THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959

Our Delhi Letter The Swatantra Party

THE wide response that Rajaji's to what extent they are compatible appeal is to a (supposedly) purely Swatantra Party has evoked all with the solution of our pressing native concept—the doctrine of over the country is testimony to the problems. trusteeship. He declares that the fact that in spite of the almost It is clear that slogans like free­ Swatantra Party is 'against social complete political eclipse of our dom of the individual', taken by justice and welfare being brought so-called rightist parties after the themselves, mean nothing. In their about by violence and compulsion, first elections and the gradual change literal sense they suggest that each but is in favour of the doctrine of in the Congress Party's policies since individual acts as he pleases. Need­ trusteeship adumbrated by Gandhiji.' 1953, which culminated in the adop­ less to say this would neither be prac­ The Party will 'emphasise the moral tion of the Soclalist Pattern of So­ ticable nor desirable. It must ultima­ obligation of those who possess ciety' at Avadi in 1855, right-wing tely lead to the negation of freedom wealth to hold it in trust for society political opinion in the country is by for the majority of the people. For, and a doctrine of life based on no means extinct. Among those who in the last analysis, it would merely moral obligations as distinguished have permitted themselves to be mean freedom for the strongest and from seeking to establish a socia­ caught in the flood-tide of socialism, the most powerful. In a society, cha­ listic structure based on legislative not a few are socialists as a matter racterised by such great inequalities, sanctions involving expropriation of expediency rather than by faith. social and economic, as ours is, free­ and loss of Initiative for the indi­ If they have not dissociated them­ dom in its most meaningful sense vidual to work and increasing de­ selves from the Congress it is be­ must consist of restraints imposed on pendence on the State and its offi­ cause not many have the courage of the privileged few who, if unrestrain­ cials in every walk of life.' conviction to oppose the dominant ed, would bend the many unprivile­ Now, Rajaji would be the first to ideology of the country. ged to their will. Freedom, as far admit that the doctrine of trustee­ as the majority of us are concerned, Besides, not a few, doubtless, ship is not something new; it was need not vary inversely with the found it worthwhile to swallow some not invented by Gandhiji either. It extent of State activity. The in­ bitter ideological pills so long as the is a part of our ancient religion and terests of the vast majority may de­ loaves and fishes of office continued has been with us for thousands of mand a certain course of action which to come their way. However, with the years without, however, ever coming may on occasion require the State Nagpur resolution of the Congress on in the way of persistent and inten­ to resort to an element of compul­ cooperative farming and official hints sive exploitation of the poor by the sion. To desist from such action in of a 'big' Third Plan based on a rich, of the unprivileged by the pri­ the name of 'freedom of the indivi­ considerable expansion of the public vileged. It is therefore up to Rajaji dual' is to make nonsense of the sector, right-wing opinion in the and others who claim to believe in real content of freedom. country has once again become res­ the doctrine of trusteeship to show tive. Credit must therefore go to Main Problems what peculiar feature there is in Rajaji for choosing the correct psy­ our modern social set-up to make The political problem par excel­ chological moment to launch his con­ an obsolete concept operative so as lence that we face in India, in com­ servative party. suddenly to transform human mon with the peoples of new-born Basic Tenets nature. What is it that should per­ democracies in Asia and elsewhere, suade us to give unchecked power From what one gathers from the is that of reconciling the require­ and wealth to an individual and speeches and statements of the spon­ ments of rapid industrialisation with expect him, with justification, to sors of the new party, the basic tenets the claims of a welfare state, Eco­ use it for the public good? Appeal underlying its political programme nomic development is meaningless to Gandhiji or to our ancient scrip- appear broadly to be as follows: unless its benefits permeate to the ttttes certainly does not answer the (1) freedom of the individual from lowest and the humblest in the land; question. state interference and compulsion; equally, the welfare state is impos­ (ii) rapid economic development sible of achievement unless there However, it is not necessary to through private enterprise capitalism takes place alongside a growth in agare with all, or any, of the tenets with a corresponding minimisation of the size of the cake. This problem, of the Swatantra Party to appre­ the role of the State in economic of course, did not arise during the ciate that it has a useful role to Affairs; and crucial phase of industrialisation in fulfil In the present posture of affairs (iii) conservation of all that is good the now-developed capitalist eco­ in the country. The dangerous in the country's life and heritage. nomies owing to the peculiar socio­ game of 'progressiver than thou' has This, it must be emphasised, is mere­ political circumstances obtaining gone on enough. The game is dan­ ly an enunciation of values, not the then. Nevertheless the concept of gerous because it breeds confusion exposition of a programme of work. the mysterious 'invisible hand' was and, worse than that,, Insincerity This latter task the leaders of the called in to show that capitalism and ideological corruption. And Swatantra Party have still to per­ does, in fact, reconcile private and since you cannot fool all the people form. Nevertheless, it should be social interests. But then it turned all the time, it leads in course of useful to set these values in the pre- out, unfortunately, that this invi­ time to mass demoralisation. sent socio-economic context in the sible hand' was invisible because it The Swatantra Party will have country with a view to ascertaining was non-existent. Now, Rajaji's earned its place in Indian politics 893 SPECIAL NUMBER JULY 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

if it contributed to a crystallisation preservation. Conservatism is, of organising itself. It is, therefore, of issues and to a much-needed course, no sin. But in the hands of with immense relief that one learns clarification of the existing ideolo­ vested interests it must necessarily that negotiations finally fell through gical confusion. Faced with the become a justification for maintain­ because of the Jan Sangh leaders' challenge of a formidable alterna­ ing the status quo and, ipso facto, concern that their separate identity, tive, those who profess faith in so- their own privileged position. Equally built up over a period of ten years, cialism will be compelled to rid fatal to the future of the new party would be lost. themselves of their ambiguity and would be any move on its part to half-hearted vacillations. On the associate itself with reactionary Of course, this story may well be other hand, those who oppose so­ communal elements. In this regard, untrue. But there have been other cialism may now emerge from poli­ however, the reports received so equally disquieting reports. It is tical wilderness to give honest and far have been far from reassuring. naturally very tempting for a new open battle under the banner of the For instance, one learns that talks political party to pick up some new party. took place recently between some much-needed cash and gather some top Jan Sangh and RSS leaders and easy popularity. But in the long Pitfalls to be Avoided an important leader of the Swatan­ run this cannot hut portent ill. For, However, before the Swatantra tra Party with a view to bringing in the ultimate analysis, people will Party can aspire to fulfil this ex­ about a merger of the Jan Sangh look upon the ability and willing­ cellent promise, it must safeguard with the Swatantra Party. The ness of the Swatantra Party to keep itself against the two most com­ proposal advanced by the Swatan­ itself free from the strangle-hold of mon dangers which stalk right-wing tra Party leader is stated to have vested interests and communalism parties in this country. In the first. been that the RSS should merge as the supreme test of whether it place, it must take care that it does its political wing—the Jan Sangh is to be taken as a serious and pur­ not lower itself, wittingly or un­ with the Swatantra Party and in posive alternative to the Congress wittingly, to the level of a group of lieu of that, the RSS would be help­ or merely as the last ditch of des­ vested interests fighting for self- ed with a large sum of money for perate reaction.

STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES OF THE SWATANTRA PARTY Adopted at an Informal Meeting Held at Madras on June 4, 1959 with Shri C Rajagopalachari in the Chair (1) We are of opinion that social stands for initiative and freedom and is (13) We believe that taxation should justice and welfare can be reached more interested in obtaining the highest yields be kept at such levels that it does not' certainly and properly in other ways from the land. interfere with reasonable living standards than through the techniques of so-called (7) We believe in an intensive pro­ for the people, both rural and urban, socialism. gramme of agricultural improvement and which, while being necessary and (2) We hold that social justice and without disturbing the harmony of rural sufficient for the carrying on of adminis­ welfare should not be sought to be life amongst the elements that compose tration, nation-building and social ser­ brought about by violence or State com­ it, but by promoting the material and vices, is vol. not so high and exacting or pulsion with all their necessary accom­ psychological inducements for more so ubiquitous as to prevent capital-form­ paniments of injustice, expropriation, production. ation and investment by individuals. and repudiation of obligations but must (8) We should in special seek to in­ (14) We are opposed to urgent and be brought Into being by the spread of troduce a more intensive programme lop-sided development based on heavy than is now being followed in respect taxation, deficit financing and foreign the doctrine of trusteeship adumbrated of the supply of material, implements by Gandhiji. loans out of all proportion to economic and credit to the farmer without in any repayment-capacity, (3) We stand for every effort being way interfering with the cultivator's made to preserve what is good in our rights of ownership, management and (15) We are opposed to policies culture and to replace by spiritual values cultivation of the land. which lead to excessive and immediate the materialistic philosophy of life that inflation. has resulted from the efforts merely to (9) We believe in the need for every raise what is called the standard of life. kind of servicing for agriculture, but are (16) We hold that the guarantees (4) We believe that all the education­ opposed to cultivation through organi­ specified in the original Constitution in al activities of the Government, direct sations which are a loose kind of multi­ respect of freedom of property, trade, and indirect, should be such as to em­ ple ownership, certain to sap the incen­ employment, and just compensation for phasise the moral obligation of those tive of the farmer, reduce farm output, any property acquired for public pur­ who possess wealth to hold it in trust for and end in a collective economy and poses should be restored. bureaucratic management, society, and a doctrine of life based on (17) We are against the expansion of that moral obligation as distinguished (10) We believe that the level of life bureaucratic services which involves the from seeking to establish a socialistic of the farmer can and should be raised bringing into being of "Statism" with structure based on legislative sanctions, by taking steps to maintain a reasonable a hierarchy of officials made to do work involving expropriation and loss of in­ and fair price for his produce. which is best done privately and inde­ centive for the individual to work, and (11) In industry, we believe in the pendently and an unproductive waste increasing dependence on the State and encouragement of the incentives for of national resources. higher production and expansion which its officials in every walk of life. (IB) We believe that the State wilt (5) We are opposed to all those poli­ are promoted by competitive enterprise, with adequate safeguards against exces­ best serve its citizens by giving facilities cies and forecasts of future Government­ for a proper decentralized distribution of al action which have created an all- sive and unreasonable prices, profits and dividends where the competition itself industry and limiting its regulatory func­ pervading and deep sense of uncertainty, tion to the prevention and punishment drying up all interest in land and factory does not secure these ends. (12) We stand for the restriction of of unsocial activities wherever called for. alike. State enterprise to heavy industries to (19) We are of opinion that a broad- (6) In agriculture, we recognise the supplement private enterprise in that based Opposition Party should be formed paramount need for increasing food pro­ field, such national services as railways, on the above principles to safeguard our duction, but believe that it is best at­ and the starting of pioneer industries democracy and that a Convention be tained through the continuance of the where private initiative is difficult. called for taking steps for that purpose. self-employed peasant-proprietor who 894