towards school development to the School Management (Taken fiom PTA Constitution: Kitante Primary School)

The accornplishrnent of the PTAs have been well docurnented, and include: fund-raising, awareness raising, advocacy, and activism.

3.1.5 Cornmon Reactions to PTA Activities

Despite the democratic character of PTA structures, over the years both their role and practices in schools have generated mixed reactions From the governrnent, parents, and the wider community. At one end of the spectrum, PTAs are praised for helping to sustain the schools during periods of political and econornic crises (Governent White Paper 1992).

At the other end of the spectnim, PTAs are criticized for such faults as undemocratic practices, extortion, and corruption. Such cnticisms typically were aimed at PTAs' sources of financing, at their lack of transparency and accountability, and at their unacceptable variations in leadership styles.

Here, it is important to highlight that between 1971 and 1978, reported cases of

corruption were few and parents' activities in schools were fùlly endorsed by the

government:

The Minister of Education highly commends parents who embark on self- help projects, which helps the studies of their children. The Ministry of Education will always pay attention to those schools whose parents have the spirit of self-reliance by meeting some of their urgent needs. The assistant Inspecter of schools speaking on behalf of the Ministry also stressed the importance of cooperation among parents, chiefs and members of staff adding that their achievements so far have been possible because of the good understanding prevailing among them (Voice ofUganda, January 1,1978: 3).

One possible explmation for the fewer reports of corruption and for the lessening of governrnent criticism of PTAs during the earlier phase of their active involvement in schools was the enormous task that confionted both the govemrnent and the parents. The govemment repeatedly emphasized that organizing to enroll children in the schools, to keep them there, and to ensure that the schools fùnctioned well was the joint responsibility of parents, teachers, and the govemment:

It is becoming increasingly clear that the government alone cannot cough up suffcient hdsfor building schools in every hamlet in the country. Nor can it afford to make repairs on every building that needs it in the existing schools. So it is becoming equally clear that the onus is partly on parents, the youth themselves and responsible elden in each village .... to collect funds to provide education facilities (Ueanda Areus, January 3, 1972: 4).

Therefore, devising strategies both to expand school facilities and improve school standards

rnay have made it difficult for parents to scrutinize PTA activities for rnalpractice, or to voice

their criticisms in public debates. From the accounts of parents (which are supported by

newspaper reports during this period), the financial and administrative adjustments that were

needed merely to keep the schools functioning were immense. Thus, both the parents and

the govemment were concemed more with meeting basic objectives than with scnitinizing

the political means used in meeting these objectives. 1O9

The penod between 1971 and 1978 is also notable for the absence of political tension between parents and the govemment in public debates surrounding education. Despite the substantial financial contribution made by parents to school budgets, the control exercised by the govenunent over educational policy was not openly challenged. However, a repressive political climate rnight have been responsible for the absence of dissent conceming the relative distribution of decision making power between parents and the

government in education at the national level. Another possible explmation is that, as

individuals and groups increasingly disengaged kom the state, government policies in local

contexts became less and less relevant. However, in the focus group discussions in Maddu

Pnmary School, Mpigi district, parents noted that the issues of power and division of

responsibility among the state, parents, cornrnunities, and religious bodies were not at the

Forefront of their concerns. They pointed out that debate in the schools - arnong parents.

teachers and administrators, and with govemment offcials - locused largely on appropriate

strategies for improving educationai standards and expanding school facilities. As one

parent noted:

The problem was big. We (parents) had no choice but to act as one with anybody helping us to educate our children. Really we (the government, parents, teachers and communities) were dl together on school matters (Maddu Primary School, 1997).

3.2 Politics, Participation, and Education 19794985

If issues conceming the financing, administration, and control of education were

pressing, it was not evident in the socio-economic programs of consecutive political 110 administrations that were developed between 1979 and 1985. Amin's overthrow in 1979 following a war of liberation fought by the Tanzanian army and the Uganda National

Liberation Front WF)(made up of different factions ofugandan dissidents) did not bring about the much anticipated political peace (Kamgire 1988; Museveni 1997). As different goups within the üNLF vied for political power, the politicai and economic climate in

Uganda between 1979 and 1986 was anything but conducive to the formulation and implementation of extensive social reforms. In particular, the penod 1980 and 1985 is more noted for the rampant insecurity and political upheaval that resulted in four changes of the governrnent.

In an environment that had become increasingly hostile both to the government and to the political maneuvenng characteristic of the Okello and Obote regimes, cornitment to social planning appears to have been of secondary importance to political survival. It is therefore striking that the administrative immobility characteristic of the 1980s was not evident in education, where the system continued to expand despite an unhealthy political climate. Indeed the figures show a sharp upsurge in enrollment figures. Between 1980 and

1986, primary school enrollments increased from 1.3 to 2.5 million pupils, as did the number of schools, fiom 4,276 to 7,350 (Passi 1995; Odeat 1990). Owing to the lack of reliable data, figures on enrollment and expenditure have to be treated with caution. Nonetheless, both individual accounts and school records demonstrate an increase in school enrollment (See

Chapter 4). By the early 1980s, conflicts conceming education, both at the national level and within schools, drew public attention to political issues arising out of parent participation in the schools. Questions of power and inequality, which had not been well articulated in the early phases of rescuing the schools, began to shape the nature of public debate on the role of PTAs in schools. As instances of corruption were increasingly exposed, questions arose conceming who arnong the parents was participating, on what terms. and with what results.

Another factor shaping public debates over schooling was the growing gap on the one hand, between the govemment's interests in and concem with equality of access to education, and, on the other hancl, the parents' concem with the quality of education, school performance, standards, efficiency, and accountability.

Headlines illustrating this gap, listed below, appeared in one newspaper only, The

Uganda Times, between 1980 and 1985:

Magendo in schools (July 18, 1980) Some PTA Memben Overstep their Roies (August 3, 1982) School Charges Under Review (February 25, 1983) Education: Untold Burden on Parents (March 17, 1982) Abolish Primary School Fees (January 1, 1980) State Reacts Over School Fees Issue (November 11, 1983) The Tnith Behind Our Education System (Letter to Editor, January 30,1980) Teachers Wamed Over Private Tuition Fees (January 26, 1982 Education Too Costly (October 18, 1982)

Behind each of these headlines was a story conceming the distribution of power and responsibility across schools and within the educationd system.

For the govemment, the cntical issue was the lack of centralized control over PTA activities, activities that challenged govemment legitimacy in education: The govemment has stopped PTAs from arbitrarily increasing school fees under the guise of the increasing costs of living. The govemment has carefully worked out a new school fees structure. Parents will be paying part of the costs of educating their children, and the govemment will also contribute to each chifd's education. This will be sufficient to cover all needs without the PTAs havhg to levy extrapayments from parents. Pnor approval of increases will have to be sought from the Ministry (Ueanda Times November 1, 1983: 1-2).

The Ministry of Education is revising fees and other charges demanded by education institutions. The objective is to protect parents From current arbitrary and endless demands by head teachen. The Minister advises teachers not to receive money from parents until the revision exercise was completed ...and strongly advised against overcharging parents. The Minister (Professor Isaac Newton Ojok) also cautioned teachers against pnvate coaching of students for money (Ueanda Times, February 25, 1983: 1).

Teachers who use school premises to coach a few individuals must buy their own black boards, chalk and other facilities. These (teachers) must not use school facilities for their own businesses (Upanda Times January 26,1982: 1).

At the school level, the financial position of PTAs in the schools brought them into conflict with the SMCs and, by extension, with the state. As discussed earlier in this chapter, the governing niles of school management cleariy stipulated that in the school hierarchy, SMCs are responsible both for administration and policy implementation in the schoo 1s. Therefore, as important aspects of school administration were gradually taken over by PTAs, it was inevitable that codicts would ensue. Administrative decisions, such as the hiring and disciplinhg of teachers, the establishment of teacherfpupil ratios, and the design of the curriculum (al1 previously the responsibility of SMCs acting on behalf of the govemment)

(see Table 3-l), were assumed by PTAs as they adopted greater responsibility for the day-to- day ninnuig of the schools. As noted by one parent in a letter to a newspaper, the government's lack of control over PTAs fundamentally altered the power structure within schools, leaving parents open to exploitation:

1 appreciate the idea of forming PTAs in primary schools and the role they play in school development. But some of the executive members are not doing what they're supposed to do. The way they nin the aff'airs of the school after being elected encourages. ... factionalism... and they over-ride the powers of the head teacher (P.J. Otai, Ngora, Kumi district. Ueanda Times August 2, 1982: 5).

Another major concem expressed both by the government and by some of the parents was the impact of PTA operations on equity. PTAs were criticized for exacerbating inequalities among different population groups and within cornrnunities:

Since the faIl of the Amin regime in April last year, many parents had hoped that school fees would go down a bit as was the case with graduated tax which had been initiated by Amin's men.... the future of children whose parents ca~otafford to pay double fees (extra tuition) is being ruined. The Ministry concerned should do something to safeguard the children of the poor from ruthiess exploiters who have not denounced Aminism. Away with magendo (Patrick Kityo Uganda Times February 10, 1980: 5).

When you go to to ask for a place for your child, the head teacher asks you to pay Ushs 1,000 for rese~ngthe place for your child, derwhich you are required to pay Ushs 5,000 as school fees each term. In addition, parents have to pack something for the child to eat and drink every day which costs about Ushs 5,000 daily, this might run up to Ushs 60,000 per tem. Countrymen, Ushs 6,000, plus Ushs 5,000 plus Ushs 1,000 each month and the poor parent earns about Ushs 24,000 or Ushs 1,000 per month. How con he survive? (Concemed Parent, Ueanda Times Iuly 1980: 5). myemphasis]

Despite the uniformity of PTA constitutions and organizational structures, the statements cited above reveal important ciifferences in the capacity of poor and nch to pay PTA fees.

Other factors that both determined the sources of PTA financing and influenced their scope for action are discussed in Chapters 4 and 5, as are variations among parents in their level of involvement and the factors influencing such variations.

3.3 The Social and Political Consequences of Parent Participation

PTA fees that Vary from one school to another, as illustrated in Table 5-1 p.169, were of particular concem to the government. Nabugui argues that the PTA surcharges in the majority of cases were exorbitant, and discnminated against parents who could not afford to pay, thereby reinforcing social inequalities (1995). In what effectively amounted to the privatization of the power to tax, failure to pay PTA fees meant irnmediate expulsion of those children whose parents could not afford them. While PTAs were not mandated to compel parents to pay the PTA fees, no mechanisms were in place to prevent the PTAs nom doing so (Passi 1995). The lack of guidelines for levying fees and scheduling payments meant that the setting of fees was at the discretion of individual PTAs, a situation that greatly undermined the govemment's ability to standardize educational provision.

The govemment had to be able to make authoritative and binding decisions in order to maintain a standardized system of education. However, government control over schools was undermined by the decline in financial and human resources needed to carry out the regular inspection and monito~gof school facilities. In the absence of enforcement mechanisms for govemment policies, the expansion of the PTAs' scope for autonomous action over school fïnancing and administration presented the govemment with certain organizational problems arising from unplanned school expansion. One important development resulting fiom the lack of CO-ordinationbetween schools and the Ministry of 115

Education (via the SMCs), was the senous shortage of qualified teachers, especially in the poorer schools and regions (Passi 1995). Furthemore, MOE officiais maintained that PTA driven school expansions were accompanied, in most cases, by a fa11 in educational standards, and thus ultimately undemiined the social appeal of education (Ministry of

Education 1997).

By the time the NRM govemment took power in 1986,and despite conflicting views of PTA activities in schools, PTAs had gained an institutionalized stability within the educational system. Arnong the many educational problems confkonting the NRM govemrnent in 1986, the issue of the role of PTAs in the financing and administration of schools was the most pressing. Related issues that also needed to be addressed included the distribution of power and responsibility among the various stakeholders in education, and the persistent inequality both in learning conditions in schools and in school outcomes.

As we shall see from the accounts provided by parents about how schools functioned when govemment support was either lirnited or absent. many of the issues which they relate to the attitudes of parents, teachers, and administrators toward education and the PTAs, remained (and continue to remain) unresolved. 116

CHAPTER FOZIR-Participation:Parents9,Teachen', and Administrators' Perspectives

4.0 Introduction

Research in education suggests a correlation between parent participation and school efficiency ". Educators, policy makers, and parents al1 agree that without parents' financial support and involvement in the schools, the educational system in Uganda would have collapsed (Governrnent White Paper 1992; Brett 1992; Appleton 1997; Senteza-Kajubi

1997). However, two problems arise: fint, how to establish what type of participation leads to what type of benefits and for whom; second, how to quanti@ and demonstrate these benefits in an effective way.

in this chapter, I focus on the involvement of parents, teachers, and administraton in school decision making and planning. First, 1describe the types of parent participation that emerged in schools in the 1970s and early 1980s, highlighting parents' influence on different aspects of the day-to-day running of schools. Next, I contrast some of the competing perspectives on participation, as reflected in the attitudes of administrators and teachen. Next, I show how the concept of participation becomes appropriated and understood, both personally and professiondly, by parents, teachers, and administrators respectively. Subsequently, I examine the locus of decision making power in the schools, explorkg, in particular, parents' access to power in the schools. Finally, 1demonstrate the main issues and conflicts surroundhg the benefits and disadvantages of parent participation,

11 For more on this debate, see Reimen 199 1 and Mclean and Laugalo 1985. as articulated by parents. teachers and administrators.

4.1 Dimensions of Parent Participation

Parent participation in the schools was not widespread prior to the 1970s. As discussed in Chapter 3, its development in the schools involved important changes both in the structure and function of school administration. To examine parent participation in the schools, 1 use a broad definition of participation that includes both direct and indirect participation in aspects of school financing and administration. I examine the range of areas in which parents are involved in influencing decisions at the school level, whether directly or indirectly.

To capture the processes by which day-to-day decisions are infiuenced in the schools,

I have included reports of attendance at meetings and of financial and other contributions.

Moreover, 1make a distinction between the active and passive dimensions of participation, because such a distinction is usehl to the analysis of equality and participation in decision making.

The discussion in Chapter 3 revealed that, despite the uniformity of structures for parent participation, different levels of participation exist among parents. In the following section, I focus on the different factors that influence parent participation in SC hoo 1s. While factors such as individuai attitudes are difficult to analyze, they are nonetheless important in a.analysis of parent participation. For example, when participation involves multiple activities, the interplay between individual attitudes and formai processes may greatly influence outcomes.

Part of the discussion with teachers, school administrators, and local education officials, both in rural and urban areas, focused on their attitudes toward parent participation

in the schools. Discussions with respondents were replete with both personal and collective

accounts of bbparticipation,"and revealed divergent understandings of the concept depending

on the perspectives of the key players. For exarnple, while some respondents linked parent

participation ro a desire to irnprove school standards and performance, others (particularly

teachers and administrators) expressed concem over the extent and desirability of the

parents' involvement in the schools.

Pnor to the 1970s, while most educators recognized that parents had a legitimate and

vested interest in what happened to their children in school, they did not necessarily believe

that parents should have the power to influence how schools were structured and m.

According to Mr. Muwonge-Kewaza, the district education officer for Kampala, rnatters of

school curriculum, staffing, discipline, and selection of teachers were off-limits to parents.

In his view, such issues were the concem of professional educators in the schools and in the

Ministry of Education (1 997).

In 1969, in their study entitled Society and the Teachers ' Role, Musgrove and Taylor

wrote: "the fieedom of teachers is the profession's glory; it is the people's sharne" (1969:

65). The argument they were making was that the educator's Wg,lke that of any

professional, makes it clear that there are boundaries of responsibility into which "outsiders"

should not be permitted to intrude. Moreover, those boundaries are established in order to 119 define and protect the power, authority, and decision making denved from formal training and expenence. Thus, parents' encroachrnent into the professional space of teachers and administrators was as much a challenge to the status quo of school administration as it was a crisis of legitimization for the govemment.

4.2 Competing Perspectives on Participation in Schools

The research uncovered divergent views and attitudes about parent participation arnong teachen and administraton. Discussions with teachers and administraton revealed ihat the views they expressed were driven partly by self-interest and partly as a response to conflicts over power and responsibility. What clearly emerged was a good deal of controversy conceming the legitimacy of parents' role in financing and adrninistering the schools. Coming to terms with parent participation and its consequences, and how this was handled, is revealed by the responses of parents, teachen, and administraton to three central questions relating to decision making in the schools; First, what is the decision making process within PTAs? Second. are leaders accountable? If so, to whom and how ofien? Third, how are the views of different categones of participants refiected in the decision making process? The purpose of the questions was to examine both the locus of decision making power and the extent to which decision making structures represent different categories of

interests. The responses to these questions are revealed in the attitudes of teachers and

administrators conceming the sharing of power and responsibility with parents. 4.2.1 Attitudes of Teachers Toward Parent Participation

Over the last two decades, different govemments in Uganda have stressed the need for parents and teachen to work together to improve teaching standards and school performance. in the focus-group discussions, however, teachers expressed two distinct views concerning parent participation in the schools. One view seemed to be based on the principle of self-interest, the other, on the notion of the common good.

In the first view, in which parents were perceived as a financial resource that helped to ensure teachen' well-being, the parents' financial contributions were viewed as the most important dimension of their participation.

According to a male teacher at Bat Valley Pnmary School (Kampala District), the vast majority of teachen both in rural and urban areas share a similar list of priorities. At the top of that list is their pay package. He further argued that teachers' salaries were important for the optimal performance of their role not only as teachen, but for their role as parents, and providen for their families. He added that salaries could affect classroom performance positively or negatively, depending on the degree of financial satisfaction of the teacher. Based on his persona1 expenence, he argued that:

The prionty in terms of what affects my teaching in the classroom, first and foremost is my pay. With enough pay others (problems) can be resolved. If 1 am short of resources, 1 am not accountable.

A female teacher in the same school supported this view by noting the impact of hancial dissatisfaction on her role both as a parent and as a teacher:

If 1 cannot feed, clothe or educate my own (children), 1will have too many problems to think about other children. 121

Academic research supports the reasoning of these educators. in the baseline study on

Ugandan primary SChools, entitled Factors Infuencing Effectivene in P rimary Schools. the authors found that, al1 else being equal, teachers' professional conduct and performance were influenced by financial satisfaction more than by any other factors (Carasco, et al. 1996).

They noted that the burden of coping with a non-living wage meant that the time available for professional activities was shifted to persona1 survival activities, thereby compromising the effectiveness of the schools.

The second set of attitudes of teachers toward parent participation in the schools was based on the notion of a "common good." Partnership, a popular phrase arnong this group of teachers, was used to convey the benefits of'collective action for the overall leaniing experience of individual pupils, and for the enhancing of school perfomance.

A teacher fkom Nsangi Primary School, Mpigi district, argued that parent participation in the schools was more than merely a financial resource for teachers. Parent participation yielded many other advantages, helping schools overcome bottlenecks (other than financial ones) that affected school performance:

The three parties - parents, teachen, and students - must be involved in the schools in a joint efFort to realize higher standards that elevate our school.

In this teacher's view, such an attitude toward parent participation in the schools was more common than many might have thought. He argued that while the press, some parents, and governent officials tended to focus on teachers' pay as the force driving the interest of al1 teachers, many teachers had a more holistic approach to education, in which they held that everyone's involvement was important in creating a circle of knowledge. Such a circle, 122 which ultimately included parents, the school. and the cornrnunity, was more important than the individual benefits derived by teachers hom the parents' financial contributions.

In responding to the question of whether parents should be part of school decision making, this teacher stated that he welcomed the idea, mainly because it prevented misunderstandings and fostered greater trust:

Just by being in the school ofien, parents contribute to a good relationship with teachers. They become involved by consulting us about their children and help us to find solutions to school performance as a whole.

In short, the two contrasting sets of teachers' attitudes place emphasis on different attributes

of parent participation: the fint, that teachers' performance (and in tum, their pupils'

performance) depended largely on the teachers' financial satisfaction; second, that parent

participation had benefits other than financial ones, including linking together the schools

and the communities the schools serve. Teachers at both ends of the spectm noted that

they had no influence on parent participation other than to encourage them to corne into the

school. They also pointed out that the extent to which parents become involved in the

schools depends largely on the individual approach of head teachers and school

administrators.

That administrators' attitudes influence parent participation is supponed by a study

carried out by Carasco et a1 (1996). These authon argue that the extent to which parents are

seen as welcome participants in the schools depends both on the style of school leadership

and on what they cal1 "school culture." 123

School culture and school leadership exert important influences on parent participation for several reasons. Teachers pointed out that while school administrators offen identiQ parent participation as the key to school effectiveness, this rhetoric is rarely translated into effective structures for facilitating parent participation and fostering closer relationships among al1 interested parties. In the focus-group discussions, however, most of the teachers fiom the rural schools were of the view that head teachers and school administraton in urban areas probably had a more positive attitude toward the participation of parents. They also maintained that, because of the cornpetition among schools, administrators probably were more responsive to urban parents (who tended to be more educated and more resourceful), than to their rural counterparts.

in my discussion of parent participation in Chapter 3.1 showed that the interests that parents took in their children obtaining "good" PLE results was the driving force behind rescuing schools in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, my observations of certain teachers, which were supporied by the findings of Carasco et al. (1 996), drew attention to the role of administrators in influencing parent participation in the schools.

The main advantage of this line of inquiry is to see participation as a political process that links motivation, organization, and financial incentives. The involvement of parents in decision making involves the sharing of power and responsibility with school administrators.

It also requires continual dialogue in which communication mut Bow bo th w ays, rather than simply fiom top to bonom. Finaily, for the process to be effective, the criticisms and recommendations of parents must be enectively comrnunicated if they are to result in changes within the school.

In the next section, 1examine the views and attitudes ofschool administrators toward parent participation.

4.2.2 Attitudes of School Administrators Toward Parent Participation

The views expressed by school administrators toward parent participation differed according to how they viewed their role in shaping parent participation in the schools. One set of administrators was supportive of parent participation, recognizing that schoo l administrators play an important role in encouraging parents to become involved in the schools. The second set of administrators was supportive only of one dimension of parent participation - their financial contribution - but did not consider that their own actions might significantly influence parents' active involvement. They attributed parent participation to individual interests, which they saw as being conditioned by religion and by varying levels of parents' expectations, education, and by their socio-economic circumstances. The views expressed by school administrators with respect to the willingness (or lack thereof), to share power and responsibility with parents revealed differences in leadership styles.

For exarnple, the head teacher at Kakooge Umea in Luwero district, in support of parent participation, said that he made every effort to encourage parents to be a part of the school. In his view:

Parents are helpful in setting priorities. If they are out [not involved in the school], they will not appreciate school problems, and the need to cooperate with teachers for the benefit of their child. If they are out they will have expectations of us that are not real and (which) we cannot meet. 125

Here we see a focus on the positive aspects of partnership with parents. As a dimension of participation, partnenhip encornpasses the sharing of power and responsibility in decision making and in influencing outcornes. The shared sense of purpose, mutual respect, and willingness to negotiate implicit in the headmasters' comments is consistent with the idea advanced by teachers conceming the importance of creating a circle of knowledge. The headmaster of Kakooge Merargued that parents can play an important role, one that can significantly enhance several aspects of school performance. Elaborating on this view, he cited the positive contribution of parents to such issues as discipline (both of pupils and teachers), curriculum, planning, resource mobilization, and maintainhg standards in the schools in the absence of formal school inspections. He further argued that because parents were the principal investon in their children's education, they were more vigilant conceming wastage in the schools, keeping tabs on teachers' absenteeism, as well as on the general maintenance of school facilities.

In addition, the headmaster maintained that parents, through formal or informal arrangements, have made significant overall improvernents in his school, the evidence being a number of on-going school projects, expansion of classroom space, and repairs and improvements to existing school structures. He attributed these successes to parents' interests and motivation and to his own persona1 cornmitment to maintain an open dialogue with parents in setting priorities and mapping strategies for improving the school.

In contrast, the headmaster of Kibibi Muslim PNnary School in Mpigi District did not see that his role as an administrator could be instrumental in encouraging parent 126 participation in his school. He noted that in his school there appeared be a lack of interest among parents in al1 forms of school activity, including attendance at meetings, Fund-raising activities, financial or in-kind contributions, and active involvernent in school decision making. He also stated that several problems, including the lack of housing for teachers and the lack of scholastic materials and textbooks, would be resolved if only parents were more interested and more actively involved in the school. He attributed the lack of interest among parents to ignorance, to the size of their families, and to religion:

The parents in this school are not knowledgeable in how they can help us to teach their children. The number of children per parent is too many and the main reason for this is the Islamic religious culture of our parents here.

In his view, religion (Islam) was definitely a factor that explained low levels of parent participation in schools in general, and in his school in particula.. He measured parents' interest and participation by their attendance at meetings, response to school circulars, visits to the school, and regular contacts with teachers:

They (parents) have too many children by too many wives. Because of this, parents are only interested in the most elementary education for their child. As soon as a child is able to read and write a little, this is considered sufficient and they are usually withdrawn to make room for other brothen or sisters, usually brothers. As a result, parents do not have an interest to follow (up on) their children's progress.

He indicated that, as headmaster, he was concerned both by the lack of interest arnong the

parents and by the poor working relations between the parents and the school. These two

problems, in his view, were responsible for the very poor performance of the school in the

PLE which, over the last few years, had raised concems at the district education offices. In response to questions about his role as an administrator or his leadership style (which rnight have contributed to the situation he had descnbed), he took no responsibility. Outlining the

various measures the school administration had taken to invite parents into the school, he

insisted that al1 such efforts had been in vain. He argued that both a general lack of

education among the parents and the absence of the male heads of farnilies at important

decision making meetings undermined his school's efforts to implement the needed changes:

Usually, the men send the rnothers, since the education is for their (mothers) children's welfare and not really their concem. This is not a bad thing because we welcome mothers and encourage them to be active in the school. The bad thing, however, is that these same parents (the men) oppose ou suggestions without knowing what they really mean. In our context and in the cultural contexts of' Islamic homes of multiple wives, the man is the decision-maker. We cmot put into practice important decisions because of the poor tumout for parents meetings, particularly by the fathen who as the head of households are the ones that really matter when it cornes to important decisions.

in his opinion, religion (at least in the case of Islam) was also a major obstacle to parent

participation, because individual attitudes conceming education and its value were bound up

with religious beliefs and practices. For exarnple, he attributed al1 the dificulties

experienced in the school conceming money, school development, and teacher-parent

relations to particular aspects of Islarnic religious culture (the majority of parents at the

school being Muslim). It is interesting to note, however, that several parents interviewed at

the school descnbed the headmaster as aloof, and complained that he often was absent fiom

school, ostensibly on school-related matters, even when it was apparent that he was taking

care of personal business. 128

While the head teacher at Kibibi Muslirn Primary school thought that religious cultural practices influenced parents' actions, head teachers in other schools cited other sources for sirnilar difficulties. In Wampiti Prirnary School, Luwero district, for example, the headmaster noted that the lack of interest among the parents in his school had nothing to do with religion, nor with any lack of effort on the part of the school administration. He explained that population in his school was made up predominantly of children of herders, whose economic activities ran conter to a stable and consistent leaming experience for the pupils. In particular, he cited the nomadic culture of the herders as a powerful impediment to active parent participation in the school. For this category of parents, education

(particularly the education of girls) was not important because it had no direct relationship to their traditional way of life. Girls within such communities were discouraged frorn advancing beyond pnmary level four (P4) or five (PS). They often were withdrawn from school before completion of the pnmary school cycle and married off, without pnor notice to the school. In the headmaster's view, parents in these communities lack any long-term objectives concerning theu children's education, and therefore have little interest in participating in school planning.

During the focus-group discussions, pupils corroborated this view, revealing that it was not uncornmon for girls in a grade as low as P3 to be mamed off. However, the pupils cited other reasons for the lack of interest among many of their parents, reasons that had nothing to do with the parentst herding activities. The pupils noted that, as far as they knew, no pupil in the school had ever obtained a Grade 1 or 2 pass in the PLEs, nor had been 129 admitted to a '.top" secondary school. They added that the performance of the school was so poor, and the teachers so poorly trained, that it was not surprishg that their parents were demoralized and showed little interest in the school.

The headrnaster of Maddu Pnmary School in Mpigi district, a school that shared many of the socio-economic attributes of Wampiti Primary School, noted that the major obstacle to parent participation in his school was financial. He agreed in some respects with the headrnasters of Warnpiti and Kiiibi Pnmary Schools (e.g., that the pastoral existence of parents was one of the causes of low Ievels of education). He argued, however, that in his school, non-payment of school fees was largely responsible for the lack of participation arnong the majority of parents, noting that when parents defaulted on school fees, they tended to avoid coming into the school:

ui these cases. they lie low for some time and then they change schools and start afresh somewhere else. So there is no continuity and no desire to be a part of school planning.

Some of views expressed above by the head teachers in Kibibi Muslim, Wampiti, and Maddu

Primary Schools (al1 rurai schools) were echoed by head teachers in several urban schools in and around Kampala. The head teachers in the urban schools, however, were also quick to add that the problem was a "parent problem," not an administration problem. In Buganda

Road Primary School, for example, the headmistress noted that the parent body was compnsed of senior and middle level civil servants who claimed to be too busy to get more actively involved in the school. 130

However, one femaie parent in the school, a senior civil semant, noted that, while she partly agreed with the new headrnistress' perception of the problem, the former headmaster of the school, Mr. Almeada, had a more effective way of dealing with parents' general lack of involvement. She argued that Mr. Almeada was an effective administrator who had made it a special point to involve parents in every aspect of the school, either voluntarily or by penalizing them. She added that this practice had been largely responsible for establishing the existing culture of parent participation, including the high parent attendance at school meetings. The practice of penalizing parents for absenteeism fiom school meetings as a way of ensuring high attendance had been effectively used in other schools as well. For exarnple,

Mr. Edward Kasole, the headmaster of a private school. Kampala Parents School, said that penalizing parents was an option when other efforts to encourage parent involvement at general meetings and teachedparent conferences had failed.

Another parent ofBugandaRoad Pnmary School, a business professional on the PTA executive, supported the views expressed by a fellow parent. He argued:

True, many parents in this school are civil servants or business people both of whom work and who therefore are undentandably busy, but numinng the culture ofparticipation that already exists in the school was the responsibility of the principal.

He added that, in his experience, meetings at the school were well attended; also, that decisions taken during these meetings usually reflected the broad interests of al1 parents.

At Bat Valley Pnmary School in the heart of Kampala City, the headmaster claimed that despite al1 efforts on his part, parents' active involvernent was very low in his school.

He claimed that he was not surprised by this, given that many of the parents were uneducated and, in some instances, illiterate (despite the school's urban location):

Therefore, it is no surprise to me that these parents do not actively participate in the school.

These two sets of views presented by school adrninistrator, from urban and rural schools reflect important distinctions made by administrators between the objective and subjective factors that influence parent participation in the schools. The objective conditions refer to the schools' management structures, the attitudes of administrators, and their willingness to share power and responsibility with parents. On the subjective side, the attitudes of administraton are particularly important in opening up channels of communication and establishing participatory decision making frameworks. Moreover, as noted above, the attitudes of administrators range from one in which schools cannot survive without the active involvement of parents to one in which parents are perceived as 'hot interested." As a result, while parent participation in some schools is little more than rhetoric that never extends beyond fund-raising activities, in other schools parent participation can mean an equal share of power and responsibility. The latter presupposes a diffision of power within school administrations, with appropriate decision making structures, systems of communication, and the sense of ownership these engender among parents. Benefits to the school of such participation include resource mobilization, close collaboration between parents and teachen, and the sustainability of school projects.

It is interesting to note that, contrary to the views expressed by teachen in rural areas, leadership styles did not split dong an urban/rurai ais. The effort made by the head teacher in Buganda Road Primary School (a school in urban Kampala) to get parents involved was, 132 in many respects, similar to the efforts made by head teachen both at St. Kizito Primary

School in Mpigi district and at Kakooge Umea in Luwero district. Similarly, the complacency noted in the approach of the headmaster of Kibibi Pnmary School was replicated in St Joseph Banda (Kampala district). The contrast in leadership approaches to parents in the schools can be attributed to individual attitudes and leadership styles, as the accounts of parents in Kibibi Primary School and Buganda Road Primary School illustrate.

While the broad actions of parents, teachers, and administrators to rescue schooling during the 1970s and early 1980s reflected individual and fmily interests of the parents, my research also suggests that the quality of leadership of administrators and the presence of effective organizational practices were also important.

4.2.3 Attitudes of Parents Toward Participation

Parent participation in the schools takes different forms: attendance at meetings, involvement in school social activities, membenhip on school comrnittees, and individual and collective efforts to influence decision making in the schools. Variations in the levels of participation can be attributed to the interplay between factors relating to school administration and factors conceming parents' level of education, incorne, gender, individual expectations and attitudes toward participation. Table &la 1 b - PARENT PARTICIPATION Rate of Attendance: PTA Meetings (Rural Parents)

- Attendance of PTA Gender Row

Male Fernale Total

1s !rs.s0/,) !3 (72.206) 29 (miOa)

Not OAen 1 (5.6%) 4 (22.2%) 5 (13.9%)

1 (5.6%) 1 (5.6%) 2 (5.6%)

18 (50.0%) 18 (50.0%) 36 (100.0%)

Table 4-lb - Rate of Atteadaoce: PTA Meetings (Urban Parents)

Attendance of PTA Gender Row

Meetings 1 Male 1 Female 1 Total 1 Ofien 1 16 (57.1%) 1 13 (54.2%) 1 29 (55.3%) 1

Not Often 1 9 (32.1%) 1 6 (25.0%) 1 15 (28.8%) -- -1

CoIumn Total 1 28 (53.8%) 1 24 (46.2%) 1 52 ( 100.0%) 1

Tables 4-1 a and 44b, show that most parents who responded to the questionnaire, both in nual and urban areas, indicated that they participated in the schools. When the question was broken down into specific activities, however, distinguishing between participation as a passive activity (e.g. mahg mandatory financial contributions to the PTAs) and participation as an active involvement (e.g., taking responsibilities on the executive or other school cornmittees), less than half of the parents in the study areas were shown to be active in the schools (See below, Table 4-2a I b and 4-3a !b). Table 4-2a - Involvement in School Activities (Rural Parents) - Gender

Activities Gender Row

Male Female Total

Mobilizing Activities 2 (25 -0%) 2 (25.0%) 3 (25.0%)

1 1 PTA Activities 1 4 (50.0%) ) 4 (50.0%) ) 8 (50.0%) 1 Other Activities 2 (25.0%) 2 (25.0%) 4 (25.0%)

ColmTotal 8 (50.0%) 8 (50.0%) 16 (100%)

Table 4-26- Involvement in School Activities (Urban Parents)

Activities 1 Gender Row

Male Fernale Total

Mobilizing Activities 1 (25 .O%) 1 (16.7%) 2 (20.0%

PTA Activities 1 (25.0%) 2 (33.3%) 3 (30.0%)

Other Activities 2 (50.0%) 3 (50.0%) 5 (50.0%) 1 Colurnn Total 1 4 (40.0%) 1 6 (60.0%) 1 10(100%) 1

Table 4-3a -Type of Involvement in School Activities (Rural Parents).

Type of Involvement in Gender Row

School Activities Male Female Total

Fundraising Activity 6 (40.0%) 5 (38.5%) 11 (39.3%)

Volunteers 8 (53.3%) 7 (53.8%) 15 (53.6%)

None 1 (6.7%) 2 (15.4%) 3 (10.7Oh)

Column Total 15 (53.6%) 13 (46.4%) 28 (100.0%) Table 4-3b -Type of Involvement in School Activiïies (Urban Parents).

Type of Involvement in Gender Row School Activities Total Mate Female

Fundraising 8 (44.4%) 3 (27.3%) 11 (39.3%)

Donations 1 (5 6%0) 1 (Q lah) 2 (6 w"'9)

Volunteers 8 (44.4%) 1 (9.1%) 9 (3 I .O%)

None 3 (16.7%) 6 (54.5%) 9 (3 1 .O%)

Column Total 18 (62.1%) 11 (37.9%) 29 ( 100.0%)

During the discussions, parents' responses to questions conceming their active involvement in the schools indicated that their actions were largely influenced by their individual expectations of education and its benefits. Parents were asked if education was important and, if so, to whom. The majority of parents, arnong whom many claimed not to be "active" in the schools, ranked the reasons why education was important in the Following order: fint, for the future of their children; second, for their own futures as parents of educated children; and third, for the Future of the local community. While parents' responses based on individual expectations differed, a common theme in the discussion was the advantage of parent participation in the schools.

4.2.4 Advantages of Participation

The majority ofrespondents both in the rural and urban areas felt that parent activism in the schools helped to promote teacher morale, and contributed both to the expansion of school facilities and the improvement of school performance in PLE at the end of the primary school cycle.

"To promote teacher morale we givey'

Most parents agreed that they contributed to schools with the express intention of supplementing teachers' salaries. They argued that "satisfied teachen" were the key to the good performance both of individual pupils and the school as a whole. They noted that effective schools were those in which teachers were sufficiently "motivated" to actually teach, as opposed to using the school as an address for other business. Other areas to which parents made hancial commitments were also geared towards enhancing teaching standards and school performance.

The authors of Factors Influencing Effectiveness in Primary Schools found that, in the absence of instructional matenals, performance in school "depends very much on the behavior of the staff" (Carasco et. al. 1996: 1 5). In the study, staff behavior was represented by the following indexes: general staff behavior (particularly tirne keeping), staff (teacher) experience, and professionalism. Thus, pupils' performance largely depend on teachers' morde and financial satisfaction.

According to a male teacher at Munyonyo Primary School in Kampala District, " a teacher's ability to deliver (teach well), depends on hidher pay package, because if he/she is well paid, more effort will be put in teaching." A female teacher at St Kizito Primary

School in Mpigi District alluded to the size of the pay package as a "motivating" or "de- motivating" factor in teaching: "The absence of the hancial contribution of parents, 137 especially where there are salary delays, results in teachers not having time to attend to pupils; they will work at teaching merely as a job, and are likely to teach mechanically

[without preparation] because one has to look for something else for survival." Teachers' survival activities, which included petty trading, moonlighting at other schools, and engaging in private tutoring, were recurrent themes in the focus-group discussions with pupils, particularly in rural schools. In Bombo Mixed Primary School, Luwero district, for example, pupils complained about what they called teachers' preoccupation with money. A Grade

Three student at the school remarked that when the govemment banned PTA contributions and coaching 32 in the schools, teachers stopped caring about them and their work in the classroom. A popular phrase that emerged arnong teachers, they said. was ngeda naagenda. literally meaning, "1 progress with those who progress." In concrete terms, this meant that teachers taught only those pupils who could keep pace with their teaching speed. Pupils complained about the lack of attention given to them in the classroom and the lack of effort on the part of teachen to explain problems to those who could not keep up.

.. 'Coaching' in schools is discussed in Chapter 3. It is popular arnong teachers as an additional source of income, and refers to extra lessons given to students after school hours and during holidays. The Expansion of School Facilities

In 1991, the Ministry of Education five-year sector investrnent program identified infrastructure provision and improvement of facilities as its two highest prionties (Education

Planning Department 1996). Poor school facilities (some classrooms, particularly in rural schools, were being housed under trees) were cited as factors that contributed ioward a decline in school standards. This assessrnent of school conditions is supported by the report on Tracking of Public Expenditure on Primary Education and Primary Health Core

(1996: 10). It recommended that an increase in the govenunent expenditure on primary education should focus, among other things, on ". .. the long term task of constructing classrooms and other required school infhstructures" (1996). Despite the government's efforts to improve facilities in the schools, however, the ciassroom blocks, textbooks, and instructional materials were still far below the needed nurnbers.

Facilities in the 24 schools used for the study differed considerably, both in tems of physical structures and teaching resources. Overall, urban schools were better equipped than rural schools, but there were exceptions. For example, St. Lawrence, Kigowa, a school located in Kampala District, had fewer facilities than many schools studied in the mlareas.

Classroom space was a problem and three classes were housed in an unfinished block. The headrnaster said that being in Kampala did not automatically guarantee access to hancial resources kom the MoE. He argued that, even within Kampala, the ministry paid more attention to certain schools because their "connections" gave them better access to available resources. He Merargued that while the school was located in an area containing both 139 nch and poor families, the parents in his school were mostly poor, mainly because the richer parents preferred (and could afford), to send their children to the larger government or private schools in Kampala. By way of illustration, he showed us an iron rod, donated by a parent, that was suspended nom a tree in the middle of the school compound and struck by teachen to signal breaks in school penods. He said that while this donation dernonstrated parent initiative, it was also illustrative of the financial and rnatenal limitations of the parents in his school.

School construction and Expansion

The hits of parents' financial contributions in this school are clear for al1 to see; an eight-classroom block, a lorry, and a sickbay, al1 developments fiom PTA money, which shows what parents, teachers and administraton working together can do ..."@ eputy headmaster, Shimoni Dernonstration School).

The teachers £iom Shimoni Demonstration School (Kampala) were quick to add that this type of development was not just a supplement to the govemment provision, but was the only kind of development going on, because ". .. development by the govemment has never arrived at this school...." At St. Paul's Banda, parents' efforts were supplemented by assistance fiom an international NGû, Goal ireland, to constnict a classroom block.

Similarly, World Vision International assisted a five-classroom-block project at Kiwoko

Primary School. At St. Kizito, parents contributed bricks and stones for the constniction of classrooms with the assistance of a foreign NGO: the Teacher Development MS Project

(hdedby the Danish govemment). In addition, parents contributed Ushs 5,000 (USS5.00) each to hire the labor to produce bricks required for construction. Parents at Senene Primary 140

School, Mpigi district, were solely responsible for the construction of the classrooms in which the school is presently housed.

For the local council chairperson and parent at St. Kizito Primary School, the value of parents' financial contributions to the expansion of school facilities was quite obvious:

As I see it, the governments have sent us back to underdevelopment. How cm children leam to read and write sitting on the ground? If everything were left to the govemment, the maintenance of school buildings, the purchase of books and fûrniture would become a problem.

Contribution Toward Seholastic Materials and Pupils ' Welfre

In addition to contributing toward the physical expansion of school facilities, parents conû-ibuted toward the purchase of books, chalk, blackboards, and other instructional materials. In most schools, parents were also responsible for raising funds for CO-cunicular activities and school meal prograrns. Here their concern was for the learning environment and the pupils' welfare.

In other schools, financiai contributions were also used to improve the running of the school. At Kiwoko Prirnary, parents initiated small-scale fming as a school project, growing some of the staple foods used in the daily school meals, such as beans, cassava, and sweet potatoes. Growing the food used for school meds provided students with nutrition, as well as cut down on costs.

Food and nutrition were cited by teachers as factors that greatly influenced the learning ability of pupils. In nual areas, teachers noted that poverty meant that the majority of pupils did not get proper nutrition at home to sustain hem through the school day. A teacher at Bombo Mixed Pnmary School told us that the recent cuts in school budgets (since the abolition of PTA contributions) had afTected the school's ability to continue providing moming porridge and a midday meal. The teachers noted that, more often than not, these meals were the only ones many pupils received before retuming home for the evening meal.

That most rural pupils were expected to leam under these circumstances, in direct contrast to their counterparts in urban schools, put them at a disadvantage:

Pupils cannot be expected to learn on an empty stomach, and compete with those students in urban schools who have snacks packed for them and a hot midday meal ...most of the pupils here arrive hungry and stay hungry for the full day . Moreover, most of our children have already put in a few hours of work before arriving at school, in the nimilo 33. fetching water fkom the boreholes or river or tending cows, chickens and goats.

Teachea in rural areas cited poor nutrition as one of the factors that affected the poor performance of rural schools in the PLE. While nutrition is not the only factor that influences the differences found between rural and urban school performance, parents nonetheless argued that the rural schools are constantly playing catch- up with urban schools, as is evident in the PLE results.

Contributing to ward School Performance

In the discussions, parents both in rurai and urban areas stressed that one of the main advantages to their involvement in the schools was in making a difference to the performance of individual pupils, as well as to the overall performance of schools. The preoccupation of

13 Small farm / plantation. parents with school performance in the PLE as a measure of educational standards was discussed in Chapter 3.

The desire for results-onented school performance is an objective shared by most of the parents interviewed. However, the relationship between parents' financial contributions and good PLE performance is tenuous. Most parents believed that without their contributions there would be negative repercussions on school performance. They identi fied school performance with a school's ability to produce good results in the PLE, and "good" results will ultimately help pupils advance to secondary schools:

Each year thousands of pupils who sit for the Primary Leaving Exarninations never continue. Reason? They do not get the necessary grades to make them eligible to join secondary schools. Such pupils tend to stay home, tend cows, till the land or just roarn the villages and towns even if they still had fees to continue their education. Others will repeat the PLE for as many times as it is necessary to attain the acceptable grade for admission to senior one (New Vision November 2, 1996: 19).

In 1995 a total of 158,192 candidates sat for the primary school leaving examination. Of these, 1 8,975 (1 1%) obtained Grade One; 50,779 Grade Two; 23,6 12 Grade Three. and

38,428 (24%) Grade Four. For the few who pass the PLE,their grades determine the type of secondary schools to which they will gain access. The rnajority of schools admit only those with first and second grade passes; the chances of anyone with only a grade four pass to gain access to secondary school are very limited.

The importance attached to the PLE by an educational system that relies on this singular quafimg exarn at the end of the seven-year primary cycle is perhaps summarized best by what one parent called "the exam cycle." The cycle begins as early as kindergarten. are privately owned and operated and admission is based on ski11 tests for written and spoken English. Fees range between Ushs 60,000 (US$60.00) and Ushs 300,000

(US$300.00) per term, in urban areas. In rural areas, the fees range between Ushs 20,000

(US$20.00)and Ushs 50,000 (US$50.00). Parents' willingness to pay the fees is based on an assumption that a "good" kindergarten provides the foundation for meeting the challenge of tough cornpetition for admission to good primary schools. Admission to the better private or government-aided primary schools almost always guarantees good performance on the

PLE and, subsequently admission to secondary schools.

Two recent newspaper articles in the New Vision Curther illustrate the importance attached to the PLE:

It is two weeks to the Primary Leaving Examinations and the tempo ofthe P7 pupils in the country is Ming the peak. Tensions, coaching, abstinence from many luxuries and leave fiom work at home is typical of the candidates' schedule. Parents are tensed up thinking about where their children will go should they fail their exams, yet even those who pass are not assured of going to schools of their choice. If one must get a good secondary school, they must get a fint grade and not just a fiat grade but anything more than an aggregate 6 34 is as good as a second grade these days (Kalibala Nakalami, New Vision November 2,1997: 8).

In addition to study tips in national papers (New Vision November 12, 1994: 17), parents' determination to ensure that their pupils perform well in the exam is obvious in the following quotation:

Y The marking scheme for the PLE is based on an aggregate system with aggregate of 4 points (1 point, the equivalent of 79% and over, in each subject) being the highest score in the four subjects taken: English, Mathernatics, Science, and SociaI Studies. About 70 P.7 pupils in Kyaggwe Road Primary School are spending their nights at the school in preparation for the next weeks' Pnmary Leaving Examination. Kyaggwe Primary School in Old Kampala does not have boarding facilities but teachers and parents allegedly agreed to have their children get the extra lessons at night in the school while residing there. (New Vision, November 10, 1996: 8).

Gaining access to highly ranked schools has become very competitive because parents assume that good schools give individual children an advantage in their educationai progress as well as better job prospects ". Correspondingly, parents place pressure on schools to improve school performance. For their part, school administrators experience the dilemma of satisQing parents' demands in order to attract more parents whose financial contributions will make it possible to retain better qualified teachers.

In my discussions with parents, govemment officiais, and school administrators, al1 argued chat the survival of the educational system in Uganda could be attributed to the continued existence of the PLE during the most turbulent political and economic periods.

Despite the financial hardships faced by the majority of households, examinations as part of education remained a constant: children had to take them if they expected to improve their lives. Parents and teachers in Luwero recounted an interesting anecdote illustrating the importance of the PLE in holding together the education system. Arnid the political and

-- -

3s This belief has of late been reinforced by an emerging competitive recruitment system for the chi1 service and promotions in the government institutional complexes. The govemment remains the largest employer and recent experiences with retrenchmmt in the civil se~ce as part of civil service refonns makes the job market more competitive and qualification onentated. The rise in demand for education is well illustrated by the 100% increase in University intake and the expansion of degree programs for individuals wanting to study for the first time or to upgrade their qualifications. 145 economic crunch in 1978, then - president Idi Amin ordered PLE papers to be distributed by helicopter to areas where the roads were impassable.

The PLE thus acts as a sorting mechanism for determining the academic path of individual pupils and their future employment oppodties. The power of the PLE to select between different groups of pupils has helped to shape parents' perceptions about access to education and their choice of schools.

'Access to education', which was nanowly defined by governrnent as the opportunity to enter any school, was qualified by parents to include the caliber of the school to which a child gains access. No significant difference of opinion was found between urban and rural parents with respect to what constituted a 'good' school. Parents ranked schools according to a clear set of criteria, of which a demonstrated record of PLE success was at the top.

Other cnteriaused by parents to grade schools included well qualified teachen, small classes

(i.e., low pupil/teacher ratios), adequate scholastic matenals, and extra-curricular activities.

Parents' interpretation of access to education is particularly relevant to the discussion in

Chapter 5 conceming the differences at the mot of the conflict between the govemment and parents over the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE).

The government attempted to minimize parents' perceptions of the PLE as the ultimate indicator of a 'good"school, as well as to reduce their preoccupation with the socio- economic implications of PLE exams. How the govemment attempted to do this is illustrated by its repeated efforts to ban "private coaching" in the schools, and to change how 146

PLE results were presented 36. Such mesures, however, failed iu address the fundamentai flaw in the educational system, namely that, by design, it was elitist. In summary, a system that elirninates children according to exam performance at different stages of the education cycle is Iinked with differences between rural and urban schools, between rich and poor parents, and between educated and uneducated parents.

4.3 Shifting the Balance of Power: Parents' Access to Participation in Schools

The many advantages cited by parents of participation in the schools included: improvements in the quality of teachen and school facilities, irnproved performance of individual pupils and schools, and irnproved welfare of pupils. Discussions with parents however, revealed persistent concems both over who participated, and the way in which parents' financial contributions were translated into tangible benefits in the schools.

Concems also related to power and inequality with respect to decision rnaking and resource mobilization. The stories of parent activism recounted in the discussion revealed thai even where there was collaboration among parents, schools, and communities, differences in the interests of these groups as well as differences in the capacity of parents to participate

-

M In 1996, the Ministry of Education departed bom the usual practice of ranking schools according to their performance in the PLE in the hope of stemming the overcrowding of the better perfoming schools to the detriment of those schools with average or low pass rates. Early "lobbying" of head teachm in the top secondary schools and bribery continued unabated however. Similarly, the govmunent ban on coachuig went imheeded, particularly in the urban areas where the practice of coaching is more wide spread. The prevalmce of coaching in urban schools may, in part, explain the differences in PLE results between ml and inban schools. 147 existed. The research found that parents identified education, social status, gender, and school location as important variables influencing individual and collective involvement in the schools.

One interpretation of participation is having access to and control over resources, where resources include both regulatory and decision- making institutions (Midgley 1986).

Pateman distinguishes between participatory and representative decision making, whereby participation may sometimes involve either al1 of the people concemed, or only a few representatives (Pateman 1970). Overall, however, participation assumes that power in decision making is equally distributed with respect to diflerent categones of interest: gender, religion, ethnic group, and class.

4.3.1 Parents9Organization in the Schools

Two processes which are the most Bequent and which involve the broadest level of participation of parents in schools are financial contributions and planning. If participation involves access to and control over resources within the schools. then it is important to investigate how access to power is negotiated, who has it, who lacks it, and why. The political dimension of PTA structures are important for two reasons: first, in assessing the level of participation within PTAs, and second, in measuring the inclusiveness and representativeness of PTAS according to different categories of interests.

As the locus of school hancing and management (at lest before the government ban) PTAs represented a formaf forum for decision making. The estabiished forums for 148 parent participation in the schools are the PTA meetings, held on average twice a year, school hd-raising activities, school open days, sports days, and music festivals. OP these, the semi-annual PTA meetings accord parents the opportunity to voice complaints, to make suggestions, and to elect, re-elect or dismiss executive cornmittee memben.

During my research, 1attempted to ascertain, both during informal conversation and in fomal questions, whether parents' access to decision mWgpower was really facilitated by PTAs. 1asked my informants these questions: What do you know of the activities of your

PTA? How are PTA leaders chosen in this school? Who are the mernbers of the PTA executive? Are they selected, nominated or elected? When was the last PTA meeting? At that meeting what was discussed and decided? How oflen are PTA meetings held? Do the leaders report to you and on what activities do they report? The results were are as follows.

While the great majority of parents could not answer many of the formal questions contained in the questionnaire, the same questions when introduced into informal conversations during the focus-group discussions received better responses. Most parents, particularty those whose children attended the rural schools or in the poorer schools in and around Kampala, knew very Iittle about PTA activities. For exarnple, very few parents knew where and when the PTA meetings were convened or the names of the executive committee members. 1 also had difficulty ascertainhg who the pst office bearers were, as not many parents seemed to know.

As discussed in Chapter 3, PTA constitutions provide for comparable electoral processes between schools. However, the main differences found among the schools were 149 in the extent ofparent involvement, as well as in the individual attitudes toward participating in the schools. In discussions, respondents pointed out that not al1 parents, by virtue of having children in the schools, had an equal voice in PTAs. In response to questions concerning the sources of inequality, parents made repeated references to PTA leadership and their enkola (the way in which they function). Further questioning revealed that parents identified education, gender, social status, and ruraVurban differences as issues that influenced an individual's ability to participate in decision making.

4.3.2 The Influence of Education on Parent Participation

Differences found among parents with respect to their levels of active involvement in the schools could be related both to their personal expenences and to their level of education.

A fernale parent at Wobulenzi Public School who admitted to having a pnmary four level of education, while curious about our study, did not see the relevance of questions about participation:

What is it you need to discuss about education and participation? As a parent 1 am already too burdened. I did not go to school because I was a girl, and really not very much interested in debates in the schools. 1send my children there, and pay when they ask me.

The view cited above is in direct contrast to the one expressed by another female parent, a civil servant with children in Buganda Road Primary School (Kampala District):

For us [educated parents], education is important. When we educate [our children] we are banking in the future through education. Life is difficult for those who dont have education. There is a difference in the interest we show in the schools fiom those with no education.

These views are used here as an indication of some of the important differences found among the respondents; views which could be attributed either to rudurban differences or to differences in level of education. However, these views highlight the importance of examining the issue of participation in light of differences in education and location

(ruraVurban), particularly the way these differences interface with parents' attitudes and views toward theu participation in the schools.

According to Putnam, education represents "social status, persona1 skills. and comections" ( 1993: 10% 1 10). His argument that "low levels of education" influence participation since the lack of education "accentuates feelings of exploitation and helplessness," corresponds to a comment made by a parent at Warnpiti in response to my query about why she was not on any school committee: "Silina magezi gakuwa. nga aie ne sente silina. Mbulila bananodera ki" (l have no knowledge to give, nor do I have money to give. Tell me why they should select me?). Ahnond and Verba also note the importance of education and social status to participation. They argue that the frequency with which individuals are able to participate in decisions at school - both their freedom to cornplain about decisions and the actual cornplainhg they remember doing - rises with level of education (1963).

The relationship between education and participation noted by Aimond and Verba and by hitnam is particularly relevant to the present discussion. In a country in which women account for only 20% of the formally educated population, among which percentage 151 the majority live in urban areas, education, gender and niral/urban differences overlap in important ways that might explain di fierences in the attitudes found among parents.

43.3 Gender and Parent Participation

In the discussions, female parents argued that while the main forces of sexual stratification usually lie elsewhere (cultural practices or religious beliefs), male-female imbalances in terms of education and social status have implications for the active role of

Female parents in the schools. One recurrent issue was inequality in female representation and participation in decision rnaking structures. Many of the mothers interviewed felt that they were not fully represented on decision making bodies, a situation which was in contrast to their financial input into schools and contribution toward the education of their children.

The issue of femaie representation in schools is perhaps most evident in school leadership. In the twenty four schools studied, only five of the head teachen were female, two in Mpigi district, one in Luwero district and two in Kampala district. Furthemore, only four of the 50 female parents who responded to the questionnaire swey held leadership positions in their schools, and three of those four were in urban schools. It is important to note that parents in rural areas, both male and female, related the absence of women in leadership positions in the schools to the lack of education among women. The women, however, argued that even in the few cases where women gained access to leadership positions on the PTA executive bodies, they were often relegated to roles that were seen to need "the fmaletouch." The posts most commonly assigned to female officers were related to social affairs and to welfare, but rarely to finance or to the chairing of executive cornmittees (See Table 4-4a and 4-4b).

Table 4-4a - Position on PTA Executive (Rural Parents) -Gender

1 Hold Position on PTA 1 Gender 1 Row

Erecutive? Male Fernale Total

COIU~UTotal r 9 (5 1.4%) 18 (48.6%) 37 (~oo.oo!~ Table 4-4b- Position on PTA Executive (Urban Parents)-Gender

1 Position on PTA I Gender 1 Row Executive Male Fernale To al

Yes 6 (20.7%) 4 (17.4%) 10 (19.2%)

No 23 (79.3%) 19 (82.6%) 42 (80.8%)

I r 1 Column Total 1 29 (55.8%) 1 23 (44.2%) 1 52 (100.0%) 1

The issue of gender is important to parent participation for two main reasons. First,

it provides an indication both of gender equality and the inclusiveness of PTA structures.

Second, the extent to which women are represented on the executive and to which they contribute toward PTA agendas could affect the education of girls. Incidents of abuse of

female pupils in the schools and of teenage pregnancy that result in higher dropout rates have

become issues of public concern. Uganda's teenage pregnancy rate stands at 43% of the

teenage population, the highest in the sub-Sahamn region (UNICEF 1997). While incidents

of abuse are Uicreasingly reported in the press, several parents argue that greater female

representation at management levels in the schools wouid help to bring such issues to light 153 before they reached cnsis proportions. Discrepancies observed in gender representation are not related to PTA constitutions, but rather result both from different leadership styles among the head teachers as well as a lack ofconfidence among the women concerning their capacity to assume leadership roles. Nonetheless, the inequalities observed in different schools have implications for other forms of female inequality and representation in the schools.

In their study, Factors Infuencing Access to and Attendance in Primary Schoois,

Kakande and Nalwadda (1996) cite inequality in educational opportunities between males and females as important factors infiuencing female participation and representation in education. They found that gender and the level of education of mothers were deteminants of the success rates of students. Gender inequalities also overlap with urbanhiral inequalities insofar as poor and illiterate women are concentrated in rural areas.

4.3.4 RuraMrban Differences and Parent Participation

Sixty percent of the population in Uganda live in rural areas. The poorer performance of mlschools as cornpared to urban schools may be attributed both to poorer and fewer school facilities and to less qualified teachers. The PLE results in 1994, for exarnple, show a great disparity between rural and urban schools. The more than 100,000 failures were

largely from rural areas:

According to statistics availabie, Kampala schools have been in the lead for the Iast five years while the worst performances have aiways been recorded in nuai schools. Outstandhg bad penormers are primary schools in the northern and eastem parts of the country (New Vision 1995: 9). 154

In addition, the majority of the 2.8 million students enrolled in the schools who drop out of school before completing the pnmary school cycle are from rural areas (Ministry of

Education 1997). There are several explanations for the disparities between rural and urban areas. One obvious explanation is the lack of'school facilities in most of the rural areas.

Another, more socio-economic explanation, is that parents in Kampala tended to be more literate, are professionally employed by the govemment offices and NGOs, or business people, as compared to parents in mlareas who are largely unschooled, and who depend on petty trade and subsistence farming as their sources of income.

Murphy notes that: "it is ironic that the single most cited determinant of class difference in educational representation and achievement is not class discrimination in treatment but class difference in aspiration" (1989, 1 1). Furthemore, Coleman ( 1957) warned that communities should expect more confiict £kom the poorer classes of society in establishing a participatory approach since they have had less experience in developing participatory skills. It becarne evident fkom my research that differences in participation in the schools among parents could be explained by the different value parents attached to education in rural as compared to urban areas. Exceptions were noted earlier, in which rural parents were very active in organizing and mobilizing resources. However, the findings of this study support the argument that schools with better educated parents, more money, and more persona1 connections had a higher level ofparticipation among parents. While Murphy and Coleman interpreted the concept of "class" to mean wealth and occupation, in the communities that I studied, social status or "class" as an influence on parent participation 155 also included (in addition to education) "comections" to govemrr.=ntofficiais and offices.

Studies canied out on parent participation in other countrîes in Afnca, however, suggest that parents in rural areas are more actively involved in raiçing funds and in decision making than are their urban counterparts. For exarnple, a study of PTAs conducted by

Ashuntantang et aL(1977) in Cameroon found that participation in large urban schools was much less than in smaller mlschools, in part because " the social control over the individual members of the comrnunity (in urban schools) is nearly nonexistent, and thus participation in meetings of school cornmittees cannot be ensured or enforced. Similar claims are made by Igwe's account of fimd-raising in Eastern Nigeria, and Mbithi's and

Rasmusson's (1977) studies in Kenya.

Such studies locus on the extent of parent involvement in school activities and attendance at meetings as mesures of participation. They do not discuss the mainsprings for individual participation in decision making, including the parents' attitudes and expectations, which ofien can be linked both to level of education and socio-economic statu.

Lndeed, both schools and wedthier, well-educated populations tend to be concentrated in the sarne general (and typicdly urban) areas. Thus, urban schools tend to be better resourced and organized than are nual schools, which are located in areas having poorer and less well- educated populations. Important differences between urban and rural dwellers in terms of living standards, access to education, and social benefits are noted in Kakande and

Naiwadda's shidy of Factors Influencing Access to and Attendance in Primav Education

Ni Uganda (1996). 1 examined parent participation in light of some of the existing 156 differences between urban and niral areas, including economic, political, and social activities, noting that rural areas lag behind urban areas in al1 three.

In discussions with parents both in rural and urban areas, 1 found that the level of education of parents in some cases was responsible for the discrepancy in the development levels of different areas, particularly between ml and urban areas. The district inspecter of schools (DIS)of Mpigi district made the point that there were significant differences among the counties in his district in levels of publicly initiated projects and parent activism in the schools, differences that could be explained only by the socio-economic attributes of the residents. However, 1aIso found that education could not be isolated from social status and financial ability as deteminants of parent participation. Parents argued, for exarnple, that the participation within the schools was really about financial mobilization and planning.

In short, parents who were well off were in a better position to have a say, because they usually had contributed the most. Thus, in addition to the educational level of parents, gender, rural and urban differences, parents' attitudes toward their own ability to be part of school decision making were influenced by their finiancial capacity and social standing in a given community.

4.3.5 Social Status and Parent Participation

Although the desire for schooling is more or less commonly shared in rural and urban

areas, the means and opportunity for accessing education most certainly are not. In

examining the influence of social status on parent participation, such factors as schooling, 157 job opportunities and income appea. to be interrelated. While formal decision making

structures are designed to accommodate economic differences among parents, the reliance

on comrnunity, hily, and individual financial contributions for education gives an

advantage to richer cornrnunities while increasing the bias against the poor residing within

them.

Ini tially, parent participation was confined to financial contributions toward teachers '

salaries, as agreed upon during the annual PTA meetings. As the situation in the schools

detenorated and the crisis become a permanent feature of school management, the demands

for contributions toward teachers' salaries and toward building funds becarne more

systematic, regularized, and mandatory.

The questions I posed to parents included the following: Who sets the fees and

determines the levels of contributions to PTAs to finance primary education? How are funds

raised? If contributions are in the form of labor, who provides this labor? How rnuch do men

provide and how much do women provide? How far are fee structures conducive or

prohibitive to people sending their children to schools? Are there structural remediai

mesures to safeguard lower incorne groups?

Both in rural and urban areas, the majonty of parents inte~ewedclairned that more

than 50% of their income was spent on both the direct and indirect costs " of education,

covering such items as scholastic materials and uniforms, in addition to the PTA fees. The

17 The direct costs are incurred in school fecs, while the indirect costs refer to the cost of losing valued labour in the home or on the fm. 158 levels of hancial contributions varied fkorn school to school, as illustrated in Table 5-1 on page 169. The major difference was found to be PTA charges in urban versus rural schools.

In rural schools their financial contributions (in the majority of schools) were not very substantial (ranging between Ushs 1,000 [US$1.00] and Ushs 3,000 [USS3.00]) per child, per term. Parents supplemented the contributions with labor, building rnatenals and food.

In urban areas, however, PTA contributions ranged fkom Ushs 50,000 (üSS50.00) to Ushs

200,000 (US$200.00). While parents in urban areas contributed building rnatenals and pledged to pay for labor, they seldom contributed food or engaged in the labor themselves.

Sirnilarly, the parents' views concerning PTA contributions were divided. In Kibibi

Muslim Pnrnary School for example, the majority ofparents interviewed maintained that the

PTAs, in their former role in the schools prior to the 1996 education reforms, were essential to maintaining school standards and contributing toward good school performance in the

PLE. Some parents did not share this view of PTAs, and felt that the financial demands

PTAs made on parents (which in some schools were in excess of Ushs 200,000 wS$

200.001) were excessive, particularly when more than one child was enrolled in the school.

DiEerences in opinion over PTA contributions notwithstanding, parents argued that they paid for what they considered a better quality of education. Parents fiom both sides of the spectntm argued that the financial responsibility gave them a greater Say in school planning and the right to demand accountability. The notable differences were among poor and uneducated parents as compared to rich and educated parents, whether Eom urban areas or rurai areas. However, both in the well-off and poorer areas, parents who were active in 159 the schools tended to belong to the higher socio-economic straturn. Typically, they were male, educated, affluent, and willing to spend their time and money.

Issues relating to the questions that were posed included whether the rnobilization of resources stmctured participation on the basis of individual means; whether PTA executive cornmittees were dominated, as was earlier noted, by financially well-off parents; and, if so, whether this affected the level at which fees were set. In response to the question concerning remedial measures for taking into account the parents' ability to meet mandated fees, parents both in rural and urban schools said that this was at the discretion of the head teachers. In response to being asked whether there was a bias against the poor with respect to planning and decision making, parents (particularly in rural areas) said that this was inevitable. In the interviews, rural parents who were financially stable (usually because they had more education ador were successful in business), were more likely (a) to articulate individual and collective interests as parents, (b) to take on leadership positions, (c) to be aware of their rights vis-a-vis the PTA and school management, and (d) to demand accountability From

PTA officials and schooI administrators.

Parents with little or no formal education, however (often those with low levels of income) were not as actively involved, and showed little interest in decision making or in assurning leadership roles. The explmation most cornmonly given for their lack of interest was that financial ability or social status or both were prerequisites for undertaking an active role in the schools. Even the low-income and less well educated parents who said that they regularly met al1 ofthe schools' financial requirements (in addition to responding to schools' 160 penodic requests for matenal conûîbutions) were not interested in taking on leadership roles.

Parents accepted the status quo in which unequal participation was stnictured, such that there was more participation for those with more resources (money, persona1 connections, education and status).

As noted earlier. head teachers had criticized parents for their failure to understand school issues (and thus their failure to contribute to the decision making process). However, as the parents explained, they rehined fiom challenging the status quo because they did not see themselves in a position to demand accountability fiom certain 'powemil' elements in the school whose hancial contributions significantly shaped the direction of school development. It became apparent in my research that there was yet another important dimension to parent participation: a strong relationship linking parents' sense of ownership of a school, their aspirations, and the extent of their active participation.

4.3.6 School Ownenhip and Parent Participation

One male parent whom 1 inte~ewedat Wobulenzi Primary School recounted the head teacher's difficulty in mobilizing parents around school activities, which he attributed the fact that many parents, for a variety of reasons, did not experience a sense of ownership of the school. These reasons included:

(1) their lack of education (2) their lack of time (3) their lack of money to contribute to the school (4) feelings of inferiority, and (5) reluctance to assume an active role in school 161

The links among the various constraints cited above may be related to individual perceptions, particularly perceptions of who 'owns' educational services, as is demonstrated by the

following example in which the parent in question argued that it was not the parents' duty

to be involved in school flairs:

The participation of parents in the management of schools is not good; there is a cornmittee in the schools, which does it on our behalf. If not, the headrnaster and the district Education Officer (DEO) should make the decisions because really they are the owners of the schools.

A sense of ownership of education as a service is closely related to parent participation in the

schools, and can be instrumental in their efforts to sustain a school through individual effort

and collaboration with school administrators. In response to rny questions, school

administrators identified a belief widely held among parents that schools belonged to the

state and to local authonties, or to powerful and socially significant individuals in their

cornrnunities. They explained that, in the past, the practice of identimng educational

provision with interests other those of the parents had made it harder to get parents to

participate actively or proactively in the schools. The headmistress of Kabasanda Pnmary

School, for example, observed that during times of economic and political crisis, parents

were more willing to cooperate with school administraton and generally became more

involved in school issues. She noteci, however, that since the introduction of UPE, parents

were once again becoming cornplacent about the education of their children.

Parents' expenences of participation in the schools, however, differed significantly.

Many parents, particularly in the urban areas, claimed that by vimie of contributing

financiaily to the schools, they were participating, even if they did not take part in decision 162 making. Whenever 1tried to draw a distinction between mandated financial contributions and active involvement in the schools and in school decision making, the parents insisted on using the terms interchangeably for, in their view, the two issues went hand in hand. As a female parent from Kitante Pnmary School (Kampala District) pointed out:

You cannot give money if you don't see where it is going; you have to keep checking on it, so you have to be involved.

The discussions, therefore, revealed different attitudes and levels of interest in participation.

Despite differences in the interpretation of participation, respondents cited education, gender, social status and the location of the school as the issues that shaped a parent's capacity to participate actively at the decision making levei.

Surprisingly, ethnicity and religion were not highlighted as particularly significant influences on an individual's ability to participate in the schools, For religion had always been an important issue in any analysis of education in Uganda, particularly with respect to access to education and parent participation. [n the past, different types of schools had been set up to cater to different population groups, a practice that was legislated against in the educational refoms of the 1960s and 1970s. In the political and economic chaos of the

1970s and 1980s, religion was an important organizing force in primary education, with religious bodies re-emerging as important financial and administrative resowces. An important issue, therefore, was the extent to which the position of religion in the schools had been reinforced, particularly where stable religious institutions were supportkg the school hancially. Another issue was whether it was easier to raise funds for a religiously dehed group than for a school having a cross-section of religions. Where schools were identified 163 with a particular religious denomination, the issue was whether the foms and forums for participation were sufficiently cohesive and flexible, as measured by the level of representation and participation of the smaller denominations.

Parents viewed the concerns expressed by the headrnaster of Kibibi Muslim Primary

School as anornalous. They maintained that while religion influenced parents' choice of school for their children, it was neither reflected in school decision making, nor did it have a bearing on an individual's ability or tendency to be active.

The lack of an observable religious bias in PTA structures does not, however. signiQ that the role of religion in the schools is irrelevant to the discussion. Religious bodies used the penod of economic and political uncertainty to reassert their presence in the schools, forging partnerships with parents to sustain and expand primary education. Moreover, while education in Uganda was nationalized in the 1960s, and was religiously mixed, alrnost al1 schools retained the religious label of their founding body, whether Roman Catholic (RC),

Church of Uganda (COU), or Muslim. The distinction arnong schools according to their founding bodies was not reflected in the student composition. However, important functions within the schools, such as financing and administration, continue to reflect these religious biases, and the head teachen usually reflect the religious denomination of the founding body.

The recruitment of teachers and school in-take similarly mirron this religious bias. During the discussions, parents suggested that secondary school intakes (particularly into the better boarding schools) were based both on ment and religion. They pointed out that it was cornmon knowledge that al1 schools have quotas to accommodate children of a particular 164 religion. Father Monday (Church of Uganda) maintained that the religious bias in pupil selection is more common in Catholic - and Muslim - founded schools than in Anglican or

Seventh Day Adventist schools.

Father Monday, the education secretary for the Anglican Church leader, expressed the view that Anglican schools would probably enhance their standards if they too maintained a tighter rein on their selection of teachen and pupils. He maintained that the biases parents pointed to were inevitable, since founding bodies continued to use religious networks to raise funds for schools and were in most cases involved in one or another aspect ofschool management. Monday noted, however, that religious biases were more discemable in the good secondary schools: Narnagunga (Roman Catholic), Nabisunsa (Muslirn) and

Gayaza (Anglican) for girls; Buddo (Anglican), Namilyango (Roman Catholic) and

(Muslim) for boys. In response to a direct question as to whether decision making structures in the schools favored one religious group over othen, he said that the religious bias in the schools was more implicit than explicit.

During the discussions, the issue of eihnicity, long identified as a barrier to participation and representation in key social settings, was cited as potentially important to any analysis of participation, particularly in areas such as Luwero that had an ethnically heterogeneous population. Parents, however, insisted that ethnic ongin was not an obstacle to parent participation in the schools, especially if the parent happened to be educated, well off, and prepared both to make contributions and take on responsibilities. They noted, however, that ethnic dïnities were comrnonly known to influence job opportunities, but they 165 simply considered this state of affairs to be a Ugandan reality. According to the respondents, differences in ethnic background only become a problem in social relationships such as mamage.

4.5 Summary

It is clear Erom the findings outlined in this chapter that: There is a strong connection between parents' interests, socio-economic characteristics, and different levels of participation. * There is a strong relationship between the need to enhance school performance in order to meet the requirements of the PLE, and the need to build legitimate decision making stnictures that are participatory and representative of parents' interests.

.O The structures of PTAs are not stable, concrete, and objective 'things'. They have evolved over time, and parents, teachers, and administrators continually build them and direct them in response to the flow of events.

Analyzing different dimensions of participation and the issues that influence parent

participation was important both in understanding the role of parents in on-going educational

change and in exarnining potential areas of conflict and opportunities For change.

The findings aiso show that while the participation of PTAs in the financing and

management of education was not consistent, PTAs managed to gain control over important

hinctions, such as the appointment of teachers, decisions on building new class rooms, and

how to teach the curriculê In addition, PTAs gave parents a voice and an administrative

presence in schools as well as a charnel through which bey could articulate their concems,

interests, and expectations about education. 166

Thus, the capacity of the state both to refonn education and meet its educational objectives depended on:

Its ability to synthesize competing state and parental definitions as to what

constituted "equal access to education;"

Its ability io match the financial and other resources mobilized by parents through

PTAs at the school level; and

Its ability to demonstrate its commitment to equal access to education, as it was

understood by parents, teachers, and school administraion.

As will be seen in the following chapter, reactions among parents, teachen, administraton, and religious groups to the challenge of UPE refonns reveal a broad range of perceptions conceming equality, participation, and legitimization in education. 167

CHAPTER FIVE - The Governrnent's Struggle for Cootrol :The First Year of UPE

5.0 Introduction

As we have seen, the breakdown of legal authority in the 1970s and early 1980s, which created massive political and economic uncertainty and undennined the viability both of private and public enterpnses, did not reduce the demand for education (Heyneman 1983).

Although the school system, by 1986, was battered and wom (as was evident in the lack of buildings and the dearth of classroom facilities and trained teachers), still, it had not only suMved but had even expanded.

h 1986, a new govemment, the National Resistance Movement ushered in a new agenda for education. Of particular concern to this new govemment were the unequal distribution of educational oppodties, the decline in educational standards, and the unregulated involvement of parents in education. To refonn education, the NRM had to reconcile two conflicting interests: its dependence on PTAs for financial contributions

(which institution the NRM largely blarned for past inequalities), and its cornmitment to equalizing education.

Ln December 1996, the NRM government resolved the dilemma. It abolished PTA contributions to schools and launched the most ambitious plan in Uganda's educational history: free primary education for up to four children per family, a plan that came to be known as Universal Primary Education WE). The policy embraced the proclamation by the Univend Declaration of Human Rights (article 28), of the right of everyone to education. 168 in reality, UPE fùlfilled the president's election promise in 1996 to provide f?ee education for up to four children if re-elected. Launched amidst a mixture of expectation by sections of the public, scepticism by others, detemination and optimism by the govemment, the policy marked an important departure in the provision of pnmary education in Uganda.

In this chapter, 1 examine the introduction of UPE in Ianuary 1997 against a background of educational provision that had been serving multiple private interests. It was evident fiom the atmosphere of unease in discussing LPE, that there was no success in creating a dialogue on UPE. The iargely negative reaction of parents, teachers, school administraton, and religious bodies to UPE revealed a great deal about the deeply embedded tradition of responding to pnvate interests in education. The fear among parents, teachers, administraton, and govemment officials of being labeled anti-govemment if they were too critical of UPE also revealed the highly politicized nature of the UPE initiative, adding to the political dimension to the analysis of its implementation.

First, 1 examine the UPE concept in the political and social context ofuganda. Next,

1 discusses the goals of UPE, identimng areas of convergence and divergence arnong

govemment, parents, and religious bodies conceming the goals and implementation of UPE.

Following this discussion, 1 outline the main changes introduced by the NRM reforms in the

financing and administration of education. Subsequently, I make an appraisal of reactions

arnong parents, teachers, administrators, and religious bodies to UPE, approxirnately one

year following its irnplementation, highlighting the main areas of conflict and resistance to

the reforms. Finally, 1summarke some of the politicai, economic, and social influences that affected the implementation of UPE.

5.1 Univenal Primary Education (UPE) :The Concept

Universal Primary Education (UPE) was popularized by PLfrican leaders at a conference for African Ministers of Education in Addis Ababa in 1961. The conferees proclairned that access to education not only was a fundamental nght but was also Afica's most urgent and vital need. They called for universal, compulsory, Cree pnmq education throughout the continent by 1980. The official rationale for UPE identified education as a basic human nght and as a social and economic imperative (Nsibambi 1997; Senteza-Kajubi

1997).

The introduction of UPE was the government's way of putting a brake on any mer

'private' expansion of education through the public school system. A history of civil strife had made the governrnent al1 the more conscious of the need for national cohesion, and for equal access to social goods and benefits. Thus, WEis based on a premise of'greater centralized govemment control over education, assigning only a marginal role to parents and non-state institutions.

The mord issues sunounding UPE Ui Uganda concerned its contribution to social equdity in a society in which unequal access to education had been a major source of social differentiation. The UPE concept was based on four assumptions: ht, that the major obstacle to equal access to education was the lack of government financial support; second, that centralized government control of educational reforms not only was desirable, but was 170 a necessary condition for equalizing access to education; third, that equality in education could be realized through a combination of increased government financing and administrative control over education; and finally, that equalizing education could conhibute to closing the widening gap between rich and poor. h sum, the govemment saw a strong correlation arnong (a) a central government role, both financial and administrative; (b) equal access to education, and, (c) social equality.

From the outset, however, the UPE initiative in Uganda encountered several challenges. First, UPE was introduced at a time in which the benefits of centrally administered educational systems in developing countries had been cast into doubt by researchers and policy makers (Remien 1997; Kinyanjui 1992). Second, education no longer was automatically perceived as the preserve of central government planning, but rather as a contested terrain arnong various non-state actors. The state's previous withdrawal from financial and administrative responsibility in education had resulted, de facto, in the redistribution of benefits, power, and responsibility arnong the various stakeholders in education. Third, it was debatable whether, despite its vibrancy in the last ten yean, the country's economy was sufficiently stable to absorb al1 financial and social costs relating to such extensive reforms. Finally, the government was faced with a generally skeptical public that was aiso resistant to change. By now accustomed to relying on their own resources, the public's contempt for state authonty and for its capacity to implement change had been shaped by decades of politicai and economic mismanagement and incornpetence on the part of the state. 171

The following section examines the goals O fWE in relation to the educational issues that arose during the period 1986 to 1996.

5.2 UPE: The Goals - Equalizing Access and Promoting Equity

The purpose of UPE extends beyond satisfjmg an individual's fundamental human . UPE was expected to form the building block for fundamental social changes.

Between 1986 and 1996, the govemment made recornrnendations and introduced measures that were aimed at streamlining the educational system, such that it would be in line with its objectives to equalize education and promote equity. The Govemment White

Paper on Education (1Wî), the most definitive statement on government objectives, focused on two areas of educational provision: financing and administration (Senteza-Kajubi 1997).

Based on the recornmendations of the Education Policy Review Commission

(EPRC),the White Paper mapped out, in broad terms, strategies for realizing educational objectives. Strategies directed at "equipping citizens with the power of knowledge.. .correct attitudes and multiple developmental skills" for rapid economic advancement ofIJganda and the b'transformationof society" were the focus of several chapters dealing with the structure, content, planning, and management of education (White Paper 1992: 1). Paaicularly relevant to this study and to the present discussion was the chapter on planning and management. 172

That chapter focused on the reorganization of the MoE, on the creation of new autonomous bodies, and on the strengthening of older bodies under the direction of the

Ministry. At the school level, the White Paper endorsed the existing legal structure of school management that empowered the School Management Cornmittees (SMCs) as the official managers and coordinaton of school financing and administration. PTAs were comrnended for their significant role in running and maintaining schools, and for providing them with much needed financial support. However, the White Paper proposed that, with the aid of a mode1 constitution and operational guidelines, PTAs should cease to operate de facto as school management cornmittees and revert to their original mandate as school welfare associations (White Paper 1992).

The publication of the White Paper, the first step taken by govemment to regain control over schools and to regulate their hancing and administration, was prompted by equity concems, particularly as they related to disparities in PTAs among schools.

The data in table 5-1 below were compiled from financial reports From six schools in my case study. The table illustrates wide variations in PTA contributions in two urban and four rural schools for the academic year l99S-Ig96. Table 5.1 PTA Contributions (per child, per term) in 6 Schools in Urban and Rural Areas

School Size Location PTA charge 1 I 1 I 1 Grades I P. 1-3 P.4 P.5-7

Kibibi Umea Primary School 768 Mpigi (R) 18,000 19,000 22,000 St. Kizito Primary School 956 Mpigi (R) 39,000 48,000 73,000 Bombo Mixed Primary Schooi 748 Luwero (R) 20,550 23,550 23,550

Zirobwe UU Prirnary School 872 Luwero (R) 2,945 3.545 4,045

Munyonyo Primary School 563 Kampala (U) 52,500 43,500 43,500

Shimoni Demonsnation School 4094 Kampala (U) 96,000 1 05,000 1 05.000 Source: Data collected fiom school financial repom dunng research 1997 (See Appendix A, School Profile Questionnaire) (R)= Runl Schools (LI) = Urban schools The amounts presented in the PTA charge column represent individual not aggregate contributions. They are calcdated in local currency LJganda Shillings (Ushs).

Pnor to the publication of the White Paper, the government had made several attempts to ban PTA contributions to schools, as well as to curb the coaching syndrome. The conflict generated by these two initiatives exposed major differences among the governrnent, parents, teachers, and administrators conceming two main issues: equal access to education and the govemment's capacity to impose itself upon existing patterns of school financing and administration.

The first ban on the coaching of pupils during their spare time, imposed in April

1990, was couched in tems of a pedagogical rationale:

This (ban on coaching) is a commendable move for a number of reasons. At the outset, coaching pupils even during hoiidays robs them of the the for relaxation. Moreover, this coaching is merely purnping the children with material, which they may not have time to digest. At the end of the day, the children are wom out, thus ignonng the saying: "Al1 work and no play makes Jack a du11 boy." In the end the whole purpose of making children learn is defeated (New Vision, Apd 30, 1990: 4).

Pupils in the upper pnmary (grade 4-7)are known to work for about 65 man- hours during a six-day school week, and for about 20 hours per week during school recess. (These man-hours are computed fkom the work schedule of a pupil who attended primary 7 at Nakesero Primary school in 1989). Such are the pupils who are "intelligent enough and schooled enough" to pass the PLE with flying colors (New Vision June 18, 1990: 6-7).

However, as a part of the process of reorganizing education, the ban on coaching also explicitly addressed equity concems that arose out of the lack of standardized control over schools' financial activities:

The present education system rather than uniting oupeople and creating a genuine mutual respect and understanding among the citizenry, is sowing the seeds of disharmony and mistrust between the urban population to whom it brings financial rewards and upward mobility and the rural population to whom it brings nothing but financial min and disenchantment..... The poor pesant children who cannot undergo incessant coaching due to the fact that their impoverished parents have no money to pay for tutorials, have no chance to obtain good passes in PLE that can qualiQ them for entry into good secondary schools and beyond (Professor P. Kazenge, New Vision June 18, 1990: 7).

The views ofparents, teachers and pupils on the issue ofcoaching and goverment directives conceming PTA fees are discussed in Chapter 4. It is important to note, however, that several subsequent attempts were made both to ban coaching and abolish PTA fees. Reactions among parents, teachers, and pupils to these measures were varied, and provided insight into the tension between govemment interests and the interests of parents in education:

PTA chairmen in Jinja municipality have descnbed the directive as .*punitive," misguided and irnposed on the Education Minister, Mr. Amanya Mushega, by "anti-literacy agents."

Rev. Ioshua Kibedi Swemu, a parent and teacher, said teachers, parents and pupils in Luuka and Kagoma counties had agreed to continue with the holiday tuition to catch up with tirne lost by pupils during the music and drama competitions which were held unexpectedly this year.

We, parents, should always be consulted on matters affecting our only "investment"(students/children). One wonders why the Ministry of Education should corne out with policies which spark mass failure of pupils and students (New Vision, August 6,1994: 9).

In other areas, parents welcomed the government directive banning coaching:

This is something we have longed for. This thing called holiday coaching should be scrapped completely (New Vision August 6, 1994: 9).

The proposed changes to school financing and administration outlined in the White Paper, implied a purposeful attempt by the state to legitimize its authority over education and provide a counteweight to the power of the PTAs, in addition to proclaiming the govemment's intention to increase its contribution to primary education.

In 1991, the govemment increased its contributions to primary schools from Ushs

950 (95 cents) per pupil per year to Ushs 2,550 ($2.50) per pupil per year, fiom primary 1 to primary 3. Contributions for pupils fiom primary 4 to primary 7, were increased fiom

Ushs 1,700 ($1.70) per pupil per year to Ushs 4,000 ($4.00) per pupil per year. For the 176

financial year 1992/93,the government extended its contributions to cover 50% of the fees of al1 primary school pupils. In addition, the governent outlined extensive plans to

rehabilitate schools in 19 out of the total 45 districts (Ministry of Education 1990).

During the fhtdecade of the NRM government, despite the govemment's increased

contributions to education and its political conmitment to educational reform, it was neither

able to re-establish centralized control over school administration nor to regulate PTA

activities in the schools.

As a result, in most schools, parents continued to supplement teachers' salaries as

well as provide financial support for non-salaried staff and towards development projects.

That the PTA activities continued unabated cm be attributed to two main factors. First,

increases in govemment financing and in its administrative functions did not support policy

initiatives, for the increases did not target the area of most concem to parents and to the

schools, i.e., the teachers and their welfare. Second, there was resistance among parents,

teachers, school administrators (and even among some govemment officials) to certain

proposed changes in education that either challenged or threatened their established role in

the schools.

Endoning the consensus among parents that teachers were the key to school

effectiveness, Mr. Francis Babu, the Minister of State for Primary Education, noted that:

If teachers do not irnpart the knowledge properly, then the students will not like the subject and will eventually perform badly in examinations (New Vision August 3 1, 1996: 14). 177

In Chapter 4, the teachers' accounts of the relationship between their demands being met and theirprofessional performance were cited. However, despite the politicai rhetoric concemhg the importance of teachen both to the maintenance of educational standards and school performance, the govemment failed to respond to their demands for better salaries, for "a living wage."

Teachers

Between 1990 and 1996, the conflict between government and teachen over a "living wage" (as it becarne popularly known), resulted both in widespread demonstrations and no fewer than four strikes in different parts of the country. The conflicts were largely a result of the government's attempts to streamline financial administration in the schools by banning pnvate coaching in schools and PTA contributions.

"Patience is a Vhe, But Teachers Cannot Eat It," was a headline in the Weekly

Topic that captured teachers' grievances and hstration with the lack of governrnent response conceming both their financial plight (inciuding extended periods without pay), and their wonening working conditions. May God Help Teachers: a letter to the editor of

Monitor news paper in August 1996 captures the hstration felt by teachers:

During the presidential elections, every candidate emphasized education and teachers, a fact that proves that education is the foundation of development. The winner, and now president, in his manifesto said he was going to reduce the cost of education by paying teachea well. We waited for the budget to hear what a salary for a teacher would be. On budget day, 1 tumed on the radio to hear the good news. The Minister of Finance, started talkuig about education .... with immediate effect, PTAs are abolished. Minimum salary for a teacher will be 72,000. 1 turned off the radio as soon as 1heard that. The teacher who is to get 72,000 per month has to pay graduated tax of 80,000 a year. This meant that for the first three months of the year, this person would get 72,000, less 20,000! in a parody on the obituary messages often posted in national newspapers, the next teacher iaments the passing away of the PTA:

In Loving Memory of PTA: This letter is in loving mernory of Parent Teachers' Association (PTA) fund who died on June 15 1996. It is now two months since you were mercilessly murdered. We remember your mercy of more than ten years. It's a pity your untimely death came at a time before yow heir Living Wage is mature.

Fondly remembered by: Your chairman and head teachers who used to be in charge of you; teachers, whom you used to visit once a month; parents who always looked for every term; pupils whose teachers came to class because of you; fiiends and in-laws @rissa Mawanda, Ahmadinua Primary School- The Monitor, Friday August 16, 1996: 4).

Ostensibly, teachers were the principal beneficiaries of the PTA Fund. As such, their reactions to the ban were to be expected. However, criticisrn and defiance of the governrnent ban of PTAs were not confined to teachers. In many schools, school administrators, with the help of parents, defied the ban on the grounds that it was disruptive to ongoing school projects and to the overall hctioning of schools:

At St. Joseph's Girls Primary school, Nsarnbya, in Kampala, parents and teachers unanimously resolved to continue paying the PTA fee, as governrnent cornes up with an agreeable policy on funding schools. The PTA chairman appealed to parents not to listen to politicians "Whojust talk for the sake of it" (New Vision, August 28, 1996: 11).

In another school, the head teacher resolved that, until such time as the MoE came out with clear guideluies about the PTA fee, his school wodd continue to collect it. He argued that the cancellation of the fund was a threat to important ongoing projects, such as providing adequate sanitation facilities, without which the health of pupils and staff was at nsk, (New

Vision, August 10, 1996: 14). In other schools, the defiance of the MoE directive was

subtler, but just as effective, as was noted by a parent in a letter to the press. The parent claimed that the admission process in many schools gave head teachers ample oppominity

to exercise their discretion with regard to PTA fees, enabling them to circumvent govemment

Admission foms (to the school) included the PTA fee. A parent who pointed out this anornaly to the headrnaster was informed that he was fiee to leave that admission letter and to collect the other one with the Minister's instruction about PTA fees ...The poor man had to admit defeat and comply with the powers that be ( New Vision, Apnl 8,1994: 5).

According to the govemment, unequal sources for fuiancing education through PTAs, as well

as diverse systems of school administration, were largely responsible for the unequal access

to education, and for broadening other social inequalities. According to this argument, PTA

practices, particularly those hvolving resource mobilization, promoted differences. The

argument followed that in a society in which social inequalities are deeply rooted, the

inordinate influence of educated and well-off individuals over less well educated and poorer

individuals would likely widen the gap between the two groups (Museveni 1996; Muhwezi

A counter argument in defense of PTAs would be bat the differences identified by

the government were not new. They were neither the creation of PTAS nor a by-product of

PTA practices. Biases in the educational system concerning regionai, durban,and social 180 differences have been well documented (Welbourn 1965; Senteza-Kajubi 1997; Mudoola

1993; Mamdani 1976; Apter 1997). Differential access to education between the haves and the have nots (arnong and within regions, discrepancies in the ethnic composition of the educated elite, and niral and urban differences in school performance) are enduring realities that mirror the character of Ugandan society.

These arguments notwithstanding, the implementation of'üE'E focused on those areas in which PTAs were mainly involved, narnely, the financing and administration of education. As discussed in Chapten 3 and 4, over time the role of PTAs in schools has moved beyond mobilizing funds. PTAs have corne to represent parents' desire for a particular type of education, and their desire to contribute to it.

5.3 The Implementation of UPE

The implementation of the UPE initiative involved the dismantling of existing systems of financing and administenng education, and their replacement by other structures

(Senteza-Kajubi 1997).

While important elements of educational financing and administration were discussed in Chaptea 3 and 4, for the purpose of the present discussion they warrant reiterating for comparative purposes. 5.3.1 Pre-UPE : Primary Education Finance

In 1989 it was reliably estimated that between 80% and 90% of the recurrent costs of minggovemment schools was being met by PTAs (World Bank 1993; Senteza-Kajubi

1997; Mpanga 1994). The results of the Tracking Study's 1995 survey of approximately 300 schools revealed that the per student cost of operating a school was Ushs 29,500 (US$

29.50), of which Ushs 13,500 (US$13.50)was from the govemment, and Ushs 16,100 (US$

16.10) from parents, the latter mostly in the fom of PTA contributions.

Obtaining figures on school expenditures that corresponded to real expenditures made by the schools was difficult, as was indicated in the rnethodology section of the introduction. However, in discussions with parents, teachers, and administrators, the respondents estimated that parents' financial contributions were much higher than the governent had estimated. They also argued that in-kind contributions and labor were difficult to track and were therefore not usually included in official figures and estimates.

The headrnaster of Kakooge Umea (Luwero district), for example, argued that parents who could not pay the "building fee" sometimes offered to contribute labor or aspecified building item in addition to paying the PTA charges. Furthemore, PTAs helped to top up the teachen' salaries. In 1990, the monthly salary of a primary school teacher was Ushs 2,000

(US$Z.OO) per rnonth. With the help of PTA contributions, many schools in Kampala were paying a prirnary school teacher upward of Ushs 30,000 (US$30.00).

Parents' financial contributions to schools inevitably brought about subtle changes in school administration that resulted fiom the parents' changed role and influence in the 182 school hierarchy. Mutesasira, for example, argues that the existence of PTAs alongside

SMCs sometimes resulted in a confiict of interest largely because of the increasing overlap in their functions and power within the school administration. However, he maintained that the balance of power in schools was in favor of the PTAs because their legitimacy derived from the parents (1995).

5.3.2 Pre-UPE: Primary Education Administration

In pnnciple, the administrative structure within the schools remained unchanged, with

School Management Cornmittees (SMCs)at the top of the hierarchy of school decision making. In practice, however, the substantial contribution of parents to the recurrent expenditure in schools continued to alter the locus of decision making power in Favor of

PTAs, giving them considerable power of action, as well as autonorny from central government control.

Two cases illustrate the power struggle in schools between govemment and the

PTAs. In 1993, the PTA Executive cornmittee in Buddo Junior School usurped the powers of the SMC over the govemment transfer of the headmaster. Parents argued that, as the main financial contributors to the school, they could exercise a nght over who should head the school (District Inspecter of Schools (DIS)- Mpigi 1997). in a similar incident, the PTA of

Nakasero Primary School in Kampala defied the School Management Comrnittee over its decision to transfer the headmaster in 1995. The matter was resolved only when the MoE intewened, but not without a protracted period of mutual recrimination and accusation (New Vision, May 7, 1995: 1-2).

The introduction of UPE was supposed to resolve some of the problems that had been outlined by the increase in govemment control over educational policy, financing, and administration channeled through the SMC. The following section outlines the main elements in the re-organization of educational financing and administration.

5.3.3 UPE: Financing

The UPE initiative signaled a change in the allocation of costs and responsibilities for primary education to the govemment and parents. Responsibilities were divided arnong central and local govemments, parents, and non-state institutions. Under the tems of the

üPE initiative, the govemment was committed to provide:

. Tuition fees for up to four children per farnily, a Lnstructional materials in the form of textbooks, a Construction of basic physical facilities in the form of classrooms, laboratorîes, libraries, and teachers houses, Teacher training, and Teachers' sa1 aries.

The government cornmitment to providing tuition for the four children per family covered tuition at the following rates:

Ushs, 5,000 ($5.00), per pupil per annurn for classes primary 1 to prirnary 3

(P 1 to P3), and Ushs 8,100 ($8.1 O), per pupil per annum for classes primary

To finance the UPE scheme, the government raised the budget for primary education substantially. In 1994/95, government expenditure on primary education was Ushs 5 1.6 184 billion. An increase of 30% in 1995196 brought the budget for primary education to Ushs

9 1.6 billion. For the year 1996/97,government expenditure on primary education increased to Ushs 177 billion, and the govemment cornmitted itself to increasing that figure by 2 1% for the 1998/99 fiscal year (Ministry of Education 1998). In addition, capitation grants at an average of Ushs 3.4 billion per month were disbursed to schools through the district offices for the implementation of the program.

In addition to govemment sources of expenditure, UPE reforms received substantial financial support from numerous funding agencies. As stakeholders and partners in the quest to achieve universal primary education. funding agencies have provided extensive financial and technical assistance to the UPE initiative, ranging from hundreds of millions of dollars in budget and project support, to much less visible, more focused technical assistance in developing appropriate teacher training modules, or school sanitation facilities. Initial donor support was principally f5om the World Bank and United States Agency for international

Development (USAID). The funds from the two organizations were channeled through two

major projects, Primary Education and Teacher Development (TDMS), and Support for

Primary Education Reform (SUPER). The funds were specially earmarked to support the

following functions: reviews of the pnmary school curriculum and of ,

infrastructure rehabilitation of classroorns and teacher training colleges, and improvement

of school management committees. In addition, UNICEF was supporting a development

launched by the MoE of the Complementary Opportunity for Primary Education (COPE)

project, which was aimed at improving access to basic education, either through the formal 185 school system or through altemative cornp lementary education prograrns (Odada 1996;

Ministxy of Education Planning Unit 1997).

Donor support of the UPE initiative that was almost entirely political in its aims and virtually unplanned may seem at odds with donon' interest in decenhalization, local participation, and democratization. However, donor support could be explained by their interest in backing a govemment whose overall economic policies they approved.

Furthermore, there was a widely held view within the donor community that UPE was a positive move on the part of the government towards realizing the intemationally agreed target of Universal Primary Education (UPE)by the year 2015. Thus, LJPE provided donon with the opportunity to assist the government in its cornmitment to UPE particularly in light of importance attached to UPE as a comerstone of the government's wider strategy for poverty eradication. In the words of Anupama Rao Singh, Chief of Basic Education, Child

Care and Adolescent Development (BECCAD)in UNICEF (Uganda):

Funding agencies will not - or at least should not- assume responsibilities that tightfûlly belong to govemment agencies or local commUNties. However, it is UNICEF's responsibility to assist you [govemrnent] to execute your responsibilities to educate your children. And its is our particular mandate to ensure that Uganda is enabled to fulfil its cornmitment as a signatory to the Jomtien Dedaration and the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1998).

5.3.4 UPE: Administration

In order to meet the new demands and expanded functions, the government reorganized education administration at the national and local levels, starting with the structure of the MoE itself. At the national level, it established a separate portfolio for 186

Pnmary Education, with the minister in charge of primary education assuming responsibility for the implementation and monitoring of UPE. In addition, the newly formed Inspectorate of Standards was made responsible for a national appraisal of standards throughout the country and, in that capacity, was required to consult with local school inspectors.

Within the schools themselves, the administrative structure remained the sarne, except for the introduction of management cornmittees, which were expected to fiction as the main decision making organs for implementing govemment policies. In rural schools,

PTAs were stripped of their financial role and were re-directed to their previous role as school weifare associations. In the urban areas, under pressure from urban parents and school administrators who argued for the indispensability of PTA fees both for effective teaching and the daily running of schools, the ban against the collection by PTAs was reversed. However, lifting the ban on PTAs in urban areas was conditional: PTA fees would need to meet govemment approval and follow a set of govemment guidelines.

Changes in the financing and administration of education under the new policy initiatives had a direct impact on parent participation in the schools because the changes undermined the PTAs' raison d'être. Originally, the principal role of PTAs in the schools was to collect funds, to draw up and impiement school development plans, and to supplement teachers' salaries (Econornic Policy Research Centre 1996;Odada 1996;Senteza-

Kajubi 1997). However, as was discussed in Chapters 3 and 4, an unintended consequence of encouraging parents' £hancial participation in schools was that it gave them a voice to articulate certain interests and needs in education that did not necessarily coincide with 187 national interests. It is thus important to examine how changes to school financing and administration affected the practice of parent participation in schools.

5.3.5 UPE: Parent Participation

The role played by PTAs in schools relied on the participation in education both of parents and religious bodies. Thus, the govemrnent had to address the power of parents in schools. Financial contributions fiom parents and religious bodies towards recurrent and capital expendinires in schools had gained, over time, an almost institutionalized stability, altering the role and power of' the two groups. As discussed in Chapter 4, an important consequence of the parents' financial stake in schools had been to change the nature and

intensity of their influence at the school level.

The attitude of parents was largely influenced by the importance they attached both

to school standards and to the performance of children in the PLE as a measure of a 'quality'

education. Their preoccupation with results-oriented school performance suggests that the

parents' interest in education was dnven prharily by self-interest. When parents were

asked, in discussions, to rank why education was important, al1 parents replied that

education, fint and foremost, was important for the child's Future. Other reasons cited

included the importance of education to the parents, and to the comunity, and, finally to

the country. These responses were consistent with the findings of the Baseline Study by

Carasco et. ai. (1996), which identified the willingness of parents to participate, both

financially and matenally, in their children's education. Moreover, the responses of my respondents may also explain why parents have continued to resist the government's ban on private coaching in schools. Parents in urban areas, for example, still pay anywhere fiom

Ushs 5,000 to 40,000 per child per week ($5.00 - $40.00), depending on the number of private classes attended. The amount also varies according to the particular grade of the pupil, that is whether the pupil is a PLE candidate or in a lower grade.

The majonty of parents who filled out the questionnaire clairned that they currently spend between 50% and 70% of their incomes on education. Stagnating or even falling household income levels would surely suggest that parents would welcome the opportunity tu avoid having to spend such a large proportion of household income on education.

However, discussions with the parents revealed that the majority was willing to pay for a quality education that would increase their chilchen's educational and occupational chances.

As discussed in Chapters 3 and 4, most parents regarded their financial contributions as helping to ensure good results in the increasingly competitive examinations in which "first world schools" set the standard that "third world schools" j8 were expected to achieve. Al1 of the parents interviewed commended the government for having inaoduced UPE.

However, they expressed concems over the likely impact of UPE reforms on "standards,"

especially in the absence of the PTA contributions that had helped to boost teacher morale

II 'Thrd World School' is a term generally used among teachm and administrators to distinguish be~een'developed' schools, those which have educational and recreational facilities, and 'underdeveloped' schools which are overcrowded, understaffed, and acutely lacking in scholastic materials and the most basic facilities. The argument is that when it cornes to competing for marks in the Primary LeaWig Examinations (PLE), the two types of schools are unevdy rnatched. See for example, Special Report on Schools, "Where jiggers, not teachers are the mastm in a school," The Monitor, September 2-4, 1996:3. 189 in the "third world" schools (located mainly in the mal areas), which needed them the most.

The consensus arnong parents was that they would do whatever it took to ensure that their children received the type of education that would, as one parent put it, "pull them through

[li fe] ."

The formal restructuring of educational financing and administration had been endoned by government policy. However, based on the concems voiced by parents, it was premature to mess how f' the formal changes had been ûanslated into real changes in the financing and administration of education at the local level. nie following section includes a discussion concerning reactions to the two aims of UPE reforms: equalizing access to education and promoting social equity.

5.4 Reactions to UPE

The introduction of UPE gave nse to diverse reactions concerning both the concept of equality of access and the objectives of UPE.

In 1997, MuhweP, the minister in charge of primary education, pointed out that the impetus behind UPE was to expand the educational base (August 22, 1997). While the govemment recognized the need to provide quality education, its primary objective was to accelerate enrollment rates. Muhwezi argued that quantitative advances were an important first step towards the ultimate goal ofeliminating disparities in the development of education

(1997). The Minister of State for Education, Captain Francis Babu, elaborated on what, in the govemment's view, constituted equal access. According to Captain Babu, equal access 190 to education meant the democratization of education: making basic education accessible and equitable in order to eliminate disparities and inequalities (Interview. Thursday, July 3 1,

1997).

Much earlier, Avoseh had argued, in the same vein, that UPE had the potential to improve the chances of members of certain strata to gain access to the occupational and political roles from which they previously had been excluded (1980). He qualified this statement, however, by noting that the revolutionary potential of UPE could only be realized under conditions that supported a broader definition of education. Policies that were limited to relatively minor changes that focused on improving the effciency of an existing system, rather than on drastically transforming it, succeeded only in reinforcing the conservative role of education. For UPE to promote the types of social changes envisaged required both an enabling political environment and a set of economic and social reforms targeted at the most vulnerable groups.

According to Avoseh, in most UPE cases, serious financial and human resource constraints controlled the capacity of govemrnents to make far-reaching reforms. Avoseh also attributed UPE's failure to bring about fundamental social change both to the nature of education and to the social and political structures that supported it. In practice, he argued that without a complete restmcturing of educational systems, education on its own tended not only to strengthen the existing structure of education and society, but to exacerbate the worst features of both (1973) 191

Bray suggests that the conservative role of education in maintaining existing social structures is most likely ro exist in countries in which previous educational oppomuiities had been limited, particularly if the development of education had been closely linked to certain social structures, of which religion and 'class' were the most influential(1992).

There were exceptions, as the example of Tanzania illustrates, in which the universalization of primary education had the primary objective of supporting a political and econornic revolution. Thus, in addition to educational expansion, both the official and

'hidden' school cumcula were designed to provoke social consciousness arnong students and, notably, schoo 1-leavers.

Variable success among Afncan countries in implementing üPE has been attributed to the degree to which political systems supported the participation of different interests in the reform process. An example of a successfûlly implemented UPE policy is in Botswana.

Botswana's success is attributed to a strong element of partnership linking the state, parents, teachers, and other stakeholders in education (Bigala and Moorad 1998). Furthemore, Sarah

Graham-Brown argues that democracy in society makes partnerships more feasible in education, whereas the question of democracy in education is closely related to a broader question of the relationship between govemment and society (Graham-Brown 1991).

Recent national political reforrns in Uganda that are supportive of popular participation in decision making have provided the enabling environment, alluded to by

Graham-Brown, in which UPE is most likely to thrive. In education, however, the unequal relationship evident in the hierarchical structures and implementation processes between 192 state and society could adversely affect the explicitly social and political purpose of UPE reforms. Teachee and administrators were of the view that UPE was counterproductive to the exercise of participation, arguing that, in many schools, the introduction of UPE had curbed parent participation, undemined personal initiative and creativity, and weakened the cooperative spirit of collective action essential to meeting educational needs.

The question posed at the end of Chapter 4 is equally applicable in the present context: Can the state strengthen its administrative control over education and also preserve and extend local participation? Implicit in this question is the tension between political and educational objectives. The tension, which presents yet another strong challenge to UPE as an instrument of social change, also challenges the participatory ideas of the MW goveniment.

The following section examines the main concems surrounding LJPE as voiced by parents, teachea, and administrators. It highlights the tensions that arose at different levels of the policy hmework and identifies the principal sources of resistance to the refoms.

5.4.1 Equal Access to Education

As a concept in education, "equality of access" can be problematic. Farrell argues that focusing on improvement in physical access to schools or expansion through higher enrollment rates is too narrow a definition of access which, in his view, encompasses other forms of equaiity. Similarly, Bray argues that quantitative gains rnay mask qualitative variations and may end up hindering rather than promoting balance in the system (Bray 1986).

Farrell suggests that a broader interpretation of equality of access is consistent with three rneasures of equaiity: equality of access, equality of survival, and equality of achievement. "Access" refers to the probability that children from different social groups would gain entry into the school system. "SuMval" refers to the probability that children fiom various social groups would remain in schools up to a defined level, usually the end of a cycle (whetherprimary, secondary, or higher). "Achievement" refers to the probability that children from various social groups would leam the sarne things up to the same level at any defined point in the school system (Farrell 1982).

According to Captain Babu, the Minister of State for Education. "the impact of UPE has been large and positive in ternis of access - with a growth of nearly 100% in primary enrollment in the last year." Captain Babu, nevertheless, noted that "regional and gender disparities pesist" (Babu 1999). Thus, while expanding access to schooling is important for addressing obvious signs of educational inequality, it is not a safeguard against other foms of educational inequality. Similarly, "getting the numben right" (Muhwezi 1997). does not reveal what happens in the school setting once the numben have been achieved, and how the increase may impact on equality issues. Therefore, it cannot be presumed that numerical expansion will serve to reduce regional, urban-nual, andor male-female imbalances in the system.

It is worth noting that Babu expressed uncertainty with respect to outcomes. He explained that while the objectives of UPE were clear, "it is important to understand that it 194 is hard to get to a destination when your map does not accurately represent the details of the temtory you are to traverse" (Babu 1999). Professor Nsibambi (a former Minister of

Education) echoed the uncertainty concerning UPE outcomes implicit in Babu's comment.

He noted that the irnplementation of UPE was "like attempting to swim from the deep end to the shallow end," and the question was how govemment could best navigate its way through a difficult situation (1999). The ad hoc approach to UPE reforms was not peculiar to Uganda. In his study on Nigeria, Abemethy argued that a political current ofien carries drarnatic UPE schemes, while the details of translating UPE initiatives from a paper pledge to reality are worked out later in the coune of implementation (1969). In the case ofuganda, the ad hoc approach to UPE is particularly pertinent to this discussion. because the lack of detail in the 'map' to the UPE destination has led to divergent expectations among the various stakeholders.

As discussed in Chapters 3 and 4, the attitudes and expectations of parents, teachers, and school administrators were shaped by their past expenences in organizing themselves around education to meet the demands of an increasingly cornpetitive educational system.

In the 1970s and early 1980s, parents' interests and expectations shaped educational development, and the educational system ceased to represent soiely govenunent interests in education.

As discussed elsewhere in this chapter, parents' concern fint and foremost was with the quality of education, insofar as this affected their children's friture job prospects.

Accordhg to Mrs. Mpanga, nom the perspective of parents, getting ahead meant providing 195 children with an education that was ideally suited to "white collar jobs, but not to those that would 'soil' their hands" (1994: 60). Parents' financial contributions to schooling were geared toward meeting these expectations, and the quality of education was measured by the degree to which their expectations were met. Thus, tensions between the government's and public's interpretations of equality of access to education stem fiom the issue of whose interests are being met by UPE.-

On the one hand, the govemment was concerned pnmarily with the quantitative expansion of education as measured by expanded access, and only secondarily with quality considerations. Hence, the govemment's focus was on the supply end of the UPE SC heme, as expressed through its increased expenditures on physical structures, on teacher training, and on books and supplies. Other stakeholden (parents, teachers and religious bodies) were largely concemed with the quality of education and, as a result, the potential impact of the rapid expansion on educational standards. AH groups agreed that access to education, narrowly defined as the opportunity for previously marginalized groups to enter school, was important to the overall development of the country. In the discussions, however, participants argued that they were concerned about how the system of education actually operates, not on how it ought to operate or how it rnight operate at some point in the future.

They felt that since the educational system was highly cornpetitive and mentocractic, one would therefore expect that quality and competitiveness should be the main priority of any new policy. Discussions with the head teachers of two of the country's best performing schools, measured by their PLE results over the last two years, helped place the above discussion in context.

The two schools - Kampala Parents School (a pnvate school) and Buganda Road

Primary School (a govement-aided school) - differ both in their resources and markets.

Despite these differences, however, the head teachers of both schools attributed their performance success to the same factors. The headmaster of Kampala Parents School and the headmistress of Buganda Road Primary School both maintained that high performance required financial resources, sound management, and an administrative system that was both transparent and accountable. They added that an important ingredient in their success was the active participation of parents in many aspects of schooling 19.

Headrnaster Kasole (Kampala Parents) outlined the systern of administration existing in his school and the factors he considered to be the most important in the school's success.

Fint, his school administration relied heavily on close relationships among al1 people involved in the education of individuai pupils, that is, the head teacher, administrators, school board mernbers, and teachers. Second, a decentralized decision making structure within the school encouraged teachers to assume leadership roles and hands-on management.

Third, manageable class sizes allowed for individualized attention. Fourth, open and efficient channels of communication among administraton, teachen, and parents encouraged

19 Conflict betwem parents and school administration in Kampala Parents School and Aga Khan Ptimary School in 1998 suggests that pnvate schools are not immune to political problems associated with parent participation. In the case of Kampala Parents School the confiict over fees resulted in some parents taking power into their hands and setting up a new school. In the case of Aga Khan Primary School, the dismissal of Mr Afforder, the school principal, without prior consultation with parents, dtedin a prolonged period of heated contestation between parents and the school administration. 197 the efficient transmission of information. Kasole added that parent participation in the school provided positive reinforcernent to teacher morale, a healthy learning environment, and a good system of school administration. For that reason, consultation with parents concerning the acadernic and social development of individual pupils was both open and

The importance attached to parent participation noted in the discussion with the two head teachen was reinforced by the discussions held with individual parents and teachers.

While the views expressed did not provide a solution to how 'Wrd world" schools could be transforrned into "first world" schools, they do suggest links between and among participation, efficient school management. and school performance. Thus, equality of access to education, as framed within the UPE policy initiative focuses more on the supply end of education than on the demand end, a major part of which is the interests of parents.

However, as discussed in Chapter 4, what parents expect fkom education varies fiom parent to parent and fiom school to school, as does the capacity of individual parents to provide it.

5.4.2 Quality versus Quantity

By the end of 1997, there already were signs that qualitative differences were compromising both the quantitative achievements and the social goals of UPE. The proliferation of smdl private schools in urban and ruraI areas ran paralle1 to an 198 unprecedentedly high demand for entry into Kampala's top private scho~ls,'~suggesting that the confiict over quality versus quantity, as reflected in the conflict between govemrnent interests and parents interests, had remained unresolved by the introduction of UPE.

indeed, the quest for a 'quality' education as defined by parents has led to a widespread defiance of the government's ban on PTA contributions in rural schools, and of their regulation in urban schools, on the part of parents and school administraton. School administrators have resorted to various methods (in most cases, aided by parents) in order to continue charging the PTA fee.

In the majority of the twenty-four schools visited, administraton revealed, in a pre- swey screening, that they were taking advantage of a number of loopholes in the mE policy. in order to survive financially, two schools, one in Mpigi district and one in Luwero district, added a boarding component to their schools. The boarding addition enabled them to take advantage of the fact that boarding schools were exempt from the ban on PTA fees.

Moreover, the boarding school fees were used as a cover to build in additional costs.

The decision to continue charging parents a PTA fee was defended by many school administrators on the grounds that the amount of money eannarked by the government for services in schools was insufficient. The funds were used principally to continue motivating teachers, and as a way of stemming any increase in absenteeism, as teachers engaged

O Interviews and informal discussion with administrators in Kampala Parents, Aga Khan Primary schools August 12, 1997. See also, "School Profile - Kampala Parents marching to greater heights," The Monitor, March 5, 1997: 9. 199 increasingly in the popular practice of kulembeku (gathering water from many sources - moonlighting) in order to supplement their incomes. While teachers' salaries were increased under the new financial structure to Ushs 72,000 (US$72.00) from Ushs 56,000 (US$56.00) a rnonth, the arnount still fell fàr short of a living wage, which was closer to Ushs 200,000

(US$ 200.00) per month. Other expenditures included school meals, books, and school

Mture. As noted in Chapter 4, not al1 school administrators had been successhil in gaining the cooperation of parents to continue paying the PTA fee.

The outcome of this development was twofold. First, differences already evident arnong schools and between nch and poor parents were likely to be accentuated. Second, the absence of formalized structures within which fùnds were collected and accounted for left the process open to rent-seeking behavior and other compt practices.

Another concem noted by teachers related to the rapid expansion within existing school stnictures, which created in its wake such pressing problems as crarnped leaming conditions and high pupilheacher ratios. For example, in Kakooge Umea (Luwero District) and Kayindu Primary School (Kampala district), the numbers of pupils in lower classes

(primary 1-3) more than doubled following UPE. Despite a goverment guideline that stipulated a teachedpupil ratio of fi@ pupils per teacher, in Kakooge Umea, in primary 1-3, there were approximately 1 10 pupils to one teacher in each class. A significant increase in class size represented additional teaching loads for already over-stretched teachers, afYecting their ability to do their work. As one teacher commented, "... there is no leaming going on here; the only skills 1 need are those of a zookeeper.... al1 1 am doing is keeping these children in class for the time required ..."( Teacher - P 1).

The learning conditions were made worse by the lack of administrative direction within the schools, which made it difficult to establish the locus of decision making. The ambiguity surrounding government contributions and class size specifications undermined the ideal of collective action previously experienced in the schools, and contributed toward an atmosphere of mutual suspicion among parents, teachers and administrators.

A common perception among parents, teachen, and pupils that emerged from the discussions was that UPE was more likely to sharpen than to diminish differences between rural and urban schools, and beh~eendifferent population groups. Several teachers and adrninistrators argued that administrative bottlenecks and poor learning conditions that were related to the unprecedented expansion were likely to affect overall teaching standards, particularly among schools that already were ill-resourced, and that depended largely on parents' financial contributions.

According to Foster (1980) , no quantitative education campaign can ignore the quaiity of education. He argues that if quality detenorates substantially, it calls into question the value of quantitative achievements (1980). The mere mapping of school enrolhents, whether in regional, ethnic, or social terms, is of limited use in the absence of evidence conceming outcornes. An O fien-voiced charge against govemment officiais during the initial phase of UPE was that the fiture of poor people's children was being sacnficed at the expense of politics, while the 'big men' in govemment continued to send their sons and daughters to private schools. This criticism was taken up as a theme for a youth rally at the 20 1 city square in Kampala A cross-section of pupils from some of the so-called 'third worldq2 schools challenged govenunent officials to send their children to government-aided schools as a mark of their confidence in the UPE program (Focus group discussions with pupils in

1997). Students argued that far from reducing the traditional social stratification that had resulted from the uneven distribution of education, UPE in fact accentuated social di fferences.

in addition to the cnticism outlined above, three important political issues distorted interpretations of UPE objectives. The first pertained to the cornplicated issue of what constitutes a family; the second concemed the public's interpretation of "Free education," and the third involved the govemment's ban on religious fees in the schools.

What constitutes a fumiiy ?

The government's decision to tailor UPE so as to cover tuition fees for only four children per farnily generated more questions than answen. Apart from the seemingly arbitrary nurnber of four children, the UPE provision raised the following questions: Do financial factors ultimately determine whether or not children go to school? To what extent

(particularly in polygamous households) do traditional conceptions of inheritance, equal treatment of the offspnng of different wives, or questions of sibling order and gender, influence decisions concerning which of the children should be registered for fiee education?

in any event, is it fair for fathers in polygamous households to assume the responsibility for

42 See, page 195 for a definition of the term. 202 such decisions (as stated in the WEguidelines), given that women, more often than not, contribute a large percentage to household incornes? Guidelines for the registration of four children per family failed to examine these issues at the level of the household. and yet it was at that very level that decisions regarding education were made.

Free education "

The concept of "fiee education" provided yet another principle around which the govemment and parents tended to differ. During the discussions, parents claimed that their understanding of "free education" meant a full subsidy by the govemment for al1 of the four children. In rural schools, the response to UPE was thus overwhelming, for the prospect of free education galvanized parents into registenng their children for UPE. It was a shock, therefore, when parents discovered that the proportion of overall school expenses paid for by govemment was minimai when compared to other expenses. In some schools, as the case of Wampiti illustrates, parents withdrew fiom the UPE scherne. Similarly, in the fint part of the 1997 academic year, two schools in the north of Uganda opted to withdraw lrom the

UPE scheme and retunied to the govenunent the portion of govemment contributions

emarked for the four children per family. In addition, head teachers who were inte~ewed

reported a growing number of cases in which parents withdrew their children, thus causing

a slurnp in the originally recorded enrollment figures (The Monitor, August 18, 1997).

U For a discussion of parent concems over UPE financing see feature article, "4-kîds Free Schooling: Neither Free, nor Universal," The Monitor, February 17, 1997: 12; "1s UPE a populist attempt to MerNRM interests?," The Monitor, April28, 1997: 13. 203

Parents attributed at least part of the gap behveen their understanding ofUPE provisions and the government's interpretation of the policy to the distortions of both national and local politicians on the campaign trail who, it was alleged, accorded free education a high priority during the 1996 elections.

State versus Religious Bodies

The tension between the govemment and religious bodies (RC, COU,and Muslims) over the "religious fee" in schools lent yet another political dimension to discussions swounding UPE. As foundation bodies of the largest percentage of schools in the country, religious groups were pertwbed by the direction of UPE reforms. Education officers of the three religious bodies pointed out that by abolishing the religious fee (Endobolo, in the case of the RC schools; church fee, in the case of COU schools; and the mwulimu fee in the case of Muslirn schools) the govemment, in effect, was undennining their moral nght and responsibility in schools. The three officers argued that UPE threatened the quaiity of education in general, but specifically undermined the moral fiber of society by inflinging on the rights of religious organizations in schools (Father Monday 1997; Father Kasibante 1997;

Haji Rugasa 1997).

At asensitization meeting held at the Rubaga Catholic Archdiocese, Augost 22, 1997, a confrontation arose between Jim Muhwezi, the Minister in charge of primary education, and the predominantly Catholic audience (that included the representatives of the Catholic school foundation body, the Catholic Church leadership, and teachen in Catholic schools). 204

The purpose of the meeting was to highlight important issues relating to the implementation of UPE. The agenda of the meeting was supposed to include clarification on the abolition of the religious fee in schools. The questiodanswer session that followed presentations made both by the MoE oficials and the Catholic Teachers Associations arnplified the political significance of the govemment's decision to abolish the religious fee.

At this meeting, atternpts to clariw the governrnent's position on the Endobolo issue were sidelined by a more explicitly political discussion about the relationship between politics and religion as well as the claims of religious bodies on education. The Minister of education's responses to questions fiom the floor implied that the Catholic Church's political filiation with the opposition Democratic Party accounted for its opposition to the üPE reforms. The Minister accused the Catholic Church and, by implication, the Catholic constituency, of hstrating governent efforts in education:

The church, in fact, is part of the problem and not part of the solution in the implementation ofWE (Muhwezi, August 22, 1997-Catholic Archdiocese).

The gap between the govemment's objectives and the public's understanding and expectations of UPE at the local level caused a wide range of problems, some of which have been discussed in this chapter.

Conflict overthe division of power and responsibility in education was closely linked to people's expectations about education and its rewards. Concems over the perceived decline in educational standards in schools, the difficulty of absorbing a large influx of new students at various stages of Ieaming, and deteriorathg learning conditions al1 combined to polarize attitudes towards UPE. At the time of this study, the dominant view among parents, 205 teachers, and some school administrators was that UPE was neither '?miversal," nor tmly

"fkee," and, rnost importantly, it denied individuals the collective ability to improve the situation. The govemrnent's efforts to build a consensus around UPE appeared to raise more questions than answers about its capacity to meet individual expectations and aspirations.

Despite the senous concems expressed by head teachen, teachers, and parents pertaining to UPE,the resistance to the reforms was not broadly organized for two important reasons: fint, widespread resistance to the reforms would have had to be organized by the same parents who were largely responsible for spearheading parents' active involvement in schools. As discussed in chapter 3 and 4, the interests of parents in education are pnmdy based on perceptions of the individual and family benefits of education. Thus, informed parents (usually educated and financially well-off) aware of the possible consequences of educational expansion) on the quality of education opted out of the public education system.

The second reasons relates to the manner in which üPE was introduced. htroduced less than a year derthe President pledged to provide free primary education for up to four children if re-elected, UPE was the President's persona1 contract with the people. The policy was subjected to over-riding political infhence and despite a shared interest in maintaining the status quo (albeit for different reasons - financial and/or professional) the expressed view among bureaucrats and administrators was that there was no millage in organized resistance to the reforms. 5.5 Summary

UPE, presented as a fundamental human right that promised a wide range of benefits, initial1y enjo yed widespread appeal. However, the introduction of UPE in Uganda was given a much broader mandate than satisFng a basic right to education. As part of national refom, it was absorbed into a national strategy that sought to reconstmct the political and social organization of the country.

There is consensus arnong govemment, parents, and religious groups about the desirability of UPE as an educational goal. However, beyond the general agreement as to its desirability, uncertainties have arisen concerning both the specific objectives of UPE and its implementation. Confiicis have arisen over divergent interpretations of the concept of equal access, particularly when the concept becomes linked to broader political and social issues.

The different claims on the educational system, previously obscured by a centralized system of education during the 1960s, re-emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, challenging the state's capacity to define a common approach to the provision of education. Over the last decade, an increasingly open political environment has tended to boost established patterns of parent participation in education, raising important questions conceming the role of

education in political and social development as well as the capacity of a state-directed

educational initiative to equalize education and promote social equaiity.

Providing a resolution to this dilemma was not the purpose of this chapter, and any

assessrnent of the ultimate impact of UPE and the outcome of the struggle over education 207 would be premature. Instead, this chapter has attempted to document the sources of tension and conflict in education, which the introduction of UPE has brought to the fore. By identifjmg the conflicts that exist at different levels in the implementation process, as well as the sources of such conflicts, important conceptual and practical problems have been uncovered.

While the UPE policy provides an entry point for important changes in education, it also highlights conIlicts that have important politicai and educational implications. The findings also show that the degree of success of the UPE refons has been influenced by the public's evaluation of govemment cornpetence, as well as its degree of respect for state authority.

The next chapter summarizes the findings of this study and discusses some of the political and educational implications that arise. CHAPTER SIX - Conclusion and Summary of Findings

6.0 Introduction

Parent participation in Uganda sustained the schools and expanded education in the 1970s and 1980s, when al1 other supports had failed. However, the National Resistance Movement

(NRM) government which assumed power in 1986 has been concemed over persistent inequalities in access to and provision of education. This concem prompted it to carehlly scrutinize the participation of parents, especially the role they had assurned in the financing and management of pnmary education.

The NRM government gradually introduced educational reforms that were aimed both at equalizing access to education and realigning educational objectives with the MW's political goals of participation, equality, and democracy. The govemment's educational reforms, which included the introduction in 1996 of Universal Primary Education (UPE), attempted to reestablish centraiized control over education and thus reverse the trend toward the unregulated involvement of parents and non-state institutions in education. These reforms, however, ran counter to existing participatory patterns of educational financing and administration. ironically, they also ran counter to the MZM's cornmitment to institutionalizing popular participation in politics at the national and local levef.

The inherent tensions between the govemment's political goals and the objectives of its educational reforms raised an important question that is central to this study: Can the state strengthen its administrative control over education and also preserve and extend local 209 participation? This concluding chapter draws together the main issues and assumptions surroundhg parent participation in pnmary schools. The discussion of the findings relates to four central arguments: first, that parent participation in schools was based on parents' concems over (a) future job oppominities for their children, (b) the possibility of their own upward social mobility, and (c) the broader collective good; second, that by resûicting institutions (such as PTAs) through which parents, teachers, and administraton could play a role in education, the government's capacity to build a consensus around education decreased; and, third, that to succeed in its efforts to assert political control over education in order to equalize access to education, the govermnent rnust find a way to work with institutions ofparticipation. More generally, the study argues that as politics becomes more open and as the govemment seeks to establish the bais of its own legitimacy, it will have to work out a constructive relationship with increasingly institutionalized patterns of local participation.

This study shows how effective parent participation had been in the financing and management of primary education during the penod 1971 to 1997. It ahidentifies the social. political, and economic conditions that precipitated the unprecedented involvement of parents and religious bodies in the financing and management of prirnary education. At the local level, the study also reveals the collaboration among parents, teachen, and school administraton with respect to PTAs, as well as the political and educational implications of mch collaboration. More generally, the study exposes education as an arena of political action, one in which the political dilemma of parent participation plays an important role. 6.1 Participation and Equality: The Political Dilemma

The discussion in Chapter 1 of the concept of participation. both as a means and as an end in itself, reveals an important debate about its relation to equality. On the one hand, those who propose positive arguments in support of increased participation in different political contexts suggest that participation democratizes decision making, thereby enhancing the capacity of individuals and groups to realize individual and collective goals (Reimers

1996; Bray 1996). Moreover, they maintain that insofar as individuals and groups are encouraged regularly, equally, and actively, to become involved in decision making, participation can act as a political and social leveler. In sum. according to such writers, participation improves the quality of decisions and gives citizens a fuller, more human, and more aware expenence.

Such positive arguments on behalf of participation have been challenged by writers who express concern regarding the overwhelming pressure that participation may place upon fragile political institutions, thereby undermining orderly public life (Huntington 1968).

Thus, they argue that participation, rather than promoting equality, can accentuate inequality, especially in the face of unequal power relations, whether these are expressed dong religious, ethnic, gender, or class lines. Under such conditions, they argue, decision making is not inclusive, and often conforms to existing power structures that reinforce rather than resolve existing inequalities. Indeed, they insist that it is precisely because participation involves political balancing and bargainhg that it tends to favor those with more resources, whether money, education, status, or personal connections. Arguments for and against parent participation in schools also grapple with other issues relating to equality. For example, over the last two decades, there has been a significant change in the attitude of professionals and educational policy makers toward parent participation, from one of caution against parent participation toward one of strong support (Bray 1996). It is important to note however, that much of the literature concerning parent participation in education focuses on the experiences of developed countries *, and tends to link parent participation to the empowerment debate (Reimers 1997). In these studies, the debate centers on questions concerning who controls (or who ought to control) education; altematively, what kinds of outcomes should be sought. Thus, the political principle they use to justiQ parent participation is that people should have a voice in decisions that affect their interests. Finally, most of the recent literature supporting parent participation posits that giving parents a voice in decision making enhances school efficiency

(Bray 1996; Reimers 1997).

However, in Afkmcountries where, in most cases, parents' financial contributions compensate for shortfalls in public expenditures, parent participation has become a financial imperative (Maclure 1995). While Levin (1976) questions the extent to which improved educational outcomes can be attributed to increases in school budgets, this study found that the financial capacity of schools is linked to their ability to provide qualified teachers and

- .- -

U There were several developing countries, Sn Lanka and Brazil for example that have launched programs to increase the school autonomy and to prornote parent participation. In contrast to the Ugandan experience, the changes in these counties were part of national reforms in which there has been a significant and consistent decenîralization of power and administration, 212 scholastic matenals, both of which positively affect educational outcomes. Furthemore, while parent participation in Uganda may have arisen out of financial necessity, it gradually became an accepted and valued form of local collaborative action.

On the other hand, while the positive attributes of parent participation include both giving parents a voice and enhancing the mobilization of funds and resources, some authors express concem over the potential of parent participation to redistribute power. They suggested that increasing the power of parents and non-state institutions in the public school systems results in a disproportionate focus on non-inclusive individual rights and interests, thus undermining the democratic notion of education as a 'public good.' Such debates highlight the equality dilemma intrinsic to participation.

While the meaning of participation continues to be debated, the most important questions it raised in relation to this research were: Who participates? At what level do they participate? On the basis of what principle do they participate? Does participation increase or decrrase inequality? Finally, if participation results in the redistribution of power, how is such redistribution to be achieved in practice?

An attempt to answer these four questions will be made in sections 6.2 (Participation at the Local Level) and 6.3 (Participation at the National Level). The reader will note that there is some overlap between both levels. 6.2 Participation at the School Level

There are two dominant and diametrically opposed views about the value of participation.

According to one, it promotes a sense of efficacy, understanding, and responsibility without which development is difficult if not impossible (Diarnond 1994:4-9). According to the other, it raises expectations, creates disorder, and instability, whic h is detrimental to developrnent (Huntington 1968: 192).

From the discussion ofcontextual factors of parent participation in Ugandan primary

schools, one can conclude that the general assumptions made about its ments and demerits

need to be qualified. Two observations anse out of the findings of this research concerning

the theory and reality of participation as it relates to parent participation in schools. On the

one hand, the fem of cntics that participation will awaken ethnic battles is not borne out by

the level of cooperation arnong parents in schools. A commonality of interests in the quality

of education acted as a leveler, minirnizing the importance of ethnic differences.

On the other hand, as this study has revealed, class and educational differences were

accentuated by parent participation in schools. Although members of the PTA executives

are elected by al1 memben of a particular PTA, that in itself was no guarantee of the

accession to office of individuals representative of the general membership. Often PTA

executive cornmittees were local "big men" or parents with certain charactenstics, such as

education and/or material wealth. Contrary to the negative impression this might create, the

disproportionate representation of the rich and powerfbl on the executive cornmittees had its

advantages. According to headmasters and headmistresses and other knowledgeable 214 informants the nature of the leadership of a particular PTA determined its effectiveness.

6.2.1 Participation as a Political ULeveler"

Based on the findings of this study, the question ofwhether participation does or does not contribute toward equality revealed that the two opposing views were not rnutually exclusive. On the one band, the study revealed that participation fùnctioned as a social and political leveler in school settings, one that succeeded in overcoming some of the social differences that bnng conflict, such as religion, ethnicity, and hierarchical school structures that inhibit collaboration among parents, teachen, and school administraton. On the other hand, this study revealed that participation also functions as a political and social sorter in school settings, one that accentuates inequality along class and gender lines. I will fint discuss participation as a leveler.

Two important areas in which parent participation produced a leveling effect upon relations in the schools relate, first, to ethnic and religious differences and, second, to conflictual relationships among parents, teachen, and school administrators.

As noted in the discussion in Chapter 2 conceming the history of educational development in Uganda, religious and eîhnic differences have always been a source of conflict. Conditions of political uncertainty and competition for scarce resources, such as characterized the 1970s and 1980s, would ordinarily be expected to accentuate these differences. Thus, it was striking that the pooling of resources was achieved, reflecting an absence of religious and ethnic bias. This may be explained by the argument that parent 215 bodies in al1 of the schools studied aspired to a cornmon set of educational goals, and attached a great deal of importance to education and its promised rewards. These goals were both individual (improve the employment prospects of one's children) and collective (give better education to our cornmunity's children).

With respect to the leveling in the relationship among parents. teachers, and school administrators, this study found that an unintended consequence of parent participation was a signifiant increase in the relative power of parents in the schools. The need to work ioward common objectives (e.g improved school performance in the PLE and teachers' welfare) produced a collaboration among parents, teachers, and the school administratorsthat was independent of the existing hierarchy of school administration.

The discussion in Chapter 4 conceming the relationship among parents, teachers, and administrators alluded to the conflict often associated with professionalism in the schools, with teachers guarding the boundaries of their profession fiom outside interference. The findings of this study, however, reveal that in Uganda, neither teachers nor school administraton resisted parents' efforts to rescue the schools, princi pally because they depended on parents' hancial contributions to supplement teachers' salaries and improve material conditions in the schools. In short, both teachers and administrators admitted that financial considerations took precedence over any reservations they rnay have had concerning the involvement of 'nonprofessionals' in school financing and administration.

Thus, a comrnon desire for improving the school performance, in combination with the teachers' and administraton' self interests, provided the conditions for collaboration. 216

From the perspective of those writers who have cautioned against the potentially negative consequences of participation, this study showed that the increased level of parent participation posed particular problems concerning differentiated access to decision making power within schools. Even where participatory system of representation existed, in several schools (e.g. PTAs), the actual political process ofparticipation and control ofresources was uneven, suggesting that not al1 parents were equally involved in decision making affecting their interests. While the majority of parents reported being in favor of participating in the schools, some cited certain constraints, typically based on gender and social statu, that effectively determined parents' access to decision making power. Thus, while the motivation for parents to rescue the schools during the early 1970s was widespread, this study reveals that such motivation was ofien qualified by parents' individual attitudes and expectations, and by the fact that the conditions under which ihey lived and worked differed widely .

6.2.2 A Political bCSorter"

In selecting the schools in this study, rural/urban differences in the location of the schools were taken into account; also, the presence or absence of structures for participation, whether uiformal or (like PTAs) formal. However, disparities found in parent participation could not be attributed either to the location of the schooI or to the existence of structures for participation. Thus, the question of who participates and according to what principle had to be asked. 217

This study reveals that parent participation either may or may not be justified on the basis of a political principle. While most parents desired at least some degree of participation in the schools, they differed with respect to how much was enough. Moreover, they differed in terms of the issues they wished to address, as well as in their perceptions of their qualifications for dealing with such issues.

An analysis of the responses to the questionnaire indicated that the rnajority of parent respondents participated to some extent in the schools. In the focus group discussions, however, respondents distinguished among di fferent types of participation, e.g., visits to the

school to see teachen or school administraton, attendance at meetings, and active

involvement in decision making. Some parents also identified factors which, in their view,

undermined either their ability or willingness to participate. These factors included: a lack

of time; problems in communicating (both with and within the schools); and. finally,

divisions over gender, social status, and education arnong the parents.

With respect to tirne limitations, parents often indicated that other responsibilities

(e.g. jobs and family commitments) prevented them from participating more fully.

Moreover, some parents argued that while school circulars (which were the principal channel

for publicizing school activities) were usefûl sources of information on activities in the

schools, such circulars usually informed parents of decisions only after the fact. Thus, the

circulars failed either to stimulate or to invite participation. For these reasons, there appeared

to be a significant gap between the championing of the principle of participation and the type

and extent of participation that achially occurred. 218

Parents also complained about the jargon (both bureaucratic and educational) in official school reports that made it difficult for them to undentand the issues at hand.

Similarly, parents expressed misgivings about the use of English during the meetings. While school meetings were usually conducted in the vemacular (Luganda), in rural areas, school administrators reported that they were reluctant to use Luganda when not al1 parents were

Baganda. Such issues surrounding communication tended to reduce the amount of parent participation.

Still another factor diminishing parent participation was the divisiveness that often resulted 6om differences among parents with respect to gender and social status. With respect to gender differences, women tended not only to be more inhibited than men in participating, but were also under represented in decision making forums and placed in less powerful roles. Parents fiom lower socio-economic and educational strata faced the same obstacles: they were neither sought after with respect to leadership positions, nor themselves sought such positions. In some schools, women's representation on executive committees was so low as to be grossly out of proportion both to their numbers in the population and to their substantial role in financial rnobiiization. in su,this study revealed that participation in most schools tended to confom (or even accentuate) existing differences arnong men and women, poor and nch, and educated and uneducated.

It is interesting to note that many parents accepted their own economic, social, and educational inequality as a 'given.' However, they tended to agree that a good education would give their children a chance to 'move up' beyond their parents' circumstances. 219

Moreover, seeking this opportunity for their children did not imply any demand on their part for a socio-economic leveling. Neither were parents asking for participation in support of some abstract democratic principle. Also, while many parents agreed on the benefits of participation with respect to school performance and improvements in teachers welfare, such parents did not see their own direct individual participation as essential to ensunng their children's advancement. They claimed that they preferred indirect participation through selecting leaders who they felt, would represent their interests. Mer all, they argued, choosing good, hardworking, honest, and dynamic leaders was just as good as (and possibly better than) their own membenhip on PTA executive cornmittees.

Thus, the disparity between theory and reality suggests that participation is not simply about creating the oppominities for participation. Parent participation in schools was largely dependant on the constellation of power, and its location, whereby looking out for the interests of disadvantaged groups remained the supervisory function of school authonties.

6.3 Participation at the National Levei

The process of political liberalization in a country in which the vast majority of the people had become disenfianchised by consecutive political regimes presented the NRM govemment with new political and administrative options at the local Ievel. For example, political restnicninng enhanced the governrnent's legislative capacity in such areas of social reform as poverty alleviation and education. However, such increases in political openness also presented policy makers with a problem, namely, an increase in the number of diverse and often conflicting social demands upon the political system.

6.3.1 Participation and Equality

As discussed earlier, govemment concems for equal access to education had been a recurrent theme in educational policies. Moreover, until the early 1WOs, the govenunent had assurned that centrally planned and managed education would redress inherent imbalances in educational access.

However, thc governrnent's centralization of education did not succeed in resolving the issue of unequal access to education, nor did it promote its stated objective of social equality. Moreover, this study has revealed that the de-legitimization of the state as an agent of social and economic development in the 1970s was more apparent in education than in other areas. The crisis of political legitimacy underlined the limitations of the power of the state to directly shape modes of collective and individual political behavior.

Recent attempts on the part O € governrnent to refom education and to prornote equal access b y introducing Universal Pnmary Education (UPE) were significant atternpts to address some of the imbalances in education and to restore govemment legitimacy. This study revealed however, that there were important differences between and arnong governrnent, parents, teachers, and administrators as to what constituted 'an equal education.'

While it is conceivable that some groups in society (particularly the poor, those living in rural areas, young girls, and ethnic minorities) could indeed benefit fiom the control the govemment sought to exercise over education, it is highly Iikely that any such benefit would 22 1 only be short term. In the long term, pupils would most likely face other limitations, namely hancial, to their progress through the education sy~tern."~Insofar as education is brought down to its lowest common denominator, inequality in education would penist.

This study has revealed that parents continually sought for their children an education that would promise them a better future. For example, the flourishing private schools, which reflect the growing amuence of a certain segment ofthe population (particularly in Uganda's urban areas), were an indication that inequality was alive and well in education.

Furthemore, there were a growing number of private schools in rural areas in which enterprising individuals had capitalized on parents' willingness to pay for their chi ldren's education. While many of these new rural private schools share some of the characteristics of the poorer government schools (Le. few teaching matenals, poor facilities, and crowded conditions), they came into being as a result of parents' demand for a quality education. one in which they would also have a Say.

Thus, if one accepts that educational policy is a political as well as a social process, then the government ideally must respond dernocratically to the demands conceming education that originate f?om its various constituencies: parents, comrnunities, and religious bodies.

For a discussion of these limitation see, "Damned if you are smart but poor, forget Makerere University," The Monitor, August 12- 14, 2 996:3. 6.3.2 Participation and the Issue of Government Legitimacy

The relative improvement in national security, economic growth, and political decentralization in Uganda since 1986 al1 signified that there were at least democratic impulses at the national level, if not democratic rule itself. Two important assurnptions prevalent in recent literature on Uganda were: fint, that political reforms under the NRM governent were mainly responsible for the emergence of a "vibrant associational life"

(Tnpp 1998); and, second, that the expansion of political space for public engagement in decision making and political openness would encourage, legitimate. and sustain other refoms.

One consequence of the greater political openness was the ernergence of competing interests. Parents wanted their children in the kinds of schools that would ensure that they would perform well on the Primary Leaving Examination (PLE). Indeed, the govemrnent gained legitimacy in their eyes to the extent that it provided such schools (just as it iost legitimacy to the extent that it failed to provide them).

Despite some encouraging evidence of the NRM's promotion of educational expansion, many parents, school administraton, and religious bodies were quick to point out that Bona Busome (equal education for all) was far fiom having been realized. Al1 such factors highlight the important links comecting participation, equality, and govemment legitimacy.

Resistence to educationai reforms presented Merchallenges to the govemment's legitimacy in the field of education. This study has reveaied that the sustained participation 223 of parents in education preceding the post 1986 national political reforms was based on parents' expectations about the potential social and matenal rewards of education. State legitimacy in education rested ultimately upon its capacity to meet those expectations.

The discussion on the relationship between participation and equality exposed some tensions involving the govemment's control over the parameten of local organization venus the implementation of its national political goals. The findings also revealed that political decision making did not emanate solely from legislative and administrative machinery, for other forms of political activity, such as the actions ofparents, teachers, and administrators, played an important role in shaping political decisions.

The impressive practice of participation achieved by parents in schools 197 1- 1986 was pushed by local and limited motives. The literature on parent participation, as noted earlier, focused primarily on developed countries and placed parent participation as part of a broader movement for empowerment, often within the context of formal educational refoms. In Uganda, parent participation in education was not part of an organized nationwide movement, nor was it even Iegally sanctioned. It was purely localized. The political principle justifying parent participation in other national contexts was not part of

Ugandan parents' agenda. Parents' power in Uganda's schools was essentially a by-product of a complex set of circumstances and relationships that had developed over tirne; it does not readily conform to the models of parent participation found in education in other national contexts. Also, the processes involved in parent participation in the day-to-day running of the schools makes it dificult to measure precisely the effect of such participation in 224 education. The question is whether the expenence or how that experience can be built upon to create and institutionalize an active culture of political participation. Does govemrnent and do parents see the value of what has been achieved?

Changes in education, culminating in the UPE initiative, served to undercut the trend toward increased participation in the schools, both ofparents and religious bodies. Thus, the debate surrounding the direction of the refoms in education bnngs into sharp locus issues that are explicitly political: Who pays for primary education? Who benefits? What determines the outcorne? These questions continue to generate conflicts conceming the political and social objectives of education. The question, therefore, is whether the state can sirnultaneously strengthen its administrative control over education and, at the same time, extend the sphere of democratic public discussion and decision making at the national level.

6.4 Politicai and Educational Implications of the Findings

Over the last fifieen years, while much has changed in education in Uganda, much has also remained the sarne. This study has revealed that individual and national expectations of education remain hi&; also, that the inequalities that provoked repeated attempts at educational reform remain unchanged.

What has changed, however, is the role of parents in education and the renewed political cornmitment, on the part of the NRM government, to reform education in a political and economic environment that is more conducive to change. Currently, there seems to be a broad consensus that schools should promote ethnic, regional, and religious equality by 325 catering equally to al1 groups; also, that schools should provide an opportunity for access to

Mproved income and status to al1 groups and sectors. There is however, no agreement as to how these goals in education are to be realized.

Policy makers identify a danger with the continued self organization among parents in schools, narnely, that it will favor farnilies that already have advantages in education, income, and urban living. Hence, the governrnent's move against that possibility through its introduction of the UPE policy. Indeed, the established pattern of effective self organization around schooling may accentuate regional and mal-urban differences, as we tl as differences of gender and social status. Moreover, in the view of policy makers, a parent driven participatory mode1 of education that has existed since the early 1970s weakens the democratic purpose of education as a publicly provided good. This research however, did not fmd that the respondents were overly womed about the possibility that continued parent participation might increase inequality.

Among the parents, no voices were calling for schools to assume responsibility for reducing social or class inequality. The consensus arnong parents, teachers, and administrators was that bringing education standards dom to the lowest common denominator through UPE would not serve to eliminate educational inequality. The general agreement was that since the educated tend to value education more than do the uneducated, they would naturally tend to seek the type of education that best met their children's needs.

Thus, while it was argued that equal access to education (nanowly defined in terms of expanded enrollment) might, in the short term, be achieved by the UPE initiative, equal 226 access more broadly defined (so as to include access to education for the full cycle as well as access to the same education for al1 children, irrespective of gender, class, ethnicity, religion, or location) was likely to be undermined. If UPE were to transform the educational system rather than merely replicate the existing system with al1 of its inequalities, then (as parents, teachers, school administrators, and some govemment officials have argued), the govemment should not limit self-organization in schools. instead, it should hamess the spint of coll~borationand, where necessary, build into governrnent policy remedial features that would redress the educational limitations that in the past had been visited upon disadvantaged groups and/or areas.

The problem seems to be the collision of two positive tendencies: an established pattern of effective local self-organization around schooling, and an expanding govemment effort to enlarge and equalize the opportunity for schooling. The collaboration among parents, teachen, administraton, and religious bodies thrived under conditions of political and econornic uncertainty, giving parents a voice and an administrative presence previously in a centralized service. More recently, however, parents' expectations of education as a bridge to job opportunities and to upward social mobility have been given added momentum by a political environment that invites an expression of diverse interests, an environment in which, once again, education can be seen as a passport for a better life.

The findings of this research may be extrapolated beyond the present study to reveal how the issue ofparent participation can becorne a harbinger ofpolitical contlict arising fÏom the opening up of political systems where strong participation already exists, particularly in 227 an area (such as education) through which the government seeks to increase its legitimacy.

It would seem that the issue is not whether or not the benefits of participation outweigh its disadvantages. The issue is twofold: how the government can exploit to its advantage existing patterns of self organization in order to chart a new direction in education that is representative of the concems and expectations of parents and citizens -in this case parents- can hold a measure of power where the govenunent is pressing a modemization agenda while professing cornmitment to democracy.

6.5 Conclusion and Recomrnendations

This study has revealed that parent participation in schools during the penod 197 1 -

1986, was driven by parents' desire for a quality education. Political cornmitment and increases in govemment expenditure on education under the MW, have not sufficiently allayed fears among parents, teachen, and school administraton that the rapid expansion in primary schools, without the corresponding resources, is tantamount to equalizing poor standards.

The fean expressed by parents, teachers. and administraton are based on the

mismatch between educational expansion and existing resources. As discussed in this thesis, parents' motives for participahg in schools were dnven by the desire for a quality education.

If inputs into the system are used as indicators, then the fears conceming the quality of

education may be justified. The situation at the tirne of this study was that there was a

shortage of everything except pupils. Therefore, hture efforts to sustain the UPE initiative 228 must redress quality concerns that threaten to undermine the quantitative achievements. In concrete tenns this would include: the expansion of classroom facilities; an increase in the number of trained teachers; incentive structures for teachers; and an expanded role for communities; monitoring and evaluation of the UPE initiative.

The shortage of classroom space and trained teachers compromises the quality of learning in important ways. Classrooms are filled to capacity in the lower grades, particularly in the mal areas, where pupils crowd on the floor with no desks and no writing space. The quality of teaching and learning conditions have implications for the extent to which pupils to achieve the noble objectives of UPE. The shortage of trained teachers means that increase in trained teachers would help to reduce the curent high teacher pupil ratio can not be reduced, negatively impacting on the actual leaming taking place. In order to close the gap within and arnong regions in the quality of education, teachers must be provided with incentives to relocate to some of the underprivileged areas. Furthemore, although fees for up to four children are paid by government, parents and local communities continue to pay money for their children's education. As an important resource, communities could be used more efficiently in the construction and maintenance of school facilities as well as in the mobilization of resources within schools. Formaliring cornrnunity involvement through the introduction of PTA cooperatives might provide needed resources as well as quality control in schoois.

Moreover, the immediate and friture sustainability of the UPE initiative will depend on the development a monitoring and evaluation mechanism at the various levels of the 229 educational system. Constant monitoring and evaluation will enable govemment to respond to educational problems as they arise. In addition, the supervisory function by govenunent will provide a countenveight to financial mismanagement thus ensuring that UPE lives up to its objectives and serves its intended beneficiaries.

While the study focuses on Uganda, its fuidings cm be drawn upon for comparative analysis that has wider significance and policy relevance beyond Uganda. Most countries throughout Afiica are undergoing significant political and economic changes. Central to these changes is a renewed interest in the role of education in social, political. and economic development.

By focusing on education and schools as arenas of political action, this study

demonstrates the highly politicized nature of education policy. A close exarnination of the

political dimensions of education ai both the local and national level reveals the strong

persona1 and group interests that drive parent participation and that link educational politics

to broader social and political changes.

In policy tems, the study's findings illuminate both constraints and opportunities of

local foms of political action in the financing and management of education. They reveal

that the success of government policy rests not only on increasing financial contributions and

supplying teachers and classrooms, but also on meeting the demand for quality and a share

of power and responsibility. Thus, to resolve complex political issues surrounding the

participation of parents and non-state institutions in education, requires great responsiveness

on the part of policy rnakers to individuai and group interests. The degree of responsiveness 230 is revealed as much in the administrative forms through which the state chooses to carry out its role in education, as it does with the political processes of negotiation, accommodation, and agreement among parents and other key players in education. REFERENCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abemethy, David. 1969. nePoliticalDilemma ofPopulor Edtrcation. Stanford, Califomia: Stanford University Press.

AC EITEKA. 1997. Working Together in a Changing Situation: Bracing to the Challenges of Universal Primary Education (UPE)-Facts. Issues. and Questions. Association of Cathoiic Education institutions and Teachen in Kampala Archdiocese-Paper presented at a UPE Sensitization Workshop. The Catholic Archdiocese, Rubaga August 22,1997.

Adams, Don and Robert M. Bjork. 1969. Education in Developingheas. New York:David MacKay Company, Inc.

Allison. Christine. 1983. Constraints to UPE: More than a Question of Supply? International Jotrrnal of Edzrcational Development. 3 (3):263-276.

Almond, Gabriel and Sidney Verba. 1965. Civic Cultzrre: Political dtfitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Boston.

Ahond, Gabriel and James Coleman. eds. 1960. The Politics of Developing Areas. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Alrnond, G and G. Powell. 1966. Comparative Politics: A Development Approach. Boston: Little Brown.

Appleton, Simon. 1996. Education and Health in Sub-Saharan Afnca. Journal of International Development. 8 (3):3 07-3 39.

------. 1997. Leaping into the Dark: Some Reflections on Free Primary Education in Uganda. Centre for the Study of Afkican Economies, Oxford University.

Apter, David. 1995. Democracy for Uganda: A case for Cornparison. Daedalw, 124(3), Smer

------1997. The Political Kingdom of Uganda. Third Edition. London: Frank Cass.

Amove. Robert. 1995. Education as a Contested Terrain in Nicaragua. Comparative Education Review, 39(1): 28-53. Avoseh, Olusola. 1980. Educatiotial Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Cross National Longitiidinal Stzidy. Ph.D. Thesis conferred at the University of Toronto (OISE).

Azarya, Victor. 1988. Reordenng State-Society Relations: Incorporation and Disengagement. In The Precariow Balance: State and Society in Afiica. edited by Rothchild, Donald and Naomi Chazan. West view Press Inc.

Barker, Jonathan. 1999. Street-Led Democracy: Politicai Seltings ar the Margins ojGZoi>ai Power. Toronto: Beyween the Lines.

Barton, Tom and Gimono Wamai. 1994. Equity and Vulnerability: A Situation Analysis of Women,Adolescents and Children in Uganda. 1994. The Govemment O mganda and Uganda National Council for Children.

Bayart, Jean-Francois. 1986. Civil Society in Afnca. In Political Domination in Africn: Reflections on the Limits of Power, edited by Chabal. Patrick Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Barugahara, Enid. 1990. The Effectiveness of Parents-Teachers ' Association Activities in Primary Schools in Masindi District in Uganda. Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda.

Bell, Morag. 1976. Education and Mobility in Uganda. Research Paper 15, School of Geography. University of Oxford.

Benveniste, G. 1977. Bureaucracy. San Francisco: Boyd and Fraser.

Berg-Schlosser, Dirk. 1990. Political Instability andDevelopment :A comparative Analysis of Kenya. Tanzania. and Uganda. Boulder: Lynn Rienner Publishers.

Bigala, John and Fazlur R. Moorad. 1998. Universalizing Access and Promoting Equity in Education: The Botswana Case. In Ediication and Development in Afnca: A Contemporary Survey, edited by Jonathan Nwomonoh. San Francisco: International Scholars Publications.

Bogonko, S. 1992. Refectionî on Education in East Afnca. Nairobi: Oxford University Press.

Boone, Catherine. 1992. States and Ruling Classes in Atnca: The Enduring Contradictions of Power, in State Power and Social Forces,

Boyle, Patrick. 1996. Parents, Private schools, and the PoIitics of an Emerging Civil Society in Cameroon. The Journal of Modem Afiican Studies, 34(4): 602-622.

Bratton, Michael. 1989. Beyond the State: Civil Society and Associational Life in Africa. World Politics, 4l(31): 407-30.

Bray, Mark. 1 996. Counting the Full Cost: Parental and Comrnunity Financing of Education in East Asia. Washington: The World Bank.

------. 1991. Centralization Versus Decentralization in Educational Administration: Regiond Issues, Education Policy, 5(4): 37 1-385

------. 1986. If UPE is the Answer, What is the Question? A Comment on Weaknesses in the Rationale for Univenal Primary Education in Less Developed Counûies, Joztmal of Edzîcational Development, 6 (3):147- 1 58

------. 1986. Universal Primary Edtication in Nigeria: A Strrh of Kano State. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

---__-_. 1984. Universal Primary Education. Joitrnal of Modern African Studies, 2334-6.

------. 1987. Are Small Schoois the Answer: Cost-Effective Strategies for Rural School Provision. London: Commonwealth Secretariat.

Bray, Mark and Packer, Steve. 1993. Education in Small States: Concepts. Challenges. and Strategies. Oxford. England

Bray, Mark, Peter Clark, and David Stephens. 1998. Education and Nation Building. In Education and Development in Afiica: A Contemporary Survey, International Scholars PubIications, San Francisco.

Brett, E.A. 199 1. Rebuilding survival structures for the poor: organizational options for development in the 1990s. in Changing Uganda: The Dilemmas of Structural Change and Revoiutionary Change, edited by Holger, Bernt and Michael Twaddle. London: James Currey.

------. 1992. Providing for the Rural Poor: Institutional Decay and Transformation in Uganda. Reseurch Report 23. Sussex: University of Sussex-Institute O fDevelopment Studies.

--- 1996.Uganda 1987-1994. In Limits ofAdjurtment in Afrrca: The Effects of Economic Liberulization 1986-1994, edited by Engberg-Pedenen, Poul, Peter Gibbon, Phi1 Raikes and Lars Udsholt. Centre for Development Research, Copenhagen in association with James Currey, Oxford.

Bude, U. 1985. Primary Schools. Local Communities and Development in Afiica. Baden- Baden: Geman Foundation for International Development.

Burkey, 1. 199 1. People 's Power in Theory and Pracfice: The Resistence Coiincil Systeni in Uganda. Yale University.

Burke, Fred. 1964. Local Goventment and Politics in Uganda. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press.

CarascoJ., Munene, J., Kasente, D. and Mathew Odada. 1996. Factors Infuencing Effectiveness in Primary Schools: A Baseline Study. IEQ Project in Uganda - Phase 1. Kampala: Makerere University.

Camoy M, and Joel Sarnoff. 1990. Education and Social Transition in the Iltird Wdd. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Camoy, Martin, and Henry Levin. 1976. The Limits of Educational Reform. New York: David McKay.

Chabal, Patrick, ed. 1986. Political Domination in Africu: Reflections on the Limits of Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Chazan, Naomi. 1994. Engaging the State: Associational Life in Sub-Saharan Afica. in State Power and Socialforces: Domination and Transformation in the Thid Wurld, edited by Migdal, Joel S., Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Commonwealth Secretaïiat. 1980. Universal Primary Education in CommonwealthAfica: Report of a Commonwealth Regional Seminar. Lesotho, 4- 15 February 1980.

Collettta, S. 1990. Towards WE: Kenya and Rodesia, Finance and Development. 27: 27.

Commack, Paul; David Pool and William Tardoff, eds. 1988. Third World Politics: A Comparative Introduction. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.

Coleman, James, ed. 1965. Education and Political Development. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Cooksey B, David Court, and Ben Makau. 1994. Education for Self Reliance and Harambee. In Beyond Capimlism versus Capitalism in Kenya and Tanzania. edited by Joel D. Barkan. London: Lynne Riemer Publisherç.

Camoy, Martin and Henry Levin. 1976. The Limits of Educational Reform. New York: David McKay Company, Inc.

Court, David. 1974. Education, Society, and Development. Nairobi: Oxford University Press.

Court, David, and Dhram P. Ghai. 1974. Education. Sociew and Development: New Perspectivesfrom Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya: Oxford University Press.

Court, David and Kinyanjui Kiberu. 1980. Development Policy and Educational Oppornuiity: The Expenence of Kenya and Tanzania. Occasional Papers 33. Nairobi, Kenya: Institute of Development Studies, University of Nairobi.

Cespo, Mera. 1985. Universal pnmary : Problems and Implication, African Studies Review, 26 (Marc h) : 9 1- 106.

Decentralization Secretariat. 1995. Decentralization in Uganda: Poprilar version of ihe Local Governments (Resistance Councils) Statute. 1993. Kampala. Uganda: Decentralization Secretariat.

Democratic Party (Uganda). 1962. Fonvard to Freedom: Manifsto of the Democratic Parp. Kampala, Uganda: D.L. Patel.

Diamond, Larry. 1994. Toward Democratic Consolidation, Journal of Democracy, 5:3.

D'Oyley, Vincent, Blunt, A. and Ray Banhardt, eds. 1994. Education and Development: Lessons from the Third World. Calgary, Alberta, Canada: Detseling Enterprises Ltd.

Doudo, C. 1993. Generals who Steal Our Freedom. The Observer, June 27, 1993.

Economic Policy Research Centre. 1996. Tracking of Public Expenditure on Primas. Education and Primas, Health. Kampala: Makerere University Campus.

Education Planning Unit. 1996. Uganda Primary Education Reform Program, Mid-term Review. Ministry of Education: Revised Aide Memoire.

-. 1997. Govemment Estimates of Expendihire on Education in Uganda 1994-96. Discussion Paper. Kampala: Ministry of Education ------. 1996. Education Sector Strategy. Kampala. Ministry of Education.

------. 1997. Technical Note on Utilization of Funds for Initiatives on Prirnary Education

------. 1996.Gender and Basic Education in Uganda. Kampala: Ministry of Education

Elmore, Richard J. 1990. Introduction. Ln Restrcturing Schools: The Ney? Generation of Educational Reform. edited by Richard Ehore and Associates. San Francisco: Iossey Bass. 125-5 1.

Farrell, Joseph. 1982. Educational Expansion and the Drive for Social Equality. In Comparative Education, edited by Altbach, Robert, F Arnove, and Gai1 P. Kelly. New York: Macmillan.

Fatton, D. 1992. Predatoty Rule and Civil Society in Africu. Boulder, C.O. and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers.

Fenr, G . 1977. Participation and Education in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Cultural Co- operation, Council of Europe.

Finer, S.E. 1972. Groups and Political Participation. in Participation in Poiitics, edited by Geraint Parry. Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Foster, Philip. 1980. Education and Social Inequality in Sub-Saharan Afiica. Journal of Modern Afiican Studies, 18(2) : 20 1-23 6.

Fox, Jonathan. 1995. Local Goventance and Citizen Participation: Social Capital Formation and Enabling Policy Environments. International Workshop on Local Governance. Washington, DC.

Furley, Oliver. 1989. Towards a Stable Peace in Uganda: Conclusions and Recommendations. In Conflict Resolution in Uganda, edited by Rupesinghe, Kumar. Oslo: International Peace Research Institute.

Garvey, Bnan. 1996. Education and the State in Uganda. Jozimal of Educational Administration and History, 28(1): 59-69.

Gertzel, Cherry. 1988. The Politics of Uneven Development: The Case of Obote's Uganda. The Filanders University of South Australia. Discussion Paper 20. Suly 1988.

Gibbon, P. ed. 1993. Social Change and Economic Refonn in Afnca. Hango Tryckeri, Fidand: The Scandinavian Institute of Mcan Studies, Goldthorpe, J.E. 1965. An African Elite: Makerere College Students 1922- 1960. East African Studies, 12. Nairobi.

Gould, W.T.S. 1993. People and Education in the Third World. New York: Longman Scientific and Technical.

Graham-Brown. Sarah. 199 1. Education in the Developing World: Conflict and Crisis. U.FL;ongman Group.

Grindle, M. 1996. Challenging the State: Crisis and Innovation in Latin America and Africa. Cambridge University Press.

Gukina, Peter. 1972. Uganda: A CaseStudy in Afncan PoliticalDevelopment. Notre Dame: Notre Darne University.

Hanson, Holger and Michael Twaddle. eds. 1998. Developing Uganda. James Currey, Oxford.

-*------1991. Changing Uganda: The Dilemmas of Stmcturol Change and Revoltctionav Change. London: James Currey.

----Te-- .1988. Uganda Now. Oxford: James Currey.

Harber, Clive. 1997. Education. Democracy. and Political Development in Afrca. Brighton: Sussex Acaderny Press.

Harvey, Charles and Mark Robinson. 1995. Economic Reform and Political Liberalization in Uganda. Insfifuteof DeveIopment Studies, Research Report 29, Brighton.

Havelock, R.G and Huberman, A.M . 1977. Solving Educational Problem: ïZe Planning and the Realiîy of Innovation in Developing Countries. Paris: UNESCO.

Held, David. 1987. Models of Democracy. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Heyneman, Stephen. 1983. Education During a Penod of Austerity: Uganda, 1971-1 983. Comparative Education Review. 27(3): 403-41 3.

--a--- . 1976. A Bnef note on the relationship between socio-economic status and Tests Performance Among Ugandan Trimary School Children. Comparative Education Review, 42-47. ---- . 1995. Good Educational Governance: An Arnencan Export. The American School Board Journal, 16.

------. 1991. Student Learning in Uganda: textbook availability and other factors. Comparative Education Review, 24(2):206-20

Hinchcliffe, K. 1993. Neo-liberal Prescriptions for Educational Finance: Unfortunately Necessary or Inherently Desirable? Iliiermzliotial Jocmd of &ducdonul Development. 13 (2).

Hunt, Paul. 1985. Decentrakation: Panacea or Red Herring? In me Control of Education: International Perspectives on the Centralization-Decentralization Debate. edited by Jon Lauglo and Matin Maclean. London: Heinemann Educational Books.

Holger, ed. 1995. From Chaos to Order: The Politics of Constifution-makiin Uganda. Kampala: Fountain Publishers.

Hooper, Ed. and Louise Pirouet, eds. 1989. Uganda. London: Murray House.

Huntington. S. 1968. Political Order in Changing Socieries. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Hyden, G. 1983. No Short Cuts to Progress: African Development Management in Perspective. Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

Ipe, S.O. 1988. Community Financing of Schools in Eastern Nigeria. In Commrinity Financing of Educu tion :Issues and Policy implications in Less developed Co un tries, edited by Mark Bray and Kevin Lillis. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

Inkeles, A. 1969. Making Men Modem. Anierican Journal of Sociology. 75: 208-25.

-----a- . 1969. Participant Citizenship in six Developing Countries. Arnerican Political Science Review, 43 :1 1 22-3 3.

---- . 1973. The School as a Context for Modemization. International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 14: 1 63- 179.

Jackson, Robert H., and Car1 G. Rosberg. 1986. Sovereignty and Underdevelopment: Suridical Statehood in the Afiican Cnsis. Journal ofModern Afican Sîudies, 24 (1): 1-31.

. 19 82. Personal Rule in Black Afica: Prince, Autocrat, Prophet, Tyrunt. Berkeley: University of Califomia Press.

Jarnal, V. 1988. Coping Under Crisis in Uganda, International Labour Review, 127 (6):679- 701.

Jolly, Richard. 1969. Planning Educatioii for African Development: Econornic and Manpower Perspecrzves. Nairobi: East Atnca Publishing House. lorgensen, Jan. 198 1. Uganda: A Modern History. New York.: St. Martin Press.

Kakande, M, and Nalwadda, R. 1993. A report on a Study of Factors Infiuencing Access to and Attendance of Primary Education in Uganda, MoFEP/PAPSCA.

Kakande, M, and JO hn Mackinnon. 1996. An Annotatedinventory of Policies and Initiatives Relevant to Poverty Reduction in Uganda. Mimeo

Kalstrom, M. 1996. Imagining Democracy: Political Culture and Democratisation in Buganda. Africa. 66 (4): 485-505.

Kamgire, SarnwirÎ R. 1988. The Ruors of Instability in Uganda. Kampala: New Vision Printing and Publishing Corporation

Kanihije, Eric. (Undated). Minimum StandurdF in an Average Primary School for Qtîality Education in Uganda. Commissioner for Education Inspectorate. Kampala: Ministry of Education .

Kasibante, I.F. 1996. Caihoiic Private Schools. Kampala, Uganda.

Kas& N. 1974. Departicipation and Political Development in Black Afiican Politics. Sttrdies in Comparative International Developmen t, 9 (3). ------. 1991. The Uganda Elections of 1989: Power, Populism and Democratisation. In Changing Uganda, edited by Hansen H.B. and Michael Twaddle. London: James C urrey . ------. 1976. The Shrinking of the Political Areno: Participation and Ethnicity in Afncan Politics. with a case srudy in Uganda. Berkeley: University of Califomia Press.

-- . 1983. "Intmduction: State and Class in eca," Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 2 1 (2): 4. Khadi agala, G. 1995. State Collapse and Reconstruction in Uganda. In Collapsed States: The Disi~itegrationand Restoration of Legitimate Atithority, edited by William Zartman. Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishen, Inc.

Kinyanjui, Kabiru. 1994. African Education: Dilemmas, Challenges and Opportunities. In African Perspectives on Development, edited by Himmelstrand, Ulf, Kabiru Kinyanjui and Edward Mbunigu. London: James Currey Ltd: 280-295.

Ki-Zerbo, J. 1990. Educate or Perish: Afiica S Impass and Prospects. UNESCO and UNICEF.

------. 1974. Histoncal Aspects of Education in French Speaking Afnca and the Question of Development. Development Dialogue. 2.

Korîen, David and Rudi Klauss, eds. 1984. People Centered Development: Contributions Towardc Theory and Planning Frarneworks. West Hartford: Kumarian Press.

Langseth, Petter. 1996. Civil Service Reform: A general Overview. In Democratic Decentralisation in Uganda: A New Approach to Local Governunce. edited by Villadsen and Lubanga. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.

Langseth, P., J. Katorobo, E. Brett, and J. Munene, eds. 1995. Landmarks in Rebuilding a Nation. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishen.

Laugalo, J and M, Mclean. eds, 1985. The Control of Education: International Perspectives on the Centralization-Decentralization Debate. London.: Heinemann,

Lee, Gong Hock. 1988. UPE: An African Dilemma, World Development, 16: 148 1-9 1

Lemarchand, Rene. 1992. Uncivil States and Civil Societies: How Illusion becarne reality. The Modern Journal of Afncan Studies. 3 0 (2): 177- 19 1.

Levin, Henry. 1976. Educational Refom: Its Meaning. In The Limits of Educational Refom, edited by Carnoy, M. and Henry Levin. New York: David McKay Company, Inc.

Lockheed, M.E., A. Venpoor and Associates. 1991. lmproving Primas. Education in Developing Countnes. Washington DC: World Bank.

Low, D.A. 1962. Buganda in Modern History. London: Weidenfield and Nicolson.

Low, D.A and Pratt, R.C. 1960. Buganda and British Ovemile, 1900-1 955: Two Studies. London: Oxford University Press.

Lubanga, F.X.1996. The Process of Decentralization. In Democratic Decentralization in Uganda: A New Approach to Local Governance, edited by Villadsen, Soren and Francis Lubanga. Kampala: Fountain Publishers.

Lugalla, loe L.P. 1993. Structural Adjustment Policies and . in Social Change ana' Economic Rejorm in Ajï-ica. edited by Peter Gibbon The Scandinavian Institute of Afiican Studies: 184-2 1S.

London, Nonel. 1996. The Management of Quality in education in an Emergent Society: A Case Study. Journal of Educational Policy, 1 l(3): 303-3 17.

Lyons, Raymond, ed. 1965. Problems and Strategies of Educational Planning. Paris: UNESCO,IIEP. ------. 1985. Decentralized Educational Planning: 1s it a contradiction? In The Control of Education : International Perspectives on the Centralization- Decentrakation Debate. edited by Jon Lauglo and Matin Maclean. London: Heinemann Educational Books.

Maclure, Richard. 1994. Misplaced Assumptions of Decentralization and Participation in Rural Communities: primary school reform in Burkina Faso. Comparative Education, 30(3):239-253.

Mamdani, Mahmood. 1976. Politics and Class Formation in Uganda. Heinemann, London.

-_____1 996. Citizen and Su bject: Contemporary Afnca and the Legacy of Late Colonialisni. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

------. 1994. Constitutional Reform and Democracy: The Politics of Democratic Reform in Uganda. Kampala: mimeo.

Mbithi Philip and Rasmusson, Rasmus. 1977. Self Reliance in Kenya: the Case of Harambee. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of Akican Studies.

Migdal, Joel S. 198 8. Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

----- . 1994. The State in Society: an approach to struggies of domination. In State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transfomation in the Third World, eedited by Migdal, Joel S., Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue. Cambridge University Press: 7-37. Midgley, J. 1986. Community Participation, Social Development and the State. London: Methean.

Ministry of Education and Sports. 1994. Final Report on Financial Suntey on Government Aided Primary Schools for 1992- 1993. Education Planning Unit. Kampala

Minnis, I.R. 1998. The State and Civil Society in Malawi. In Education and Development iri AJricc rl Corifernpurury Survry, edited by Nwomonoh. Jonathan. San Francisco: International Scholars Publications.

Morales-Gomez, D. and Carlos Torres. 1992. Education and Development in Latin America. In Education. Policy and Social Change: Experiences From Latin Anterica.

Moms, Paul. 1996. The Management of Participation in the Policy-making Process: The Case of Education in Hong Kong. Journal of Education Policy, 1l(3): 3 19-336.

Mpanga, Joyce ,1995. Universal Education Not Necessarily Free. In Recent Magazine, 59- 62. Kampala, Uganda

Mudoola, Dan. 1993. Religion, Ethnicity and Politics in Uganda. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.

Muhwezi, J. 1997. Workshop, Catholic Church Rubaga Archdiocese , August 22, 1997.

Mujaju, Akiiki. 1976. A History of Religious Rivarlry. Afrcan Afiirs. 75-76.

Munene, J.C. 1995. Oragnisational Pathology and Accountability in Health and Education in Rural Uganda. In Landmarks in Rebuilding a Nation, edited by Langesth, P, J. Katorobo, E. Brett, and J. Munene. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.

Munro, William. 1999. neMoral Econorny of the State: Conservation. Community Developrnent and State Muking in Zimbabwe. Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies.

Murphy, P.J. 1989. Collaborative School Management; Small Within Big is Beautifil. Palis: UNESCO

Museveni, Yoweri. 1996. Address to the Nation on UPE. President's Office, Kampala

--- . 1997. Sowing the Mustard Seed. London: Macmillan.

-. 1995. Views on Education (1986-1994),Recent Magazine 1995. Kampala, Uganda. Mushega, Amanya. 1997. Progress Report on UPE. Presented to Honorable Members of Parliament, Kampala, Uganda.

Musgrove, F. 1971. Patterns of Power und Authority in English Education. London: Methuen. biusprove, Frank. 197 1. Purer~îsPower und Aurhoriry in Engiish Ehcation. London: Methuen and Co. Ltd.

Mutibwa, P. 1992. Uganda since Independence: A Study of Unjilfilled Hopes. Kampala: Fountain Publishers Ltd.

Muwonge-Kewaza, 1991. The Eflect of Dual Control on the Management of Primory Education in Kampala District. Unpublished M.Ed Dissertation, Makerere University, School of Education, Kampala.

Nabuguzi, Emmanuel. 1995. Popular Initiatives in Service Provision In Uganda. Ln Service Provision Under stress in East Afrca, edited by Semboja, J. and Ole Thekildsen. London: James Currey.

Narman, A. 1990. Pastoral People and the Provision ofEducationa1Facilities: A Case Study of Kenya. Nomadic Peoples 25-27: Uppsala.

National Resistence Movement (Uganda). 1988. The Political Program of A?.: Two years of Action, compiled and edited by Department of Information, Kampala: M(M Publications.

Ndegwa, Stephen. 1996. The Two faces of Civil Society: NGOs and Politics in Afnca. Connecticut: Kurnarian Press.

Nsibarnbi, Apolo R. 1977. The Politics of Education in Uganda 1964-1970. ne Uganda Jozirnal, 38: 58-82.

--- . 199 1. A Report of the Problems and Prospects of national Inregrution in Uganda, 1962-1989. Kampala, Uganda.

-- . 1993. Decentralization of Po wer in Uganda: Obstacles ad Opportunities. Works hop on Uganda: niirty Years of Independence, 1962- 1992, Makerere University, Kampala.

Nwomonoh, Jonathan. ed. 1998. Educution and Development in Afica: A Contemporary Suntey. San Francisco: International Scholars Publications.

Nyerere, Julius. 1967. Education for Self-Reliance. Dar es Salaam, Govemment Printer.

------. 1974. Education in Tanzania. Harvard Education Review, 55(1):45-58.

Obote, Apollo M. 1968. The Footsteps of Uganda's Revolution. East African Journal, 10.

------. 1967. Continuing Illiteracy? Proceedings of the 3rd Conference on Education in East and Central Africa, January 1-6, 1967. Makerere University College, Kampala.

------. 1970. me Cornmon Man S Charter. Entebbe: Govenunent Pnnters.

O'Brien, D. 1972. Modemization, Order and the Erosion of a Democratic Ideal. Americarr Political Science.

Ocitti, J.P. 1973. Afican Indigenou Eihos as Practiced by the Acholi of Uganda. Nairobi: East Afkican Literature Review.

Odada, Mathew. 1996. The Right to Education: ne Case of Basic Education in Ugunda. 1986-1996. Symposium on , Makerere University, November 1996.

Odaet, Cooper. 1993. Implernenting Educational Policies in Uganda. World Bank Discussion Paper 89. Washington DC: World Bank.

Okema, Michael. 1993. The Political cnsis in Uganda. In Sub-Suhatan Afh:A Continent in Transition, edited by Siddiqui, Rukhsana. Aldershot: Avebury.

Oloka-Onyango, J. 1997. The Question of Buganda in Contemporary Ugandan Politics. Journal of Contemporary Afn'can Studies, Is(2): 173-1 89.

Olowu, Dele. 1990. The Failure of Current Decentralization Programs in Afiica. In The Failure of the Centralid State, edited by James S. Wunsch and Dele Olowu. Oxford: Westview Press. 74- 100.

Otternoeller, Dan. 1998. Popular Perceptions of Democracy: Elections and Attitudes in Uganda. Comparative Political Studies. 3 1(1): 98- 124.

Passi, Fabius. 1995. The Rise of People's Organisations in Primary Education in Uganda. Ln Service Provision Under Stress in East Afnca, edited by Semboja, J. And Ole Therkildsen. London: James Currey. Paterna., Carol. 1970. Particbation and Democratic Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Popkewitz, Thomas. 1996. Rethinking decentralization and State/Civil Society Distinctions: The State as a Problematic of Goveming. Journal ofEducation Policy, 1l(1): 27-5 1.

Pratt, Cranford. 1961. Nationalism in Llganda. London.

Prawda, J. 1993. Educational Decentralization in Latin Arnerica: Lessons Leamed. International Journal of Educational Development 13(3).

Putnam. Robert. 1993. Making Democracy Work. New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Regan, Anthony J. 1998. Decentralization Policy: Reshaping State and Society. In Developing Uganda, edited by Holger Hansen and Michael Twaddle. Oxford: James Currey. 159-175.

Reimen, Farnando. 199 1. The Impact of Political Stabilization and Adjustment on Education in Latin America. Comparative Education Review, 3 5(2):3 19-353.

. 1994. Education and Stnictural Adjusmient in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Afica. International Journal of Educational Development. xiv (2):1 19- 129.

lic ofUganda. 1992. Education for National Integraiion and Development Govemment White Paper. Entebbe: Government Press.

Rivera, J. 1992. Bolivia: Society, State, and Education in Crisis. In Education. Poiicy orid Social Change: Experiences/rom Latin America. edited by Daniel Morales-Gomez and Carlos A. Torres. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger.

Rondinelli, D. and G.S. Cheema. 1983. Implementing Decentralization Policies. In Decentralization and Development: Policy lmplementation in Developing Cormiries, edited by G.S Cheema and D. Rondinelli. Beverley Hills: Sage.

Roth, G. 1987. The Private Provision of Public Services in Developing Countries. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Rupesinghe, Kumar, ed. 1989. Confict Resolution in Uganda. Oslo: International Peace Research Institute.

Sarnoff, Joel. 1993. The Reconstruction of Schooling in Afiica. Comparative Education Review, 37(2): 18 1-222. Sandbrook, Richard. 1973. The Cnsis of Political Development Theory. Journal of Development Studies, 12: 165-85.

Sathyamurthy, T.V. 1986. The Political Development of Uganda: 1900-1986. Hants, England: Aldershot.

Sallis, E. 1993. Total Quality Management in Education. London: Kogan Page.

Sarason, S. 1982. The Culture of the School and the problem of Change (2d edition). Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

------. 1995. Parent involvement: The Political Principle. San Fransisco. CA: Jossey-Bass.

Schmitz, G and Eboe Hutchful. 1992. Democratizution and Participation in Africa. Ottawa, Canada: The North-South Institute.

Sekarnwa, K. and Kasibante. LF, eds. 1984. Education Today: A Guide to Parents and Teachers in Uganda. Education Department of Kampala Archdiocese, Kampala.

Semboja J. and Ole Therkildsen, eds. 1995. Service Provision under Stress in East &ica: The State, NGOs and People S Organizations in Kenya. Tanzania and Uganda. Copenhagen, Denmark: Centre for Development Research.

Sengendo, James. 1992. Parents Involvement in Schools: The Case of Uganda. Makerere Institute of Social Research 9' MAWAZO Seminar, 8-1 0, May 1992.

Senteza-Kajubi, W. 199 1. Educational reform during socio-economic crisis. In Changing Uganda: The Dilemmas of Structural Adjustment and Revolutionaty Change. edited by Holger, Bemt and Michael Twaddle. London: James Currey.

Sharer, Robert, Hema R. De Zoysa, and C A. McDonald. 1995. Uganda: Adjusfment with Growth 198 7-94. International Monetary Fund, Washington DC, March 1995.

Singh, Anupama Rao. 1998. The Role cf Funding Agencies in the UPE Programme. National Conference on Universal Primary Education (LJPE), Kampala: International Conference Centre. Tidemand, Per. 1994. New Local State Forms and Popular Participation Buganda, Uganda. In The New Local-Level Politics in East Afiica edited by Peter Gibbon. Sweden: Nordiska Af?ikainstitutet.

Thompson, A.R. 1981. Education and Developrnent in Afica. New York: St. Martin's Press. Tripp, Aili Mari. 1997. Changing the Rules: The Politics of Liberalization and the Urban Informa1 Economy in Tanzania. Califomia: University of California Press.

---A-- . 2000. Women and Politics in Uganda. Oxford: James Currey Ltd.

Uchendu, Victor, ed. 1979. Education and Politics in Tropical Africa. London: Conch Magazine Ltd. Publishen.

Urch, George E.F. 1992. Education in Sub-Saharan Afrca. New York: Garland Publishing inc.

Uganda. 1992. Uganda 1986-1991: An Illustrated Review. Kampala, Uganda : Fountain Publishers.

UNESCO. 1983. Uganda Educational Recovery and Reconstruction. Paris, UNESCO,July.

UNICEF. 1990. Children and Development in the 1990s. New York: United Nations.

------. 199 1. Challenges for Children and Women in the 1990s: Eastern and Southern Afiican Profile. Nairobi Kenya: UNICEF Eastern and Southem Afnca Regional Office.

------. 1994. Equity and Vulnerability: A situation Analysis of Wornen. Adolescents and Children In Uganda. 1994, The Govemment of Uganda / Uganda National Council for Children

Uganda Government (Minsitry of Local Govemment). 1993. The Local Governnrents (Resistence Councils) Statute. Kampala: Ministry of Local Governmentn>ecentra~isationSecretariat.

Uganda People's Congress. 1962. Central Exenitive Committee Policy Statement: Uniîy, Justice. Independence. Central Executive Committee, Kampala.

Uteberger, R.M. 1991. Quality is the Key to Global Competitiveness. In Quality and Higher Education in the 2lst Centuv, edited by W.J. Petak. University of Southem California.

Weeks,S. 1967. Divergence in Educational Development: The case of Kenya and Uganda. New York: Center for Education in Afiica, Teachers College Press, Columbia University.

Welbourn, F.B. 1965. Religion and Politics in Uganda 1952-62. Nairobi: East ecan Williams, James H. 1993. Improving School Community Relations in the Penphery. in Reaching Penphery Groups: Country, Language and Teachers in the Contert of Development, edited by William K. Curnmings. Buffalo: State University of New York Press.

Williams, P. 1985. Aiiican education Under Seige. in The Challenge of Quality in Primary Education in Afica, edited by U. Bude. Bonn, Gemany: German Foundation for International development.

Wilson, David. 1976 Universal Pnrnary Education in Nigeria: An Appraisal of Plan Implernentation. Conadian and International Education. 7(2): 28-52.

Wisner B. 1988. Power and Needs in Afiica: Basic Human Needs and deveiopnrent Policies. London: Earthscan.

World Bank. 1993. Uganda: Growing out of Poverty. Washington: The World Bank.

----- . 1993. Uganda: Social Sectors. Washington: The World Bank.

--- . 1990. World Bank Policy Paper. Primary Editcation. Washington.

Wunsch, James, S. and Dele Olowu, eds. 1990. The Failuir of the Centralised State: Institutions and Self -Govername in Africa. San Francisco: West view Press, Boulder.

Villadsen, S and Francis Lubanga eds. 1996. Democratic Decentralisation in Uganda: A New Approoch to Local Governance. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers.

Villalon, Leonardo and Phillip Huxatable, eds. 1998. Afnca ai a Critical Junctiïre: Berneen Disintegration and ReconFguration. London: L ynne Riemer Publishers, Boulder.

Young, Crawford. 1996. Africa: An Interim Balance Sheet. Journal of Democracy. 7(3): 53-69.

Zambena, Agostino. 1996. Self-help Secondary . International Journal of Comparative Socioiogy. 37 (1-2): 47-69.

Zartman, William. 1995. Co fiapsed States: The Disintegrution and Restorcttion ofLegitimale Authorizy. Boulder L. Rienner Pub lishers. NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES

New Vision The Monitor Uganda Argus Uganda Times The Star Pigambo The Crusader Recent Magazine The National Analyst Voice of Uganda The Daily Topic Wekembe

NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES ARTICLES CITED

New Vision November 2,1996 November 2, 1997 November 20, 1996 November 12, 1994 Apn130, 1990 June 18, 1990 August 6, 1994 August 3, 1996 August 28, 1996 August 3 1,1996 August 10, 1996 April8, 1991

Voice of U~anda December 6, 1973 February 1.1978 January 1,1978 January 19,1975 November 30, 1973 November 1, 1973 September 9, 1975 Uganda Times January 26, 1982 August 2, 1982 February 10, 1980 July 8, 1980 July 18, 1980 August 3, 1982 February 25, i 983 March 17, 1982 Novernber 1, 1980 November 1 1, 1983 January 30, 1980 January 26, 1982 October 18, 1982

Ueanda Ar~us May 12, 1972 January 3, 1972

Magazines

National Analvst September 5 - October 8, 1996 November 12 - December 5,1996 October 8 - November 7,1996

Recent Ma~azine December 1996

Education Reform Newsletter - Ministrv of Education, Apnl 1996 APPENDICES APPENDM A : QUESTIONNAlRES

Parents' Questionnaire

Section A: Background

1) Gender of respondent: 01 male 02 female

2) How old are you ? 01 1-19 02 20-24 03 25-29 04 30-34 O5 35-40 06 4 1-49 07 50-59 08 60 or over ( Interviewer: estimate if respondent does not know)

3) Where were you bom?

4) If you were not bom in Mpigi, Kampala or Luwero, where are you from originally?

5) How long have you lived in this district (village)? 0 1 Less than 1 year 02 6-10 years 03 1 1-15yean 04 over 15 years 05 Al1 my life

6) What religion were you bom in? 01 Modem 02 Catholic 03 Anglican 04 Other (please speciQ)

7) Have you ever been to school? 0 1 yes (go to question 8) 02 no

8) What level of education have you completed? 01 no schooling 02 some elementary 03 completed elementary 04 some secondary school 05 completed secondary school 06 some technicai college 07 completed college 08 some univenity 09 completed university (please specify) 01 0 masters degree (please specify) 01 1 doctorate degree (please speciQ)

9) What is your marital status? 01 married 02 single 03 widowed 04 CO-habiting

10) Do you have any children? 01 Yesblease go to question 1 1) 02 No

11) How many children do you have?

12) How many are male?

13) How many are female

14) What are their ages?

15) How many are primary school age?

16) How many are in school?

17) For those children you have not enrolled in school please specify reasons 01 school too far 02 officia1 school fees too high 03 PTA fees too high 04 text books and other expenses too high 05 too few teachers and too many students 06 lack of text books 07 lack of proper buildings 08 children needed at home for work

09 other reasons (speciQ) (il (ii) (iii)

18) What is your present work status? 01 employed ...... g O to question 15 02 unemployed 03 disabled 04 retired 05 student

19) What is your main source of income?

20) What is your wifdpartner's source of income?

2 1) How much of your income is spent on school fees? 01 half 02 less than half 03 three quartes

22) How much of your wifdpartner's is spent on school fees? 01 three quartes 02 half 03 less than half

Section B: Questions 23 to 30 focus on participation in school activities

23) Have you ever been on any school cornmittees (please speciQ) 01 yes (go to question 24) 02 no (please specify)

24) What was the position you held?

25) For how long did you hold this position? 26) Do you still hold this position? 01 yes 02 no (go to question 27)

27) Why did you leave the position? 01 Dissatisfaction with school management? 02 Dissatisfaction with PTA 03 Other (please speciQ)

28) Are you involved in any other activities within the school? Please speci@ in what capacity

29) What are the ways in which you are involved in school activities? 0 1 fundraising activities 02 donations 03 volunteer (please specify)

30) Do you think that parents participation in school activities improve school management and performance? 01 yes 02 no 03 not sure

3 1) If yes can you tell me what parents' involvement and participation can do to improve school performance?

Section C: the relationship berneen parents and school management (PTA) Questions 32 to 40 will ask parents about their participation in school financing and management.

32) Are you on the school management cornmittee/ school board? 01 yes (go to question 28) 02 no

33) Are you a member of the PTA? 0 1 yes go to question 28) 02 no 34) what is your position on the management codtteel school board/ PTA?

35) How did you gain that position? O 1 nomination 02 selection 03 election 04 other @lease speciQ)

36) How long have you held the position?

37) How often are meetings held? 01 ofien (go to question 32) 02 not very often (go to question 32) 03 not at al1

38) How often do you attend meetings? 01 often 02 not very often 03 not at al1

39) Do you participate in meetings? 0 1 yes (go to question 33) 02 no

40) In what ways do participate in meetings? 01 help to set the agenda 02 suggest topics for discussion 03 chair the meetings

Questions 41 to 48 will ask parents about their attitudes and opinion of PTAs

41) How would you rate the performance of the PTA regarding general participation of parents? 01 poor 02 below average 03 average 04 above average 05 very good 42) Do you think that the PTA is doing a good job in the management of the school? 01 yes 02 no 03 donotknow

43) In your opinion, are PTAs an important part of school management? 01 yes O2 no 03 do not know

44) How do you find the school fees? 01 too high 02 high 03 not very high 04 fair

45) How do you find the PTA "fees"? 0 1 too high (please proceed to question 38) 02 high (please proceed to question 38) 03 not veryhigh 04 fair

46) How did the school inform you about the school fees? 01 by letter 02 message 03 at a meeting 04 they did not

47) If the school did not inform you about the fees how did you find out (please speciQ)?

48) Does the PTA help you in meeting these fees? (please specify)

49) How does the PTA help you with fees? 01 bursary 02 gant 03 other @Iease speciQ) 50) If the PTA does not help you with the fees, does this affect your ability to send your children to school? 0 1 yes (go to question 4 1) 02 no

5 1) Do you give preference to some children over others? 0 1 yes ( go to question 42) O2 no

52) To which children do you give preference? 01 girls 02 boys

Please speciQ the reasons

Section D: the role and participation of parents in local social and political activities

Questions 54to 66 will ask parents about their role and participation in local social and political organizations, and community activities

54) Do you belong to local groups and organizations? none mothers union local Resistance Council village committee rotary club local sports committee credit union other (please specify)

55) Have you ever organized, arranged or participated in events, services, activities conceming funciraishg for local schools or other community issues? 01 yes 02 no

56) If yes, can you bnefly talk about these activities especially those conceming schools 258

From question 57 to 66, we will focus on school financing, and ask parents to indicate whether

Activities

57) participated in local programs and activities to raise funds For school

58) provided information (e.g questionnaire) for Ministry of Education, or District Education Officer

59) donated money, matenals , equipment such as exercise books, food or building matenals to local school

60) given ideas or suggestions to local RC representative about school provision in your area

61) participate in district decision making on school provision or services

62) made a complaint against school management through the mass media (newspaper, TV, or radio)

63) made complaint against school management to district officer (or central govemrnent)

64) signed a petition against particula. aspects of school management

65) joined demonstration, rally or other citizen actions

66) made demands and cornplaints to RC chairman andor District Officer in person, through a letter or by the telephone If yes, what was the response Section E: Attention to national 1 local poütics and politicians

67) How much attention do you pay to national politics generally? 01 a great deai 02 quite a bit 03 some 04 very little 05 none

68) How much attention do you pay to local politics generally (District elections, RC elections etc) 01 a great deal 02 quite a bit 03 some 04 very little OS none

69) How interested were you in the recent national elections? 0 1 very interested 02 fairly interested 03 not very interested 04 not interested at al1

70) How interested were you in the recent municipal elections? 0 1 very interested 02 fairly interested 03 not very interested 04 no interest at al1

71) What were the three major issues in the campaign? (please rank in order of importance) 01 economy 02 social issues (health, education) 03 political stability 04 security issues 05 others (please specify)

72) How many days in a week do you read, Iisten to or watch the news 01 none 02 once 03 twice 04 three times 05 four times 06 five tirnes 07 six days O8 everyday 73) How oflen are school issues (fees, teachen salaries, PTAs) reported in the news? 01 every day 02 very often ofien 04 seldom 05 not at al1

74) Did you vote in the national elections (May 1996)? 01 yes 02 no

75) Did you vote in the municipal elections (July 1996)? 01 yes 02 no

Section G: attitude towards the role of municipal governrnent and municipal politicians From question 76-80, please free to give your opinion by mainly agreeing or mainly disagreeing with each statement. Place the appropnate number in the space provided to the nght of each statement.

1 Mainly Agree 2 Mainly Disagree 76) It makes no difference whether one votes or not in municipal elections..nothing changes.

77) People should be given more say in municipal decisions

78) Local services such as primary education, health and community development are best served by municipal authorities.

79) Decentralization of authority and local participation are the foundations of' democracy.

80) Central authonty and central government supervision over local administration of health and education are needed.

From question 81- 85, we would like to know your opiniodattitude to the local municipal politicians

8 1) How would you rate your former M.P / L.C representative (1990-96) S trong Weak

Tmtworthy Untrustworthy

Open-minded Close-minded

Capable Incapable PIease check the answer that best sums up your feelings

82) Do you think that : 01 many politicians ninning the municipal government are corrupt? 02 not very many are compt 03 hardly any of them are compt 04 none of them are compt

83) Do you think that : 01 many politicians mingthe municipal authorities only focus on their interest? 02 not very many focus on their own interest? 03 hardly any of them focus on their interest?

84) How much of the time do you think you cm tmst the municipal administraton to do what is right for the majority of people in your area I common development of the area? O1 just about always 02 most of the tirne 03 ody some of the the

This is the end of the questions. We thank you very much for helping us.

85) (Interviewer: was the respondent : 0 1 uncooperative 02 moderately cooperative 03 very cooperative?)

86) If very cooperative and a school cornmitteel PTA/Board member, ask: Would you be willing to talk again to another member ofout team? He/She would like to know more about some of the problems that you have encountered booth as parent a "cornmittee" member" 01 yes 02 no 03 Don't how School Profile Questionnaire

1. School Particulars: 1.1 Narnes ofthe School 1.2 Postal Address 1.3 District County Sub-County 1.4 Type: (a) Government AidedtPrivate (b) BoydGirls Mixed

2. Enrollment by gender and number of strearns bv class:

Enrollment by Gender Tot Sex and Class al

Female

-- - k Number of Streams

3. Number of special students by category, gender and class.

Category Gender Pl P2 P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 Total Repeaters (those in Male the same class in 1989) Female Transfers from private Male primary schools FemaIe Child. of teachers in Male 1 Govt. Aided Schools Female Handicapped Male (blind/dea£/dump/ mentally) Fernale ûrphans Male 1 1 Female Retiigees Male Female 1 Children of NRA Male Soldiers Female Enrollment by age, class, and gender

5. If the school has some classes which are not yet supported by Govemment, (a) List such classes: and provide (b) Number of students in such classes: Male Female Total

6. Number of Established Posts of Teachers

7. Full-Time and Part-Time Teachers in Position & Penods taught by them:

8. Full-Time Teachers by Training, Qualification and Gender:

9. Full-Time Teachen by Academic Qualifications: Trained, Untrained

10. Full-Time non-teaching staff by category and gender: Oficelclerks Technical Group Employ.

11. School Receipts and Expenditure for the year 1995196:

1 1.1 Amount received fiom MOE for teachers' salaries Ushs 1 1.2 Amount received from MOE for other salarieslwages Ushs 1 1.3 Any other gant received from MOE Ushs 12.4 Fees excluding PTA contribution received From studentdparents Ushs 12.5 Total PTA contribution Ushs 12.6 Amount realized fkom Fund-raising activities/donations Ushs 12.7 Annual rates of PTA contribution per pupil by class:

PTA Rate in Pl PZ P3 P4 P5 P6 P7 1994

1995 i

12.8 Total expenditure in 1994/95 fiom Govemment funds on: (a) Salarieslallowances of full-time teachers Ushs @) Saiarîeslallowances of part-time teachers Ushs (c) SaIMe~lwagedallowan~esof other staff Ushs (d) Other items of recurrent nature Ushs Total Ushs

Recurrent expenditure incurred in 1994/95 fiom PTA fÙnds on: (a) Full-time teachers' salaries/allowances Ushs (b) Part-time teachers' allowances Ushs (c) SalarieSI\HageS/allowancesof other hill-time staM Ushs (d) Salaries/wages/allowances of other part-time staff Ushs (e) Instniction material (chaWbooks/stationesr/etc.) Ushs (f) Non-instnictional material (uniforms, etc) Ushs (g) Electricity, water, telephone Ushs (h) Food for stafvstudents Ushs (i) Other items in the kitchen (firewoodkleaning, etc) Ushs (j) Transportation of staff/students/goods Ushs (k) Other (specify) Ushs

Total 12.9 (a) to (k) Ushs

12.1 0 Developrnent/capital expenditure incurred in 1994/95 on: (a) Construction of buildings Ushs (b) Major repairslalterations (roofhg, etc.) Ushs (c) Purchasdmajor repairs of funllhire Ushs (d) Purchasdmajor repairs of vehicle Ushs (e) Other (specify) Ushs

Total 12.10 (a) to (e) Ushs

12a. Particulars of Full-time teachers: Names, Qualification, Subjects they are quaiified to ieach, Penods taught 12b. Monthly incorne of teachen (Salary 1 PTNOther and Perks).

*Please Lndicate if accommodation (A) and/or transportation (T) is provided by the school.

Signature of the Headteacher APPENDIX B: INTERVIEWS

Ministry of Education and Sports, Crested Towers, Kampala

Captain Francis Babu - Minister of State for Pnmary Education August 7,1997

Fagil Mandy - Commissioner - Inspector of Schools August 11,1997

Brigadier Jim Muhwezi - Minister in Charge of Primary Education July 17, 1996

Professor Apollo Nsibambi - Minister of Education and Sports July 1, 1996 and September 4, 1997, December 16, 1997.

Mr Sam Onek - Director, Primary Education July 3 1, 1997

Decentralization Secretariat, Metropole House, Kampala

Mr Francis Lubanga August 22,1996

Kampala City Council, City Council, Kampala

Mr. Muwonge Kewaza - District Education Officer August 8, 1997

Mrs. Annie Galiwango - Assistant District Education Oficer July 26, 1997

Mr. Charles Masaaba - District hspector of Schools July27, 1997

Mpigi District, District Offices, Mpigi

Dr. Nkatta - District Education Officer Febniary 3, 1997

Mr Sekamatte - District hspector of Schools August 23, 1997 Luwero District, District Offices, Luwero Mr Kiseka - District Education Officer February 10, 1997

Roman Cathoiic Church, Rubaga Archdiocese Offices, Rubaga

Father Kasibante Education Officer July 10, 1997

Church of Uganda, Namirembe Diocese OfIlces, Namirembe

Father Monday - Education Officer July 22, 1997

Mus tim Supreme Council Secretariat

Haj. Wahabu Rugasa- Education Officer August 6, 1997

Others

Professor Senteza- Kajubi - Chairman of Education Review Commission ( 1989- 199 1) Vice Chancellor, University, Entebbe Road September 16, 1997

Joseph Carasco - Former Director of Centre for Basic Research, Author, Bnseline Srucly on Factors lnfluencing the Effecriveness of Primary Schools (1996), author, ChildrenTsCorner. Centre for Basic Research, Kampala Uganda August 14, 1996 and March 18, 1997

Dr John Munene, Director Makerere hstitute of Social Research, and author, Baseline Study on Factors InfIuencing the Eflectiveness of Primary schools (1996). Makerere hstitute for Social Research September 24, 1996 267

APPENDIX C: THE National Resistence Movement (NRM)'s TEN POINT PROGRAM

THE TEN POINT PROGRAMME

Democracy

Security

Consolidation of National Unity and Eümination of a11 forms of sectarianism

Defending and Consolidatiog National Independence

Building an Independent, Integrated, and Self-sustaining National Economy Diversiwing Agriculture Building Industries in the Import-substitution Secton Aggressive Industrialization Construction of Basic Industries Building Capacity to make Locally Machine-making Machines Acquiring Computer Technology Rejecting the Notion That We Should Be Dependant On Others

Restoration and Improvement of Social Services and Rehabilitation of War- ravaged Areas

7. Elimination of Corruption and Misuse of Power

8. Redressing Errors that have Resulted in the dislocation of sections of the Population and Improvement of Others. b Settling People that have been Displaced by ill-thought out Development Projects or Sheer Illegal Land Grabbing Settling the Karamajong b Relieving the Plight of Salary Earners

9. Co-operation with Other African Countries in Defending Human Rights of Our Brothers in Other Parts of Africa

10. Foilowing an Economic Strategy of Mired Economy APPENDIX D: EXCERPTS FROM THE EDUCATION MANAGEMENT CONRVIITTEE AMENDMENT RULES 1969 1 PTA CONSTITUTION GUIDELINE

IN EXERCISE OF THE powers conferred upon the Minister by section 33 of the education Act, these rules are hereby made this 23rd day of December, 1969.

1) The education (management committee) rules are hereby arnended. a) by substituting for rule 1the following rule.

ESTABLISHMENT: OF 1. There shall be established a management committee for a school or a group of schools.

MANAGEMENT COMMITTEE A school management committee shall, subject to the provisions of sub-rule 94) of this rule, consist of,

four members of appointed by the education committee of the area in which the schools is situated and one of whom shail be appointed a chairman.

SCHEDULE b) two members elected by the parents of the school in accordance with the provisions of the schedule to these rule; and three members appointed by the Chief Education Officer.

A management cornmittee for a group of school shall, subject to the provisions of the next succeeding sub-iule, consist of, in which

a) four members appointed by the Education committee of the area in which the group of schools are situated one of whom shall be appointed a chairman; b) three members elected by the parents of the school in the group in accordance with the provisions of the schedule to these rules; c) three members appointed by the Chief Education Officer; and d) one member elected by the parents of each school in the groups, in accordance with the provisions of the schedule to these des.

An appointment of any member of a management committee shall be approved by the Chief Education Officer. 5. A management committee shall have a secretary who shall be;

a) in the case of the school management comrnittee the headrnaster of the school; and b) in the case of a management cornmittee for a group of schools, and assistant education officer of the office of the area education officer. 6. No reward or remuneration shall be paid to any member of a management comrnittee for his seMces as such member;

TENURE OF OFFICES:

The chairman of a management committee shall holdoffice for two years, but shall be eligible for re-appointment. One help of the rnember, other than the chairman shall retire fiom office at the end of the year, but shall be eligible for re-appointment or re-election. The members who shall retire under the immediately preceding sub-section shall be those who have been longest in office; but as between memben who became members on the same day, those who are to retire shall be detemined by ballot. A member of a management committee may, by writing under his hand addressed to the education committee resign his office, or may be removed for inability to perform functions of his office or for any other sufficient cause by the education cornmittee.

Where a vacancy occun among the members of a management cornmittee, a new member shall be appointed to fil1 such vacancy in the same manner as the members for whose vacancy he is filing, was appointed.

A member appointed to fi11 a vacancy shall hold office for the unexpired term of office of the member in respect of whom the vacancy existed, and shall be eligible for re-appointment.

In the event of a member being unable temporarily FILMG VACANCIES to perform his functions, a temporary member may be appointed in the same manner as the member in respect of whom the temporary vacancy has occurred.

A temporary member shall hold office during the absence of the member whose place he is taking.

A management committee shall meet at lest once every term and at such other times as the chairman rnay require for the transaction of its business.

One meeting at least or the management cornmittee shall be held at the school for which the management committee is responsible and in the case of management for a group of schools, the management comrnittee shall hold its meeting at each of the schools in the group in rotation.

The chairman shall preside at any meeting of the management committee, and in his absence, the vice-chairman shall preside.

In the absence of both the chairman and the vice chairman the members present shall elect one of their rnember who shall preside.

A vice-chairman shall be elected by members of the management cornmittee from arnong their number.

A meeting of the management cornmittee may be convened by the chairman at any time, and the request in writing of not less than three members addressed to the chairrnan.

The headrnaster of the school concemed shal! attend meetings of the management comrnittee unless specifically excluded there from by the chairman, but not me entitled to vote on any question for decision by the management committee.

Other members of the staff of a school may attend the meetings of the management cornmittee at the invitation of the chaiman, but shall not be entitled to vote on any matter for decision by the management committee.

An area education officer may attend the meetings of the management committee, but shall not be entitled to vote on any matter for decision by the management cornmittee.

IO. Save as otherwise provided in these rules, any matter before a management committee shall be decided by a simple majonty of the memben present and vote. 11. The person presiding at any meeting of a management committee shall have a vote, and in the event of an equality of votes, may exercise a second or casting vote.

The quorum at any meeting or management committee shall; a) in the case of a school management committee, be four voting members; and b) in the case of a management committee for a group of schools, be five voting memben.

13. Whenever there is any matter before a management committee in which a member is interested in whatever manner, directly or indirectly, he shall declare his interest and shall withdraw from the meeting for the duration of the discussion in relation to the subject matter in which he has any such interest.

14. A management committee may cal1 on such other penons as it may consider desirable for the transaction of its business at any meeting of the committee, but any person so CO-optedshail have no power to vote.

MINUTES:

5) 1. Minutes of the proceedings of a management cornmittee shall be; a) record in the English language and where necessary , be translated into local language, and; b) be kept by the secretary; c) copies of the minutes shall be distributed to: a) the members of the management committee; b) the headmaster in case of school cornmittee for group schools; c) each headmaster in case management comrnittee.

FUNCTIONS OF MANAGEMENT COMMITTEE:

6) 1. A management committee shall:

a) Manage the school for which it has been established in accordance with the provisions of the Ordinance and these niles, subject to any directions which may be given under the Ordinance by the Minister on matter of general policy and b) The functions of a management committee shall, in so fa.as they relate to the day-to-day administration, proper and efficient conduct of the school be performed by the headmaster of the school on behalf of the management comrnittee. c) A member of a management committee shail not be subject to any personal liability in respect of any matter or thing done or omitted to be done, or any contract entered into by or on behalf of the management committee, in so far as he acted or ornitted to act bona fide. TEACHING STAFF:

7) 1. As may be necessary, and accordance with such rules as may frorn time to time be in force, teaching staff shall be posted or transferred to schools by the area education officer under the direction of Chief Education Officer.

2. A management committee shall have a right of appeal to the minister against the posting or transfer of a teacher to or fiom a school the management cornmittee manages within twenty-one days from the day it is notified of such posting or transfer, and the decision of the minister on such appeal shall be final.

3. A teacher shall have a right of appeal to the minister against his posting or transfer fiom a school within twenty-one days from the day he receives, the notification of such posting or tramfer, and the decision of the minister on such appeal shall be final.

4. The Chief Education Officer rnay fiom time to time designate teaching posts in schools as posts eligible for consideration on to be filled by secondment.

5. The terms of such secondment shall be in accordance with the regulation in force.

6. A management committee may, after consultation with the area Education Officer and the headmaster appoint such non-teaching staff for the school as rnay be necessary.

7. Teaching staff and non-teaching staffshall be employed in accordance with appropnate conditions of senice applying to them as the case rnay be of the school to submit their views, proposals or representations shall be submitted through the headmaster to the management committee.

FUNCTIONS OF A HEADMASTER: 8) 1. A headmaster shall be personally responsible to the management committee for the academic, social and domestic organization and conduct of the school. 2. It shall be the duty of a headmaster to: a) Arrange the curriculum and syllabus of his school in accordance with the policy of the ministry as advised by the Chief Inspecter of schoo1s.

b) Arrange for the religious instructions to be given in accordance with the c~culumand syllabus of the school referred to in paragraph(a) of this sub-rule and in accordance with the provisions of sub-rule (3) of this rule.

C) Arrange the admission of pupils to the schools and be responsible for the collection of school fees and for the payment of the school fees into the central account of the authority. d1 i) exclude any pupil €rom attendance at the school on disciplinary grounds.

ii) suspend any pupil fkom the school after consultation with school disciplinary committee which committee shall comprise al1 the members of the teaching staff of the school to deal with cases of suspensions or to consider cases of expulsion of a pupils fiom the school.

iii) in the case of an expulsion of a pupil from the school, submit a Full report of the school disciplinary committee to the management committee which shall, after considering the report, decide whether or not the pupil is aggneved by the session of the management committee, he may appeal to the area education O fficer.

Administrator in a proper manner the hdsof the school in accordance with instructions laid down by the Permanent Secretary.

Report or recommend to the area education officer any disciplinary mesures taken against any members of the staff of the school.

Give such information and advice to the management committee as it may need when required to do so.

Furnish a report not less than once a year to the management committee and to the education officer on his conduct of the affairs of the schoo1, which shall include such information as the education officer may request.

A headmaster shall not require any pupil to receive denorninational instruction or attend denomination, observance at the school against the wishes of such pupils' parents or guardian if they are of a different denornination.

Where a management comment rejects the advice of the headrnaster given under the provisions of paragraph (g) sub-de (2) of this de,he may requVe that his advice and its rejection be brought to the notice of the education officer accorduigly. CITATION

17) These Rules may be cited as the education (Management) Committee (Amendment) Rules, 1969.

PTA CONSTITUTION (GUIDELINES)

1 Narne: Shall be known by the name of the "SCHOOLPARENTSTTEACHERS ASSOCIATION"

The word Association shall imply (i) a voluntary organization where no remuneration shall be expected for services rendered (ii) Its role shall be recommendatory and advisory to the school authorities e.g. foundation body, management DE0 & H.M.

2. Objectives: Shall be to recommend and advise so as to:- a- Accelerate the development and welfare of the school. b- Facilitate proper child-rezing and education in general in the above school. d- Initiate ideas and projects to the School Management towards school development.

3. Patron: There shall be a Patron of the PTA who shall be elected by the Executive Cornmittee and who shall not be a member of the Association.

4. Membership: Eligible members of the association shall be: a- Any teacher working with the school b- Any parent or Guardian with at least a child in the school. c- Any school well wisher the executive shall approve by invitation.

5. Register: The secretary to the executive shall keep a register of eligible rnembers entered as follows: Parents' names, children in the school with classes. The register shall be screened by the Head teachers for accuracy and it will be called every commencement of a general meeting.

6. Meeting & Schedules:

There shail be the following categories of meetings:- a- Executive Cornmittees: which shall consist ofthe Chairman, Vice-chairman, Secretary, Treasurer, 5 Committee rnembers and 1 CO-optedmember. It will sit every term. b- Annual General Meeting: for al1 parents and teachers - will be sitting every year. - Extra Ordinary Meeting: for al1 parents and teachers sitting any time as Chairman, only three memben of the executive or 10% of the Association members may deem necessary.

7. Functions of Each Meeting:

a) The executive committee shall administer the affairs of the association.

b) hua1General Meeting: Its business shall be to:- (i) Get the Chairman's report (achievements and failures as against specific objectives set). (ii) Get the Treasure's report (income & expenditure as against estimates approved). (iii) Discuss the matters arising fiom the reports above. (iv) Appoint new office bearers of the executive committee. (v) Any other business relevant to its objectives.

C) Extra ordinary meeting: solve urgent and burning issues relevant to its objectives.

8. Duties of Members of the executive:

a) Chairman- To preside over al1 types of meeting except in case of election of new office bearers. In case of his absence the Vice Chaiman shail deputize hirn. But where both are absent a rnember of the executive shall be elected by a simple majority of eligïble mernbers to preside.

b) Secretary- Shall complete and produce minutes of al1 meetings and ciraft and send dl correspondences of the association.

c) Treasurer- Shall compile annual budgetary estimates and their realities and present them to any of the meetings.

- Present school fund increases and their motives to any of the meetings.

- Shall be answerable to financial matters of the Association.

9. Elections: (i) Pre-requisites for candidates a- must be a parent/guardian of the school b- shall be a hown good payer of school funds c- shdl be a good citizen d- shall be of any sex , religion tribe or race.

ii) Methods of etection

The out-going cornmittee shall resign by a public declaration to the electorate through its chairman.

Narnes of candidates aspiring to take over the posts in the executive cornmittee shall be nominated and seconded. The nominated shall consent for the interest. Three narnes shall be enough for each post then elections will take place by secret ballot (writing the voter's narne on the top of the ballot paper and the candidates wanted at the bottom and put ballot paper and the candidates wanted at the bottom and put ballot paper and the candidates wanted at the bottom and put them to the ballot box) or by show of hands.

The 5 cornmittee member shall be elected by casting votes once out of 7 nominated candidates thereby eliminating 2 candidates.

iii) The returning officer

Shall be the association patron who shall choose help according to his wish but which helpers shall no be candidates or the electorate.

Decisions & Quorum:

a) Executive cornmittee:

Decisions shall be reached by a majority of 4 memben and the quorum shall be 6 voting members.

b) Any general meeting:

Decision shall be reached by a majonty of 2/3 of the present eligible memben but the quorum shall be 1K the registered memben. Decisions may also be reached by conscious (general agreement).

11. Retirement and replacement Al1 retirements before the end of tenn of office shall be fowarded to the chairman for consideration. Where a vacancy falls arnong the memben of the executive Say due to death or inability before the end of the term of office the executive shall appoint any member of the association to finish off the term.

Delegation and CO-opting

The executive may delegate its powen by disintegrate in sub-cornmittees to execute various duties of the association quickly and effectively which the executive would othenuise not be in integration.

The executive to its subcommittee may CO-opta mernber fiom the association of outside it depending on need. In case of the CO-optedrnembers ouiside the association, such members shall have the approval of the executive.

Minutes: shall be written in English but deliberations shall be in vernacular. Shall in a minute book and shall be reproduced to other office e.g. DE0 only with cornmittees authority and the chairman's signature.

14. Amendment: This constitution stands amendable at any of the general meetings.

15. Appendix: The head teacher shall be an ex-officia1 rnember of the association and for that matter he cm not vote. He will also be the secretary to the association but not sub- cornmittees. APPENDIX E: MAPS OF UGANDA AND STUDY SITES

LUWERO DISTRICT

APAC

KAMPALA DISTRICT CENTRAL DIVISION 283

APPENDIX F: PHOTOGRAPHS TAKEN DURING TEE RESEARCH (1996-1997).

Pripils iri :i Scliool in IIpi~iDistrict .-\Teûching \id for Dining Out: Dining Roorn for Pupils in r School in Mpigi District Lunch-Time in L_uwero Primlir! School Meeting Teachers in Mpigi District Listening to Parents in a School in Kampala District Preparing for il National Musiciil Concert in a Scliool in Kümpülü District Talking to and Listening to Pupils' hices ers: Luwero District

itli Pupils: Luwero District