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Copyright © and Moral Rights for This Phd Thesis Are Retained by the Author And/Or Other Copyright Owners Hohman, Kathryn Mary (2014) Postconflict borderlands : the micro-dynamics of violence in Nepal's central- eastern Tarai, 2007-2009. PhD Thesis. SOAS, University of London. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/id/eprint/20347 Copyright © and Moral Rights for this PhD Thesis are retained by the author and/or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non‐commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This PhD Thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder/s. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. When referring to this PhD Thesis, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the PhD Thesis must be given e.g. AUTHOR (year of submission) "Full PhD Thesis title", name of the School or Department, PhD PhD Thesis, pagination. Postconflict Borderlands: the Micro-dynamics of Violence in Nepal’s Central-Eastern Tarai, 2007-2009 ______________________________ Kathryn Mary Hohman Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Development Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Submitted 11 September 2012 Resubmitted with examiners’ suggested revisions: 15 July 2014 Declaration for PhD Thesis I have read and understood regulation 17.9 of the Regulations for students of the School of Oriental and African Studies concerning plagiarism. I undertake that all the material presented for examination is my own work and has not been written for me, in whole or in part by any other person. I also undertake that any quotation or paraphrase from the published or unpublished work of another person has been duly acknowledged in the work which I present for examination. Kathryn Mary Hohman July 2014 2 ABSTRACT This thesis presents an argument for examining the politics of postconflict and demonstrates how the new, and uniquely, politicized contestations in a post-CPA Nepal have contributed to continued local-level violence. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in Nepal, this thesis examines violence in the postconflict period, specifically in the central-eastern tarai region between the years 2007 and 2009. The thesis asks: How was the local level violence that persisted after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement understood by conflict actors and civilians in the central-eastern tarai? Furthermore, how do NSAG members and civilians experience that violence? More broadly, how are social relationships being negotiated in the postconflict period and how have such transformations impacted on individual and collective lives in the central-eastern tarai region of Nepal? The study focuses on the border as the unit of analysis and examines the relationship between borders and belonging in Nepal. The study proposes that the key variable that explains low- intensity violence in the central-eastern tarai is the proposal of ethnofederalism. It analyzes how the formation of the nation and relations between the state and central-eastern tarai residents impacted on NSAG recruitment and activism. The study offers new empirical data by presenting an ethnography of NSAG recruitment and participation as well as narratives of civilian perceptions of, and experiences with, violence. This study aims to fill a gap in the conflict recurrence literature which assumes that the actors who are involved in conflict violence and “postconflict” violence are one and the same. The main theoretical contribution of this thesis is the finding that new actors are involved in low-intensity violence in the “postconflict” period in the central-eastern tarai region of Nepal. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………………....3 Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………………..6 Chapter One: Introduction……………………………………………………………………….12 Chapter Two: Research Setting and Methodolgy………………………………..........................43 Chapter Three: Historical Overview: The Formation of the Nepali Nation-State…….................74 Chapter Four: A Borderlands Perspective: Tarai History History……………………………...101 Chapter Five: Borderlands and Belonging………………..…………………………………….122 Chapter Six: The Ethnofederal Proposal in Nepal…………………….......................................154 Chapter Seven: The Everyday Life of “Postconflict” in Nepal’s Central-Eastern Tarai……….187 Chapter Eight: Non-State Armed Groups in Nepal’s Central-Eastern Tarai………………...…216 Chapter Nine: Civilian Counterframes………………………………………………...……….249 Chapter Ten: Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….....285 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………....304 Appendix 1: Madheshi Mukti Tigers Manifesto ………………………………………............327 Appendix 2: Agreement Between the GoN and the UMDF ……………………………….......332 Appendix 3: The Parasite ……………………………………………………………………....334 4 TABLES Table 1: Typology of Non-State Armed Actors…………………………………………………33 Table 2: Caste Hierarchy of the Muluki Ain………………………………….............................81 Table 3: Elements of "Panchayatocracy"………………………………………………………...84 Table 4: Caste/Ethnic Composition of Parties’ Central Committees in 2001…………………...90 Table 5: Caste and Ethnic Composition of Legislatures…………………………………………91 Table 6: Major Caste and Ethnic Divisions in Nepal…………………………………………..111 Table 7: Population of Major Ethnic and Caste Groups, 2001………………………………....113 Table 8: Typology of Non-State Armed Groups……………………………………………….217 FIGURES Figure 1: Map of Nepal…………………………………………………………………………..45 Figure 2: Map of Primary Fieldwork Sites 2008-2009…………………………..........................53 Figure 3: Map of Ethnic Distribution…………………………………………...........................160 Figure 4: Number of Victims Killed During the Maoist “People’s War” Years…………………………………………………………………………………………....191 Figure 5: Reported Killings in the Central-Eastern Tarai, 2007-2009……….............................192 Figure 6: Reported Abductions in the Central-Eastern Tarai, 2007-2009..….............................192 Figure 7: Total Reported Killings 2008………………………………………………………...194 Figure 8: Total Reported Abductions 2008…………………………………………………….194 Figure 9: Reported IED/Explosions 2008………………………………………………………195 PHOTOS Photo 1: Village home with traditional Mithila painting ………………………………………..48 Photo 2: Janaki Mandir …………………………………………………….................................52 Photo 3: Student elections at university in Janakpur……………………………….....................88 Photo 4: Sunset on the tarai ………………………....................................................................102 Photo 5: Protest in the streets of Janakpur ……………………………………..........................207 Photo 6: Women talking in Janakpur………………………………………...............................211 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No research can be done in isolation and I am indebted to many people in places across the globe. First and foremost, my heartfelt thanks go to all of the people who took the time to meet and discuss with me the complexity of violent conflict in different spaces across Nepal. I am incredibly grateful for their willingness to share their insights into and experiences with, often, very sensitive topics. This research simply would not have been possible without them. PhD theses rarely succeed without the commitment, hard work, and honesty of supervisors. For that, and more, I owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Zoe Marriage. Zoe not only provided me with intellectual support and institutional navigation throughout the PhD process, but she constantly pushed me to be a better writer and a bigger risk taker. I am truly grateful for her wit, perspective, and, above all, patience. I formally began this research process in London where I had an amazing upgrade committee who provided excellent feedback on my initial research design and helped to shape the early stages of this project. Dr. Michael Hutt provided sharp insights and invaluable knowledge not only as a member of the committee, but as a dedicated and passionate researcher on all things Nepal. Dr. Laura Hammond acted as an interim supervisor early in this project and I have benefited greatly from her guidance and encouragement. I also owe a great debt of gratitude to my two viva committee members, Dr. Kristine Eck and Dr. Kristin Bakke. Their sharp critique and feedback have made this thesis a much better project in the end. 6 My travels to Nepal began almost a decade ago, and I have continued to benefit from the friendship and support of several people in Kathmandu. I have had the distinct pleasure of working with, and learning from, Sharmila Karki and Meena Bista at Jagaran Nepal. They have taught me invaluable lessons about Nepal over the years that we have known each other and, in both the literal sense and the figurative, they have helped me find my way in Nepal. This research was further made possible by the kindness, generosity, and assistance of students, researchers, and activists in various places across Nepal. In Kirtipur I wish to thank Kopila Kandangwa for her hard work, flexibility, commitment, and humor throughout our fieldwork together. Also in Kirtipur, I wish to thank Kavita Dahal, Paban Devkota, Tek Bahadur Dong, and Papiya Shrestha for their invaluable assistance at critical points in this research project. In Janakpur, this project would not have been possible without the tireless organizing efforts of Lilakant Das and Punam Choudhary, both of whom are incredibly hard-working, dedicated community activists. Also in Janakpur,
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