The Politics of Primary Education in Uganda: Parent Participation and National Reforms
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THE POLITICS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN UGANDA: PARENT PARTICIPATION AND NATIONAL REFORMS NANSOZI K. MUWANGA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Pbilosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto @Copyright by Nansozi K. Muwanga 2000 National Library Bibliothèque nationale I*I of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaON K1AON4 Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son pe~ssion. autorisation. Educational reforms in Uganda since 1986, culrninating in the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) in 1996, attempted to reestablish centralized control over education and, by implication, reverse the trend toward the unregulated involvement in education of both of parents and non-state institutions. These reforms ran counter to existing participatory pattems of educational financing and administration, as well as to the political philosophy underpinning the National Resistance Movement (NRM) governrnent, i.e., democratization and popular participation in decision-making and service delivery. The inherent tension between educational reforms and political goals raises an important question that is central to this study: Cmthe state strengthen its administrative control over education and also preserve and extend local participation? This study examines parent participation at the local level in the financing and management of pnrnary education during the penod 1971 to 1997. This is a period that began with a slide toward political and economic disintegration and ended with a decade of political and economic consolidation under the NRM. Arnong the objectives the NRM set out to achieve after seizing power in January 1986 was the creation of a political consensus around its political reforms with the broad aim of promoting democracy. Among its other objectives, the new government sought to equalize educational oppomuiities as a comentone of its poverty eradication strategy. The link between the two objectives - promoting democracy and equalizing educational opportunities - was straightforward: a more "educated" citizenry would contribute to the democratic, participatory and developrnent- oriented agenda of the MIM government. Focusing on the patterns of participation that emerged during the penod of disintegration as diverse groups and interests became involved in the schools, the study examines the political and educational implications of that participation during the time of national consolidation. This study rnakes four arguments. First, that participation, as it becarne established in Uganda drew upon powerful individual and farnily motives, as well on concems for the cornmon good. Second, that govemment efforts to assert political control over education in order ro equaiize access to education and promote equality tended to divide parents betsveen those who supported the added investrnent and those who opposed the reduction ofroles for parents and religious institutions. Third, that this opposition based on hard won and effective system ofparticipation put the govemment's legitimacy at risk; whereby to build aconsensus for its policies, the govemment had to find a way of working with institutions of participation. Fourth, that as politics became more open and participation increasingly institutionalized, the govemment, having a development agenda, ran into problems conceming its perceived legitimacy and its need to build consensus for its policies. This fourth argument extrapolates beyond the case study to highlight how the issue of parent participation is a harbinger of heightened politics associated with opening up political systems where strong participation exists in an are3 where govemment needs to increase its legitimacy. Acknowledgements Many institutions and individuals, both in Canada and Uganda, have contributed in numerous ways - financial, professional, and persona1 - towards my cornpletion of this work. First, 1 am most grateful for the financial support 1received 60m the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto. 1would also like to thank the administrative staff, in particular, Margaret Mackone, Shelly MacLarty and Joan Kallis--whose help has been invaluable to me. Prokssionaily, I wish to hank Professors Jonathan Barker, Richard Stren, and David Wilson--al1 members of my doctoral committee-for their enthusiasm, readiness to discuss ideas, and insightful cornments. S~eciaIthanks go to my supervisor, Professor Jonathan Barker, for his continued confidence in my work despite my own occasional discouragement. Furthemore, his long journey to visit me in Uganda during my field work not only allowed me to share my remarkable experience with him, but gave me the opportunity to cl&@ my ideas through our discussions. 1 also want to thank Professor Richard Stren for having made it possible for me to become part of the stimulating yet informal culture that characterizes the Centre of Urban and Comrnunity Studies. The Centre has been my locus of learning, an important venue for social interaction and developrnent and, importantly, has also provided me with emptoyment. I benefited immensely fiom Professor David Wilson's experience with issues in African education. His comments, on several cirafts of this thesis, asked tough questions, suggested usefil readings, and provided me with an extremely usehl overall guide on the politics of education in Afnca. 1 wish also to thank Professor Apolo Nsibambi, former Director of Makerere Institute of Social Research (1996-97), Minister of Education (1997-98), Prime Minister ofUganda (1999), as the unofficial fourth member of my degree cornmittee, both for his knowledgeable comments and valuable documentation. Next, 1 would like to thank the Rockefeller Foundation for the Ahcan Dissertation Intemship Award for my research in Uganda. 1am especially grateful to Makerere Institute of Social Research for having taken me on as a research associate for the duration of my research. I also convey my special thanks to my research assistants, Rebecca Mukyala, Erasmus Kimbowa, and James Serunjoji. They not only were highly knowledgeable, but a great pleasure to work with. My thanks go out as well to our excellent guide during our many journeys-- Mayanja-as well as to Kigozi for library assistance. 1am indebted as well both to President's Office and to the Ministry of Education for financial support towards the completion of my work A special th& to Elizabeth Kanyogonya and Arnelia Kyambadde - President's Ofice - for their kind help, and to Gertrude Kizito, Department of Political Science, Makerere University, for keeping the channels of communication open between Toronto and Makerere. 1 am especially gratehl to al1 the people whom 1met in the schools that 1 studied. The willingness of the head teachers, teachers, parents and pupils to meet with me and speak frankly about their experiences, expectations, and concerns in education was essential in making this smdy what it is. I am dso indebtcd :O go~emmentofficiais both at the dishct level and in th2 Ministry of Education for having provided me with access to interviews, as well as to many usefil documents. 1would also like to thank various friends and members of my extended family in Canada and Uganda. 1extend a heartfelt thanks to Nancy Barker, who not only opened up her home to me when 1 first arrived in Toronto but became a wonderfbl sounding board both on academic and social matten. 1am deeply grateful to Sara and Ensa Mugabi, Grace Kiyaga-Nsubuga and their families, Alice Mutungi, Winnie, Amie, Godi, Vera, Jeremy, Jay, Andrea, Emmanuel, and rnembers of the Uganda Martyrs' Church (Toronto), a11 of whom have enriched my Ph.D. expenence, for their fkiendship and support. 1 would like to extend a special thanks to Maureen Emanuel, who endured long hours ofediting and weaving in revisions, but above all, for always being there. 1 am also deeply grateful to Kim's Jaja Hajati and our Fnend Bart whose compassion, wisdom, unwavering fiiendship, and support. over the years, has been invaluable. Finally, 1am deeply grateful for the continued support and love of my family. Each one, in a different way, has conhibuted toward what has become a collective goal. My greatest thanks go to rny parents for whom equal educational opportunity began at home. I may not have mded up in this field had they not communicated so strongly their belief in the importance of education, and their deep concem about al1 things political and social. I must also thank my sisters and their families. During my absences, they have helped me parent my daughter, Nakirnera (Km). Vikki, Tmdi, Maarna Julie, Lydia