Electoral System Design in the Context of Constitution-Building
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Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
The Case for Electoral Reform: a Mixed Member Proportional System
1 The Case for Electoral Reform: A Mixed Member Proportional System for Canada Brief by Stephen Phillips, Ph.D. Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Vancouver, BC 6 October 2016 2 Summary: In this brief, I urge Parliament to replace our current Single-Member Plurality (SMP) system chiefly because of its tendency to distort the voting intentions of citizens in federal elections and, in particular, to magnify regional differences in the country. I recommend that SMP be replaced by a system of proportional representation, preferably a Mixed Member Proportional system (MMP) similar to that used in New Zealand and the Federal Republic of Germany. I contend that Parliament has the constitutional authority to enact an MMP system under Section 44 of the Constitution Act 1982; as such, it does not require the formal approval of the provinces. Finally, I argue that a national referendum on replacing the current SMP voting system is neither necessary nor desirable. However, to lend it political legitimacy, the adoption of a new electoral system should only be undertaken with the support of MPs from two or more parties that together won over 50% of the votes cast in the last federal election. Introduction Canada’s single-member plurality (SMP) electoral system is fatally flawed. It distorts the true will of Canadian voters, it magnifies regional differences in the country, and it vests excessive political power in the hands of manufactured majority governments, typically elected on a plurality of 40% or less of the popular vote. The adoption of a voting system based on proportional representation would not only address these problems but also improve the quality of democratic government and politics in general. -
Before the Federal Election Commission in Re
BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION IN RE: CHRISTOPHER VAN HOLLEN, JR., DEMOCRACY 21, THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER, MUR 7024 I Respondents. RESPONSE OF RESPONDENTS DEMOCRACY 21 AND THE CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER Christopher E. Babbitt Adam Raviv Kurt G. Kastorf Arpit K. Garg* Wilmer Cutler Pickering Hale and Dorr LLP 1875 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, DC 20006 Tel: (202) 663-6000 Fax: (202) 663-6363 Attorneys for Democracy 21 and The Campaign Legal Center * Admitted to practice only in New York. Supervised by members of the firm who are members of the District of Columbia bar. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 1 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 3 ARGUMENT , 5 I. DEMOCRACY 21 AND CLC'S PRO BONO LEGAL SERVICES WERE NOT A "CONTRIBUTION" AS DEFINED UNDER § 8(A)(I) OF FECA 5 A. Structural Challenges To Generally Applicable Campaign Finance Laws And FEC Regulations Are Not "For the Purpose Of Influencing" Federal Elections 5 B. Neither Democracy 21 Nor CLC Provided Legal Services For The Purpose Of ®4 Influencing Van Hollen's Election 8 4 1. Neither Democracy 21 nor CLC undertook activities involving express § advocacy or solicitation intended to influence Van Hollen's election 9 2. The "totality of the circumstances" does not compel a different result 9 3. The litigation and rulemaking have a "significant non-election related" aspect 13 C. Cause of Action's Theory of Indirect Benefit is Both Incorrect And Disruptive.. 14 1. • The FEC has already rejected Cause of Action's indirect, reputation-based argument 14 2. Van Hollen's standing allegations do not change this analysis 16 3. -
An Electoral System Fit for Today? More to Be Done
HOUSE OF LORDS Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 Report of Session 2019–21 An electoral system fit for today? More to be done Ordered to be printed 22 June 2020 and published 8 July 2020 Published by the Authority of the House of Lords HL Paper 83 Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 The Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 was appointed by the House of Lords on 13 June 2019 “to consider post-legislative scrutiny of the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013”. Membership The Members of the Select Committee on the Electoral Registration and Administration Act 2013 were: Baroness Adams of Craigielea (from 15 July 2019) Baroness Mallalieu Lord Campbell-Savours Lord Morris of Aberavon (until 14 July 2019) Lord Dykes Baroness Pidding Baroness Eaton Lord Shutt of Greetland (Chairman) Lord Hayward Baroness Suttie Lord Janvrin Lord Wills Lord Lexden Declaration of interests See Appendix 1. A full list of Members’ interests can be found in the Register of Lords’ Interests: http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-interests/register-of-lords- interests Publications All publications of the Committee are available at: https://committees.parliament.uk/committee/405/electoral-registration-and-administration-act- 2013-committee/publications/ Parliament Live Live coverage of debates and public sessions of the Committee’s meetings are available at: http://www.parliamentlive.tv Further information Further information about the House of Lords and its Committees, including guidance to witnesses, details of current inquiries and forthcoming meetings is available at: http://www.parliament.uk/business/lords Committee staff The staff who worked on this Committee were Simon Keal (Clerk), Katie Barraclough (Policy Analyst) and Breda Twomey (Committee Assistant). -
Who Gains from Apparentments Under D'hondt?
CIS Working Paper No 48, 2009 Published by the Center for Comparative and International Studies (ETH Zurich and University of Zurich) Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Dr. Daniel Bochsler University of Zurich Universität Zürich Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Daniel Bochsler post-doctoral research fellow Center for Comparative and International Studies Universität Zürich Seilergraben 53 CH-8001 Zürich Switzerland Centre for the Study of Imperfections in Democracies Central European University Nador utca 9 H-1051 Budapest Hungary [email protected] phone: +41 44 634 50 28 http://www.bochsler.eu Acknowledgements I am in dept to Sebastian Maier, Friedrich Pukelsheim, Peter Leutgäb, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Alex Fischer, who provided very insightful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Manuscript Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Apparentments – or coalitions of several electoral lists – are a widely neglected aspect of the study of proportional electoral systems. This paper proposes a formal model that explains the benefits political parties derive from apparentments, based on their alliance strategies and relative size. In doing so, it reveals that apparentments are most beneficial for highly fractionalised political blocs. However, it also emerges that large parties stand to gain much more from apparentments than small parties do. Because of this, small parties are likely to join in apparentments with other small parties, excluding large parties where possible. These arguments are tested empirically, using a new dataset from the Swiss national parliamentary elections covering a period from 1995 to 2007. Keywords: Electoral systems; apparentments; mechanical effect; PR; D’Hondt. Apparentments, a neglected feature of electoral systems Seat allocation rules in proportional representation (PR) systems have been subject to widespread political debate, and one particularly under-analysed subject in this area is list apparentments. -
A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea. -
Head of State Selection Process: Graphic Illustration
Head of State selection process: Graphic Illustration Explanation • Indirect election (assembly): The head of state is elected by members of the assembly. In some cases, a supermajority is absolutely required (e.g. Ethiopia); in all other cases a majority is sufficient in the final round. In Lebanon, a supermajority minimum turnout is required, which means the minority can veto by staying away from the vote. • Indirect election (assembly + regional/local representatives): The head of state is elected by the combination of assembly members and local and/or federal unit assemblies or their delegates. • Direct election (alternative vote): Voters have ranked ballot. If no candidate has more than half of first-preference votes, the lowest-voted candidate is eliminated and has votes redistributed according to preferences expressed on ballots. This is repeated until some candidate has a majority (50%+1) of the votes, and that candidate is elected. • Direct election (majority runoff): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a majority (50%+1) in the first round is elected; if no candidate receives a majority of votes in the first round, a decisive second round is held between first- and second-placed candidates. • Direct election (plurality): The head of state is directly elected; the candidate with most votes is elected. This includes countries with ‘fused’ legislative-executive elections where the leader of the party with the most votes, sometimes subject to two rounds, becomes president (e.g. Angola). • Direct election (modified two-round): The head of state is directly elected. A candidate with a predefined proportion of the vote (e.g. -
Legislature by Lot: Envisioning Sortition Within a Bicameral System
PASXXX10.1177/0032329218789886Politics & SocietyGastil and Wright 789886research-article2018 Special Issue Article Politics & Society 2018, Vol. 46(3) 303 –330 Legislature by Lot: Envisioning © The Author(s) 2018 Article reuse guidelines: Sortition within a Bicameral sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789886DOI: 10.1177/0032329218789886 System* journals.sagepub.com/home/pas John Gastil Pennsylvania State University Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin–Madison Abstract In this article, we review the intrinsic democratic flaws in electoral representation, lay out a set of principles that should guide the construction of a sortition chamber, and argue for the virtue of a bicameral system that combines sortition and elections. We show how sortition could prove inclusive, give citizens greater control of the political agenda, and make their participation more deliberative and influential. We consider various design challenges, such as the sampling method, legislative training, and deliberative procedures. We explain why pairing sortition with an elected chamber could enhance its virtues while dampening its potential vices. In our conclusion, we identify ideal settings for experimenting with sortition. Keywords bicameral legislatures, deliberation, democratic theory, elections, minipublics, participation, political equality, sortition Corresponding Author: John Gastil, Department of Communication Arts & Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, 232 Sparks Bldg., University Park, PA 16802, USA. Email: [email protected] *This special issue of Politics & Society titled “Legislature by Lot: Transformative Designs for Deliberative Governance” features a preface, an introductory anchor essay and postscript, and six articles that were presented as part of a workshop held at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, September 2017, organized by John Gastil and Erik Olin Wright. -
The Allocation of Seats Inside the Lists (Open/Closed Lists)
Strasbourg, 28 November 2014 CDL(2014)051* Study No. 764/2014 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) DRAFT REPORT ON PROPORTIONAL ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: THE ALLOCATION OF SEATS INSIDE THE LISTS (OPEN/CLOSED LISTS) on the basis of comments by Mr Richard BARRETT (Member, Ireland) Mr Oliver KASK (Member, Estonia) Mr Ugo MIFSUD BONNICI (Former Member, Malta) Mr Kåre VOLLAN (Expert, Norway) *This document has been classified restricted on the date of issue. Unless the Venice Commission decides otherwise, it will be declassified a year after its issue according to the rules set up in Resolution CM/Res(2001)6 on access to Council of Europe documents. This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL(2014)051 - 2 - Table of contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3 II. The electoral systems in Europe and beyond .................................................................... 4 A. Overview ................................................................................................................... 4 B. Closed-list systems.................................................................................................... 6 III. Open-list systems: seat allocation within lists, effects on the results ................................ 7 A. Open-list systems: typology ....................................................................................... 8 B. -
A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 3-30-2009 The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913 Joseph S. Friedman University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Recommended Citation Friedman, Joseph S., "The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913" 30 March 2009. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/93. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/93 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rapid Sequence of Events Forcing the Senate's Hand: A Reappraisal of the Seventeenth Amendment, 1890-1913 Abstract For over 125 years, from the ratification of the Constitution ot the passage of the Seventeenth Amendment in 1913, the voting public did not elect U.S. senators. Instead, as a result of careful planning by the Founding Fathers, state legislatures alone possessed the authority to elect two senators to represent their respective interests in Washington. It did not take long for second and third generation Americans to question the legitimacy of this process. To many observers, the system was in dire need of reform, but the stimulus for a popular elections amendment was controversial and not inevitable. This essay examines why reform came in 1911 with the Senate’s unexpected passage of the Seventeenth Amendment, which was ratified twenty-four months later in the first year of Woodrow Wilson’s presidency. -
Electoral College
The Electoral College Members of the Constitutional Convention explored many possible methods of choosing a president. One suggestion was to have the Congress choose the president. A second suggestion was to have the State Legislatures select the president. A third suggestion was to elect the president by a direct popular vote. The first suggestion was voted down due to suspicion of corruption, fears of irrevocably dividing the Congress and concerns of upsetting the balance of power between the executive and the legislative branches. The second idea was voted down because the Framers felt that federal authority would be compromised in exchange for votes. And the third idea was rejected out of concern that the voters would only select candidates from their state without adequate information about candidates outside of the state. The prevailing suggestion was to have a College of Electors select a president through an indirect election. The Facts: The Electoral College is comprised of 538 electors Each state is allotted a number of electors equal to the number of its U.S. Representatives plus its two senators (Washington, D.C. has three electors) The political parties of each state submit a list of individuals pledged to their candidates for president that is equal in number to the number of electoral votes for the state to the State’s chief election official Whichever presidential candidate gets the most popular votes in a State wins all of the Electors (known as “winner takes all”) for that state except for the states of Maine and Nebraska which award electoral votes proportionately Electors are not required to vote for the candidate they pledged to vote for Changing the system would require amending the Constitution Assignment: Use the information provided in addition to your knowledge to write a persuasive essay in which you argue whether the Electoral College is the best method of electing a President. -
The UK's Proportional Electoral System: the Single Transferable Vote (STV)
69 2.3 The UK’s proportional electoral system: the single transferable vote (STV) Patrick Dunleavy examines the proportional (PR) electoral system now used for smaller UK elections: the Northern Ireland Assembly, and Scottish and Northern Irish local councils. How has STV fared in converting votes into seats and fostering political legitimacy, under UK political conditions? An Annex also discusses the list PR system used to elect European Parliament MEPs from 1999 to 2014, but now discontinued as a result of Brexit. What does democracy require for an electoral system? ✦ It should accurately translate parties’ votes into seats in the legislature (here, local councils in Scotland and Northern Ireland, plus the Northern Ireland Assembly). ✦ Votes should be translated into seats in a way that is recognised as legitimate by most citizens (ideally almost all of them). ✦ No substantial part of the population should regard the result as illegitimate, nor suffer a consistent bias of the system ‘working against them’. ✦ If possible, the system should have beneficial effects for the good governance of the country. ✦ If possible, the voting system should enhance the social representativeness of the legislature, and encourage high levels of voting across all types of citizens. Used for: Electing local councillors across Scotland and Northern Ireland; and for choosing members of the Northern Ireland Assembly. Elsewhere in the world, single transferable vote (STV) is only used to elect parliaments in Ireland and Malta, and for Australian Senate elections. How it works: All representatives are elected in larger constituencies that have multiple seats (usually between three and six). STV seeks to allocate seats to parties in direct relation to their vote shares, so as to end up with minimum possible differences between their seat shares and vote shares (‘high proportionality’).