Dagnosław Demski and Dominika Czarnecka A Site Shaped by Discontinuity: The Practices of Place-Making in a Post-Soviet Military Base in Poland
abstract In this paper, the authors focus on the place-making practices which have emerged in the Polish post-Soviet military base—Borne Sulinowo. The new civil town (1993–2018) forms a unique reality, as it employs Polish, German and Russian elements, and interweaves the past threads of civil settlements and garrison life with the present. The authors analyze the process of place- making, drawing on their research in a site shaped by discontinuity. The aim of the article is to present the multilayered nature of the place-making process as well as diverse, sometimes conflicting, often interdependent and interconnected perspectives through which Borne Sulinowo can be understood and experienced.
Keywords: commodification; discontinuity; institutionalization; multi-locality; Poland; post-Soviet base; place-making; practices; symbolization.
Introduction Borne Sulinowo is an interesting case study. In this post-Soviet base in 1993 the history Research problems that constitute the subject began ‘anew’, so to speak, so it differs from the of the present analysis are highly determined majority of Polish towns with their centuries- by the unique spatial and time-related frame. old growth. However, the paper does not On the one hand, they concern a place which is, attempt to offer insights on the detailed history in many respects, unusual—Borne Sulinowo is of Borne Sulinowo or extensive comparative a former military base that was transformed into analysis but instead explores the differential a civil town in 1993. On the other hand, the restructurings of locality. It is an attempt to process of its spatial and symbolic reorganization demonstrate a more nuanced and multifaceted is directly related to the fall of communism, the approach to place, place-making and local withdrawal of the Northern Group of Forces identity production in Central and Eastern from Poland in 19931 and the process of socio- Europe (CEE) than merely the national- political transition in the country which has municipal dichotomy that has been investigated continued for over twenty nine years now. in most studies (see e.g. Andrusz et al. 1996;
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Czaplicka et al. 2009; Mendel 2010; Stanilov interwoven forms of place-making are involved 2007). The present article focuses on providing with local politics and power relations and ‘can the answers to the following questions: To what themselves represent shifting and complex extent are place-making practices affected by power contexts’ (Pink 2008; see also Sandberg political developments at the state level? Which 2016). characteristics of Borne Sulinowo determine its The analytical framework of this paper role in the place-making process? How should involves three dimensions of place-making the ‘non-Polish’, military and, subsequently, practices: 1. symbolization, 2. institutional- inconvenient past and its remains be addressed? ization, 3. commodification (cf. Csurgó and What is the difference between place-making Megyesi 2016). The suggested categorization is practices for outsiders and for insiders? Finally, purely analytical, however, as, in practical terms, what makes some versions of a locality more the boundaries between these dimensions keep visible than others? Drawing on our research in intersecting. a post-Soviet base in Poland, we analyze a series The article is based on research conducted of locally produced practices. We propose that in Borne Sulinowo in February, May and August such a focus can provide new insights about 2015, in May 2016 and in August 2018. The place and understandings of how place is made. case study is based on ethnographic qualitative In order to analyze the above research methods: in-depth interviews, informal con problems we have identified a number of versations, participatory observation (Atkinson theories of place and place-making as relevant and Hammersley 1994; Hammersley and tools (Casey 1996; Feld and Basso 1996). Atkinson 1995), transect walking, analysis Following Edward Casey’s ideas, we see of press and source materials collected in the place as an ‘event’ or process, as something private archives of the manager of the Museum that is constantly being made and remade in Chamber in Borne Sulinowo and analysis of accordance with its own proper dynamism. photographic documentation (Pink 2009). We ‘Moreover, the eventful potency of places conducted around twenty in-depth interviews includes their cultural specificity. Time and (the ‘snowball technique’ was used to find history, the diachronic media of culture, are also new respondents) and numerous informal deeply inscribed in places as to be inseparable conversations with local decision-makers, local from them—as inseparable as the bodies that entrepreneurs, members of local associations, sustain these same places and carry the culture inhabitants of Borne Sulinowo and tourists located in them’ (Casey 1996: 44). Furthermore, passing through. in the process of exploring place-making in its complexity, we draw on Margaret Rodman’s The research context: idea of multi-locality. Among other things, Borne Sulinowo multi-locality implies ‘seeking to understand the construction of place from multiple viewpoints’ From 2015 to date our research has focused and considering that ‘a single physical landscape on the development of the cultural and social can be multilocal in the sense that it shapes landscapes in former military bases in CEE, and expresses polysemic meanings of place particularly in Poland,2 studies that have for different users’ (Rodman 2003: 212). inevitably been concerned with how places are These multiple, simultaneous and sometimes made.
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Borne Sulinowo is a town located in the soldiers of the Polish Army were stationed there north-western part of Poland, inhabited by a for several months and the national authorities total number of more than 4,900 people (Polska considered organizing a Polish garrison there. w liczbach n.d.). In contrast to many other post- Although special passes were necessary to enter military spaces in the country, Borne Sulinowo the former Soviet base during the transitional has not evolved into a ghost town but it has been period, devastation and theft took place on successfully revitalized since 1993. Although a large scale and, ultimately, Polish authorities the time framework of the present analysis made the decision to establish Borne as a civil covers the twenty-five years during which town. On June 5, 1993, the official ceremony to Borne Sulinowo functioned as a Polish civil commemorate the establishment was held. On town (1993–2018), it is worth mentioning that September 15, 1993 the Council of Ministers of in the history of Borne Sulinowo four periods the Republic of Poland granted Borne Sulinowo are usually distinguished (see Demski and a municipal charter (Borne Sulinowo n.d.). Czarnecka 2015). From the sixteenth century Each of the above mentioned periods was to the 1930s it was the site of a small German related to an extensive exchange of population. fishing village called Linde; between 1933 and In 1992 all the soldiers from the former Soviet 1945 (after the civil settlers were relocated by Union abandoned Borne Sulinowo, to be the Nazis) a German garrison was established; gradually replaced by civilians from both the after 1945 Borne Sulinowo was transformed ‘Recovered Territories’, including towns and into a Soviet military garrison which lasted until villages located in the direct neighborhood 1992. In 1945 the state border between Poland of the base, and more remote parts of the and Germany was changed.3 The so-called country. The diverse origins of the civil settlers Recovered Territories (the north-western parts were significant in the context of memories of Poland) were included as part of the Polish of World War II—research conducted in territories following the Potsdam Conference. 2009 demonstrated regional diversification Although after World War II Borne Sulinowo (Nijakowski 2010). There were also differences officially became part of the Polish state, the in Poles’ perceptions of the Soviet soldiers Soviet military organized an ex-territorial zone and foreign army, depending on whether the there and, thus, the whole area was excluded subjects had lived nearby military bases or had from the control and jurisdiction of the Polish not experienced the direct presence of the Soviet administration. Of the thirty-nine military Army and its consequences (see Czarnecka garrisons accepted under the agreement signed 2017; Demski 2017). On the other hand, the in 1957 by the governments of the Polish settlers arriving at the beginning of the 1990s People’s Republic (PPR) and the USSR, Borne from various regions of Poland faced problems Sulinowo was one of the largest and strategically which are not present in rooted communities. most important. When Poles took over the control of the base, The fall of the communist system and the they had little information about the site and fall of the ‘Iron Curtain’ in Central and Eastern the type of resources handed over to them, not Europe resulted in, among other things, the to mention their quantity, quality, and real value. withdrawal of Russian Federation armed forces Numerous ‘ifs’ and all kinds of new discoveries from Poland. After the final withdrawal of and problems gave rise not only to hope, but foreign troops from Borne Sulinowo in 1992, also to feelings of insecurity and a sense of
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threat, meanwhile intensifying the atmosphere manifesting themselves in, among other of excitement. As a result, such expressions as spheres, the reformulation of the symbolic ‘the land of chaos and great opportunity’, ‘a town iconography of the public space, the launch of of chance’ or ‘Polish Dodge City’ appeared side new initiatives, and a sense of freedom on the by side. The town’s new inhabitants, who were part of the citizens. The case of Borne Sulinowo settling on unknown territory, were faced with was no exception to the rule in this respect and, the tough challenge of stepping outside simple thus, it should be discussed within the larger dichotomies and creating new combinations framework of change. Additionally, however, out of what they themselves had brought and the former post-Soviet base displayed specific what they found in the new place. Both of these characteristics which caused the local variant processes are embodied at the level of practice, of transformation to differ from the rest of the understood here as a non-ritual action, as ‘the country. expression of intentional states arising from the The process which began in Borne performing agent’ (Whitehouse 2005: 91). Sulinowo at the beginning of the 1990s reveals The implication of Casey’s ideas is that some analogies to what happened in the ‘Recov- space, time and history are deeply inscribed in ered Territories’ after 1945. In reality, how- place. In contrast to the majority of towns with ever, fundamental differences emerge, which their centuries-old growth, the former military establish the analyzed example as a unique base has been a site shaped by discontinuity. case study. The towns and cities located within As a result, during the four periods mentioned the ‘Recovered Territories’ such as Wrocław, above, this place gathered ‘things’ that seemed Szczecin and Legnica, as well as Gdańsk (Men- irreconcilable (i.e. German, Soviet and del 2010), changed their national affiliation communist past; civilian and military objects)— after World War II along with undergoing an ‘where “things” connote various animate almost complete exchange of inhabitants. Con- and inanimate entities. Places also gather sequently, they count as sites shaped by discon- experiences and histories, even languages and tinuity. Nonetheless, transformations within the thoughts’ (Casey 1996: 24). former military base at the beginning of the The changes in political, economic and 1990s occurred in a totally different geopolit- social contexts have provided the national, ical, economic and social context. As opposed regional and local stakeholders with an to the towns and cities which remained civil opportunity to reinterpret and rewrite the after 1945 and thus in many ways maintained post-Soviet military space. Decision makers continuity, Borne Sulinowo was transformed used the place’s multiple connotations to play into a civil town from a military base, one that up their own values and highlight their own was previously absent from maps and distant power. Polish political transformation (1989– from major communication routes. In effect, 2018) and opening the country to the outside the sense of discontinuity in the case of Borne world marked new opportunities resulting Sulinowo appears much more complex and from the fall of socialism and the beginnings multi-level. of democratization and liberalization processes, including in the sphere of the economy. The whole country witnessed multi-level changes,
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Symbolization: from past put on the differences and rather negative to present and the other aspects of its occupancy. Concurrently, local way around politicians stressed the importance of the early inhabitants’ efforts in laying the foundations for In a place appearing on maps for the first time the new town. In his speech to the government in decades, place-making begins by taking delegation visiting the town the mayor of Borne over and organizing the space in its physical Sulinowo made the following claim: and administrative aspects. In Borne Sulinowo the arrival of the first settlers was preceded by It appears that during the past three years actions undertaken by the local authorities. we have proven, as a local government, Even at this initial stage, preparing land for civil that we are able, despite shortages of the settlement (e.g. examining pollution levels) was financial means, to significantly transform connected with the process of symbolization the image of this town: broken, abandoned which is a central element of place-making. and, on parting, destroyed. (quoted in ‘Symbols and symbolic meaning of the place Anonymous author 1996: 9) contribute and represent the sense of place’ (Csurgó and Megyesi 2016: 433). Both material At the same time, in the eyes of the new objects and events gain status only when settlers the former military base was seen as the contemporary people assign them significance. ‘promised land’ while the attitude of the local The former Soviet military base constitutes people towards its German-Soviet past proved a symbol endowed with diverse meanings both to be significantly more diversified than at the for the inhabitants of Borne Sulinowo and those state level: without any personal experience of the town, for whom it therefore has no connotations. In As far as I saw and heard in the stories, addition, Borne Sulinowo is effectively used as Russians had left the town practically a symbol in various contexts and rival claims untouched. So, if anybody suggested (cf. Peil 2006). that they looted the town, that is not On the national level new challenges true. (…) To my mind, everybody had were offered by the post-Soviet legacies. From a really positive attitude to it. Everyone the standpoint of state-level decision makers had this idea of how the town will thrive at that time, Borne Sulinowo was perceived and that things will be happening here. as a representation of the ‘non-Polish’ and Unfortunately, it turned out that things did inconvenient past of the country and its physical not work out that well in the end.4 remains. The local authorities supported the process of active forgetting and adapting to Regardless of the communist indoctri the narratives which were dominant during nation of all sorts, officers were considered the transformation period on the national level intelligentsia. So these stories that were (for more on the topic of politics of memory spread around did not always have to be in Poland during the transformation era see true. These pejorative labels, so negative. Witeska-Młynarczyk 2014). At the beginning, We do have this thing inside, to feel more after the Russian Army left, emphasis was secure about ourselves. Germans feel it
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towards Poles and Poles feel it towards writing. In the early 1990s all Soviet names Russians. (…) It’s this myth, our imagined were replaced with Polish ones by the new sense of superiority to Russians.5 local authorities on a top-down basis by virtue of a single resolution.7 A question arises as to Generally speaking, these Russians were the models which governed name-giving in always kind of funny for us, one could Borne Sulinowo and the significance of the fall make fun of them. (…) The people who of communism in this context. Several models lived together with them had different were drawn on: each commemorated and, at opinions. Some of them survived thanks the same time, omitted something. The freedom to them, you won’t find people willing to breakthrough was a necessary condition and work here, because they weaned them the direct impulse for changing the ideological away from work, they lived on making format of Polish towns. Additionally, it formed moonshine or trade. However, some were a one of the models for renaming places during bit scared. (…) Well, the Russians were not the period of transformation, emphasizing really missed at the beginning.6 independence and solidarity. In Borne it was realized by Independence Avenue (former The process of taking over and organizing the Joseph Stalin’s Avenue) and White Eagle space in its physical and administrative aspects Street, but also in naming the local school after is closely related to practices of removing the Jan Nowak-Jeziorański8—a person unrelated old and adopting the new symbolism. Such to the local tradition, but distinguished in activities include among others: practices of (re) his fight against communism. Other models naming the streets, the erecting / dismantling of were based on stressing the affiliations with monuments, the design of the new town’s coat Slavic lands and the ‘Polish spirit’; marking of arms and promotional logos. the features characteristic of the local area, and a contemporary model with references to A. The practice of (re) development and the common good. Through naming the streets renaming all streets the local authorities did not only change the ‘ideological vesture’9 of This reflects the practices of ‘an administrative the town but also symbolically took control system providing a sense of accepted organiza over the former ex-territorial area and merged tion of space and thus control over that space it into the national symbolic domain. The new and the people living there’ (Peil 2006: 114). settlers had no influence on the resolutions Not only do the street names create an image being undertaken since the streets had been of unity, but they also reflect the dominant renamed before the majority of them arrived ideologies of the time. Reconstructing past in the youngest Polish town of the time. It is topographies, in turn, enables retracing the past. simultaneously worth mentioning that the After the Soviet forces’ took over the garrison all process of settlement in Borne Sulinowo in the German street names in Borne Sulinowo were 1990s and after 2000 progressed in stages, with replaced by the Soviet ones: for example, Adolf the first wave of immigration being followed by Hitler’s Avenue became Joseph Stalin’s Avenue. the subsequent ones. Even today the walls of some abandoned buildings in the town exhibit traces of Cyrillic
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The erecting / dismantling ceremonial opening of the town (1993), the of monuments monument commemorating victims of Nazi and Soviet totalitarianism (1998), the rock dedicated Besides renaming the streets, monuments to foresters imprisoned and murdered in POW are an important element of the process of camps during World War II (2004) and the symbolization, imposing state-sponsored tank-statue of the Polish Army (the tank of narratives of power and subjectivity on the the Soviet Army was placed there in the Soviet space (cf. Wanner 2016: 202). The monuments era). The aforementioned tank was destroyed in can be perceived as ‘sites for social groups to August 2015 by one of the inhabitants of Borne actively debate the meaning of history and Sulinowo, who painted it blue (Borne Sulinowo compete for control over the commemorative n.d.). Moreover, two monuments (the so-called process’ (Dwyer and Alderman 2008: 165– Polish and French) commemorating the Polish 78). One should at the same time emphasize and French officers who died in Oflag II D and that ‘The less memory is experienced from Oflag II B between 1940 and 1945 were erected the inside the more it exists only through its on the territory of the former POW camps exterior scaffolding and outward signs’ (Nora outside the town, which had constituted a part 2004: 237). When the Soviet soldiers entered of the military base in the past. The ‘Polish’ the military base in Borne, they demolished monument (1998) erected by the former Home all the German monuments. When in the Army soldiers commemorated only the Polish early 1990s the Russian soldiers were leaving prisoners of war. In response to the lack of Borne, they took all their monuments with the equivalent commemoration of the French them. It seems probable that such behavior was prisoners, the second monument, supported motivated by the attempt to avoid the repetition by the French as well as the Association of of past scenarios. In effect, contrary to the the Oflags II D-II B-XX IB (Stowarzyszenie rest of the country, where intense iconoclastic Pamięci Oflagów II D-II B-XXIB n.d), was activities were undertaken, in Borne there was unveiled in 2003. nothing to demolish. This difference appears Monuments form an interesting manifes significant as iconoclastic movements play a tation of the mutual relationship between the frequent and sometimes crucial role in the process of remembering and the process of transformation of societies. Monuments, and forgetting. The relationship between memorials more generally, images ‘are used to express, and forgetting is reciprocal: ‘memorials permit impose and legitimize a power that the same only some things to be remembered and, images are misused in order to challenge, by exclusion, cause others to be forgotten’ reject and delegitimize it’ (Gamboni 1997: (Connerton 1989: 29). Monuments erected 27). In contrast to other Polish towns, Borne during the last twenty five years of the town’s Sulinowo did not have the chance to reject its civil functioning refer to the Polish past, favoring ‘past’ and delegitimize the communist regime it over the German and Soviet narratives. The through acts of public monument demolition. new monuments are supposed to testify to However, the opportunity to build their own the earlier presence of Poles on this territory; places of memory presented itself for the newly the facts of which, as it were, the new settlers arrived settlers. The following monuments were would like to remind us. The majority of the erected in Borne: the rock commemorating the objects erected after 1993 commemorate World
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War II. At the same time, this lack of older elections of 2015, another stage of the process of commemorations (German and Soviet) in the de-communization of public space began. town space reinforces the sense of discontinuity. In 2016 the Institute of National Remem However, the example that in our opin- brance (IPN) began the process of removing ion adequately illustrates how far place-mak- Red Army monuments from Polish towns, at the ing practices are affected by political develop- same time declaring that some of the monuments ments at the national level and how to deal with could be transferred to a selected location, ‘non-Polish’ and unwanted past and its remains, which could then become an educational park. was the idea of establishing a park of monuments The original idea of the IPN was to provide in Borne Sulinowo. Moreover, this example prospective visitors with the opportunity of reflects how three dimensions of place-making viewing the relocated monuments as well as practices—symbolization, institutionalization, learning about their history and significance. In and commodification—intersect and comple- contrast to the prevailing trends in Poland at the ment each other. time, the people of Borne Sulinowo expressed In the parliamentary elections of 2015 their interest in the ‘unwanted’ monuments and the national-conservative Law and Justice filed an application to the Institute of National party (PiS)—one of the two largest parties Remembrance to establish an open air museum in the Polish parliament—managed to win in the town. The authorities of Borne Sulinowo a majority of seats and the party’s candidate offered the representatives of the IPN two won Poland’s presidency. In 2016 a bill on the locations: the central town square for smaller de-communization of public space was passed monuments while the space nearby the military by parliament. The Soviet sites of memory training ground was suggested for the larger played an important role in this context. In 1989 objects for practical reasons. The representatives there were 476 Red Army monuments on Polish of the town’s authorities claimed that this action territory, excluding the cemeteries, while 130 of occurred only in response to the inhabitants’ them were removed by 1993 (Czarnecka 2015b: suggestions: 336). In 2016 the estimated number of places of memory of the Red Army amounted to 229 Q: So, how did you consult them? (Urzykowski 2016). According to PiS policy on A: Well, it was like, there was a meeting sites of memory, the monuments have didactic with the residents, because there was functions and they should affirm national values a problem, I can’t even remember what and heroes, and promote patriotic feelings. The it was exactly. And there was also this symbolic value of Red Army monuments has proposal on a website. And after the been read by PiS as relativizing the deed of the meetings as well, actually on this occasion, communist rule or even glorifying communist we have the Association of Friends of atrocities. Although for more than the last Military History Borne Sulinowo and two decades after 1989 PiS fought for the they were the inspiration to move in that legislative de-communization of public space, direction.10 for many reasons the Polish memorial landscape was ideologically incoherent—the so-called The same official commented on the Borne unfinished transition (Ochman 2017: 480). Sulinowo inhabitants’ attitude towards the When the PiS party won the parliamentary initiative in the following way:
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It was not in any way formalized like, you We selected Borne Sulinowo not only due know, questions to residents or a civic to the town’s history. Its local authorities initiative; there was no such thing. But we have presented a consistent concept of were surprised (…) that the response of establishing an open air museum of Red the residents turned out so positive.11 Army monuments there. Furthermore, we have encountered a positive reaction from Conversations with residents generally con- the local MPs. (Sopińska-Jaremczak 2016) firmed their positive approach to the future undertaking. One of them expressed it in the The preliminary construction costs were esti following way: mated at two million zlotys (~ 476,200 Euros) by the IPN. The first stage of construction Now there is this idea with the monuments works was expected to end in autumn 2017 of our past history, connected with and the firsts guests to be invited then. Many the previous system, well, it would be inhabitants of Borne Sulinowo approved of interesting if it worked out, but there are the initiative, hoping that the park of the also other ones interested in it, and it would Soviet monuments would not only fit into the connect with this history really nicely. (…) historical background of the town but also We need to develop this tourist base and become an important tourist attraction. In make it more attractive, that’s why I stress sum, the symbolic ‘return’ of the Red Army to this thing about the monuments from the the former military base was perceived more in past; it’s nice, it would correspond with terms of new opportunities than problems by our past, it would be attractive. We shall the locals. One of the local officials involved see, this would also probably boost the in endeavours aimed at building the park of economic situation a bit and some lives monuments in Borne Sulinowo described this would improve.12 proces in the following way:
Interestingly, the local parson stood out as one of And we said that apart from the monu the most vociferous opponents of implementing ments we also want to show nature, incor the project, rejecting everything which could be porate this element because, as we said, classified as ‘Soviet’. This suggests that opinions it will be easier to absorb funds then. concerning the location of the monument park Generally, we were aiming at education were not homogenous and both at the central as so it would not be limited purely to well as at the local level ‘multiple understandings accumulating those monuments but other and images of the past co-exist and compete for benefits could emerge, that we could space and legitimacy’ (Witeska-Młynarczyk tell the Polish history from the Polish 2014: 11). perspective, from September 17, 1939 until In June 2016 the Head of the National September 17, 1993. The latter date is not Education Office in the IPN, Andrzej commonly recognized in Poland.13 Zawistowski, announced the decision on the Q: I understand that the idea behind it was establishment of a monument park in the also to emphasize the local history of former Soviet military base: Borne Sulinowo?
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A: To incorporate it. And, at the same time, Institute of National Remembrance was wary of also other histories, because each of these glorifying the monuments and the history they monuments carries some local history. … It represent (cited in Madejski 2017b). One of the was obvious that some of these monuments local officials stated the following: would fall apart during disassembly. And the Russian response was positive because [W]e became associated with being we received e-mails that somebody in a ‘post-Soviet’ thing. And mentally, these Poland, some gminas [local administrative associations, if we asked people, if we units] appeared, which were interested conducted any research like, ‘What do you in acquiring these monuments! That was associate this with?’ or ‘Have you heard something. (…) Actually, there was a press anything about this?’ then it is always conference during which it was announced something connected with the Soviet that the monuments were coming to us. Army. People do not know that Germans We were so happy. We said, our economic built Borne Sulinowo, that, in fact, both of conditions will improve, for the whole the most powerful totalitarian regimes in year, we will develop tourist-oriented world history had something to do with infrastructure for education in different age this place.16 groups (…) we will become a place where one could visit something for the whole The unaccomplished initiative revealed the year long. (…) We had already started impact of the state authorities’ decisions on making plans for how to use it and how local activities, at the same time demonstrating to make it into something to stimulate the differences in attitude towards the Soviet the town growth. (…) And then the new symbols in the national narrative among the authorities came.14 inhabitants and officials of Borne Sulinowo. Significantly, the idea of establishing the In the meantime, the management of the institution of the park of (un)wanted monu Institute of National Remembrance was ments was enthusiastically received in the changed due to political decisions. In March former Soviet military base, primarily due to its 2017 the Head of IPN’s President’s Office, promotional and tourism-related potential. Andrzej Arseniuk, announced that the open The concept also corresponded with the air museum in Borne Sulinowo would not place’s identity strategy, as, since the 1990s, be established due to lack of funding. At the Borne Sulinowo has been promoted on the basis same time, Arseniuk stated that ‘the idea will of its unique history and ‘untouched’ nature. As not be completely abandoned’, but rather a social construct a place’s identity is something ‘implemented in a different form’ (cited in that is attributed to a place by people. It is Madejski 2017a), without further details.15 The something that various actors, including mayor of Borne Sulinowo, Renata Pietkiewicz- inhabitants can construct, shape, and reimagine. Chmyłowska, called it a huge disappointment This notion plays a key role in the context of for the town, adding that the new management place-making practices and, for the purpose of the IPN should respect the decisions made of this analysis, it is understood ‘as the ideas by their predecessors. Moreover, Pietkiewicz- that exist about the area known by that name’ Chmyłowska personally believes that the (Huigen and Meijering 2005: 19).
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B. The new town’s coat from Borne Sulinowo, which corresponded of arms and promotional directly with the slogan ‘Borne Sulinowo— logos (embracing civilian Tourist Training Ground’ (Borne Sulinowo and military past) 2013). The slogan referred to the International Gathering of Military Vehicles, ‘Caterpillars In the process of symbolization it was and Horseshoes’, as the major tourist attractions significant to design the new town’s coat of are situated in the former military training arms as well as the promotional logo for the ground. The above example illustrates some town (tourist training ground) and the design specific dynamics in the place-making process of a logo for military-themed gatherings. The which can be explained through a brief overview symbolism of the emblems is an attempt to of the gathering’s history. find unifying elements, without which a lack of As early as the 1990s the organizers of cohesion dominates. The coat of arms of Borne the international gathering of military vehicles Sulinowo displays a green linden tree on a had designed a separate logo for the event golden background; the linden tree refers to the for promotional purposes. Military elements German civil village named Linde, which used such as caterpillars and horseshoes were used to be located there. Its grounds are contained in the logotype. The first unofficial gathering within today’s Lipowa Street, a small street of military vehicles in Borne Sulinowo was situated in the western part of the town.17 We organized in the 1990sby a group of local can observe a combination of the beginnings enthusiasts without any participation on the of the German settlement with the present part of the local authorities who did, however, times: civil elements are retained, while military support many other events were organized in ones are omitted. The symbols referencing civil the town the same years. In 1994 for the first settlement were not accidental in the context of time Borne celebrated its anniversary as a civil establishing Borne Sulinowo as a civil town in town that year, and the director of the newly 1993 after decades of military presence on its created Culture and Leisure Center held May grounds. Within a few years of Borne Sulinowo festivities, a Midsummer Night’s celebration, functioning as a civil town, however, it emerged a ‘Summer of Forest People’ and many other that the tourist potential of the former military events (Łuczak 2001: 20–34). In the course base consists in its natural resources and military of the first years since its establishment as past. a civil town, consecutive anniversaries, during On the one hand, the promotional logos which the achievements of the local authorities allude to the military past of the town, while, and settlers were presented, constituted the on the other, they are directed to the future most important and popular events in Borne. which the inhabitants connect with the Nowadays, however, the anniversary of the town development of tourism. The promotional logo does not seem to have the same prestige as for Borne Sulinowo was selected in a contest before. It is not celebrated every year, but on the organized by the Municipal Office of Borne ‘round’ anniversaries, by the decision of the town Sulinowo in 2013 on the twentieth anniversary authorities. The event has significance only from of its establishment. Among thirteen logotypes the point of view of inhabitants, not tourists. designed by participants from the whole Continuation of this practice springs, in fact, country, the jury selected that by Tomasz Krążek from the initiative of the local authorities, as
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a reminder of their own legitimacy and of the Yeah, we got this logo of Borne, I guess for founding myth of the community. As opposed the twentieth anniversary, it was the tourist to the anniversaries commemorating the training ground, the slogan was created and establishment of the civil town, however, the it has been around for a while. Visually it’s popularity of the gathering of military vehicles also somewhere on the town’s website. Our kept growing—the first official gathering gmina uses this logo for different kinds of of military vehicles in Borne Sulinowo was gadgets, to promote the training ground organized in 2004. Within a few years it became among tourists. (…) This logo was created apparent that it attracts the most tourists, a few years ago though and I think that the generates the highest profits and provides the inhabitants are not very much aware of its best opportunities for the promotion of Borne existence, because myself I would not be Sulinowo. One of the main organizers of the able to describe it.19 gathering described it in the following way: Some place-making practices within the process Yeah, we’ve been growing incredibly, which of symbolization have thus been undertaken means that this gathering is bigger every for outsiders, with little or no involvement year, yeah, bigger, well, maybe for two, by Borne’s inhabitants. This fact carries some three years not that much, maybe it has significance as all practices inform the way stabilized as we’re limited by the space people negotiate meanings (Crouch 2008: 212), and possibilities to host more people and processes that occur simultaneously at multiple equipment here but we’re trying all the levels; furthermore, actions undertaken by time to make it more attractive (…) So different stakeholders are not always coherent I think that since the second, maybe third and well-coordinated. gathering, things have changed radically; it 18 is no longer the same event. Institutionalization
In contrast to the local authorities, the The organization of events and other activities, organizers of the gathering made use of the the establishment of permanent and temporary town’s military past and its material remnants. organizations and the building of local networks The scale of the event’s success initiated the are all included in the institutionalization process of change in the authorities’ and local of place-making. Due to the multiplicity of institutions’ attitude to the town’s military past. examples (i.e. over thirty associations are Adopting the new promotional logo of the town currently operating in the town), we decided in 2013—which corresponds with the slogan to focus on the local museums and the role ‘Borne Sulinowo—Tourist Training Ground’— they play in the place-making process. There reinforced this change in the symbolic sphere are currently three museums operating within at the level of the local authorities. This is, the former Soviet military base, which appears however, not to say that all activities undertaken significant, taking into consideration the size of by the authorities in this sphere matter for the the town. town’s inhabitants, something illustrated by the Setting up museums belongs to the following statement of one of the employees of category of practices of commemoration. the local institution: A museum may be established in order to
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exhibit what is acknowledged as the local quasi-museum, as it has not been entered into heritage to make the community aware of what the register of museums and thus cannot be it can be proud of. Simultaneously, ‘economic considered professional, displays the remnants arguments … have a progressive significance in of the two great armies (German and Soviet), heritage creation’ (Peil 2005: 54). It appears that providing an additional source of income for its Borne Sulinowo’s private museums constitute an owner and a tourist attraction. The owner offers interesting illustration of ‘heritage from below’ military-style excursions and disseminates his (Robertson 2008), a term that refers to ordinary own narratives of the place’s past, which do people and their practices. Heritage, even when it not always adhere to historical facts. We had is created in order to reconcile present with past, the chance to experience this while visiting the often becomes the object of political interest museum, during a conversation with its owner, (Lowenthal 1998; see also Demski 2017). In who plays the role of a guide. What appears this context, the former Soviet military base, most important in this quasi-museum, however, which represents the ‘non-Polish’, military and are the artefacts themselves and how powerfully unwanted past and its residue within the Polish they affect the visitors, rather than the history national narrative, may serve as an example of ascribed to them. Interestingly, when we asked designing alternative local trajectories, at the the town inhabitants for directions to a museum same time problematizing the one-dimensional most of them indicated this place. In the character of national representations. imagination of the local community a private The first references to the need to create quasi-museum constitutes one of the ‘key sites’ a museum appeared as early as the second (Pink 2008) in the post-military space. year after the town was established when the Only in 2009, so relatively late, and in some idea of founding a Museum of Totalitarianism kind of response to the private initiative, was was mooted. However, the project was not the Memorial Hall created under the patronage implemented in the end (see Czarnecka 2015a: of the town’s authorities. It was placed in the 31–32). When the resources related to the multi- former KGB building, located on Independence cultural past of the place were found valuable Avenue, in the central part of Borne Sulinowo. by the tourist industry, the first museum in the In accordance with the strategy adopted by the town appeared, founded by a private owner. The local authorities during the first years of the civil owner arrived in Borne Sulinowo shortly after town, the major part of the exhibition is devoted its opening and purchased one of the post-Soviet to the German civil village Linde and the stories firehouses located on White Eagle Street (one of Poles in the POW camps during World War of side streets), which had been erected by the II. The German and Soviet military periods take Germans in the 1930s as stables. Responding up little exhibition space. The post-1993 history to the demand of the tourist industry, he came of Borne is confined to a single interactive up with the idea of opening a private museum board, which may be related both to spatial chamber in 2000, which became the first place limitations and the relatively short time span of that kind in Borne Sulinowo. Most post- which makes it less feasible and attractive to German military exhibits were retrieved from present the last two decades. The interviews and the neighboring forests and the remains of the conversations we conducted during our research Soviet Army collected from the abandoned reveal that the museum is visited predominantly buildings of the former military base. This by outside visitors and school youth. The Head
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of the Memorial Hall, who is also a member of MMH n.d.) and its owner and volunteers keep the Town Council, stresses that the museum as a actively promoting the place through hundreds professional institution should serve educational of internet pictures and event descriptions. and promotional purposes: ‘We wish to build Interested people can ask questions, exchange our town’s identity (…) Our dream is to develop opinions and comment on the museum owners’ the Memorial Hall into the trademark of Borne’ initiatives online, leading to the formation of (cited in Wełnic 2009). a group of the museum fans. In comparison, the The youngest institution of this type in first private museum founded in Borne Sulinowo Borne Sulinowo is the Museum of Military does not have its own website, even though the History, which was entered into the register interviews we have conducted indicate that the of museums in 2015. It was established on the owner advertises his place both on Polish and private initiative of a local entrepreneur, who is German websites.20 also one of the main organizers of the military The youngest private museum in the town vehicles’ gathering. A young enthusiast from keeps developing, a trend confirmed by more Borne Sulinowo began with a single amphibian. and more elaborate exhibitions presented during Gradually he started organizing paid tours in the summer gathering of military vehicles, military vehicles and, with the funds acquired, for example. This event counts as the biggest as well as by working in Ireland, he developed source of income for the museum because of his collection of military equipment. the growing demand for military vehicle rides. The museum located on Polish Army Street However, our interviews have demonstrated (one of the minor streets at the town’s entrance) that, excluding the group of volunteers who are is an institution established both for the ‘usual’ actively involved in the activities of this private tourists and experts / enthusiasts of military institution, the local community is not kept hardware and history. The collections of the informed about its functioning and does not museum, which is under constant development, take advantage of its offerings. The inhabitants include tanks, amphibians, trucks, transporters are very familiar with the owner of the private and other military vehicles. Importantly, this museum, his military interests and ability to equipment is not simply displayed in one use the post-military space and its material place (although exhibitions are also organized) infrastructure, designed to attract tourists and but actively used during gatherings, military generate income, yet one of the inhabitants of picnics and historical reenactments throughout Borne Sulinowo stated: Poland. The museum rents its military vehicles to other entities. The owners recruit volunteers The local community does not take who look after the equipment, renovate it, advantage of it because it is an initiative and learn to drive the vehicles. The museum intended mostly for outsiders who come organizes military vehicle rides for tourists, here to attend events, festivals; it’s consid as, quoting the organizers’ words found on ered a type of tourist attraction. (…) one of the social networks’ portals, ‘A dynamic Yeah, he makes money out of it; the boy museum, not a static one, is what characterizes is young and resourceful, he probably also us’ (Muzeum Militarnej Historii n.d.). The reconstructs some things. (…) Maybe he Facebook fan page of the museum features also buys stuff from Polish Army surplus increasingly sophisticated video ads (Promo stores and it’s simply easier for him because
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he registered this museum, he’s got access the same token, are increasingly relegated to the to it. So, for example, when the army wants sphere of forgetting. Usually commodification is to liquidate some things then he’s got linked to the development of tourism. Tourism priority and that’s why private museums can be seen as a human practice through which are established.21 space becomes enlivened and endowed with meanings (Massey 1994). Each of the abovementioned institutions The landscape and natural environment of responds to demands of a specific type of the town and municipality of Borne Sulinowo tourists. It is, however, the initiatives of the was very quickly recognized as valuable by the Museum of Military History that involves a new settlers. This was manifested, for example, significantly more numerous group of Borne through opening of the Tourism and Economy Sulinowo inhabitants (most commonly as Promotion Office of Sulinowo Municipality, volunteers) than the other places. The probable as well as in coming up with the idea of reason for this consists not only in the vision ‘green schools’, which ultimately remained and possibilities of the owners but also the unimplemented. Both the local authorities international success of the gathering of military and a significant part of the town’s inhabitants vehicles, through which the museum emerged see the town’s future in the tourist industry. and with which it remains deeply connected. Attractions constructed with this in mind are The activity of all the three museums mainly initiated with a view to profits for the belongs to the practices of place-making, local community, but apart from that, they comprising not only different narratives also contribute to including Borne into supra- about the inconvenient past, but also different local tourist networks and to creating the experiences of the same urban context; this is local identity. Apart from ‘untouched’ nature, directly connected with the third dimension of the tourism industry actively uses the past— place-making practices. not only the German and Soviet, but also the communist one—to inspire privately organized Commodification: events in ‘the Polish People’s Republic style’, 22 making routes, making for example, or May parades in the form place and making sense of satirical happenings whose main aim is of place the inauguration of the tourist season. The International Gathering of Military Vehicles Commodification refers to all the goods and combines, in fact, all of the abovementioned services through which the sense of place can be themes, as was the case of the museums. accessed, both for insiders and outsiders. Com Bearing in mind multiple practices in which modification, as well as heritagisation, operates both the inhabitants of the former military base within the framework of commemorating and outsiders have been involved, we decided to and forgetting. What is remembered usually focus our attention on a selected example which, comprises these elements which might interest to our mind, accurately illustrates Margaret people from the outside and, therefore, might Rodman’s idea of multi-locality. In the course ‘sell’ well. This is done at the expense of the of field research conducted in the former Soviet elements which inspire lesser interest and, by military base we realized how important the
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practice of creating routes and exploring by We have walked the route a number of walking is for the place-making process (Lee times, both on our own and accompanied and Ingold 2006; Pink 2008; Richardson 2005). by visitors and local inhabitants, including The local authorities charted a 13.5-km-long representatives of the Municipal Office. One tourist walking route in 2010 in order to of the inhabitants of Borne Sulinowo described facilitate and enhance the sightseeing process the local landscape and its transformations in for the visitors. Each tourist can walk the route the following way: independently or hire a local tour guide. The route runs through the entire Borne Sulinowo, Well, there are only few elements here presenting the most significant locations which show the authentic places from the of the town. The initiators of the project past; I mean, the places are authentic but selected twenty-one objects worth seeing.23 they look totally different. These buildings Each is accompanied by an information are different. Well, as we’re walking here we board describing the object’s history in three can see these pictures, what it looked like languages (Polish, German, English)24 as under the German occupation, Russian well as a historical and contemporary photo, occupation (…) but these objects that used which enables the comparison of the past and to be here, for example the entry gate, they current condition of the objects or what is left maybe could have been kept, as they stood of them. The local authorities consider the for the past, but, well, the decisions were selected locations significant for historical or made as they were and there are not many environmental reasons. In 2016 four additional authentic places.25 locations were marked on the route (including the one by the tank statue of the Polish Army), Every time we walked the route our embodied, while the old information boards were replaced multisensorial experience of the place grew by the new ones with modified informational more complex. Even though diverse narratives content. The new boards include the town map developed by those who accompanied us made with the tourist walking route marked on it us aware of the polysemic meanings of place and the QR code through which smartphone for different users, we also noticed that visual owners are taken to the website featuring representations in an urban context constitute, additional information and unique photographs at least to some extent, shared experiences about illustrating the objects’ history (Borne Sulinowo the place. Consequently, in this context what n.d.). Since the route and the information matters is that the walkers’ route is not made as boards are popular among tourists, the local a result of everyday actions and choices. authorities decided to install similar boards Charting a walking route is a form of place- in other locations within the whole gmina making involved with local politics—somebody (Borniak n.d.). Importantly, the tourist walking some time ago and for particular reasons decided route has been promoted on the websites of the which places were worth emphasizing and which local offices and associations as well as by the could be omitted (one needs to remember these private entrepreneurs and owners of agritourism were individuals with knowledge of the place farms, who use this way to express their support and its history). The combination of written for the initiative. texts, contemporary and past photos, and maps
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along the route provide instruction for tourists what has been irreversibly damaged and lost. which points the way and suggests objects Ultimately, however, it turns out that even for worth seeing—thus determining what to look people sharing certain elements of narratives at and what to ignore—and, finally, explains the dominant at a given time, and encouraged to meaning of what is seen. As the boards with view the same material objects or what is left of texts and photos constitute an element of the them in a similar way, place can still be made in environment in which the tourist participates different ways and from different perspectives, (from the phenomenological point of view), depending on the experiencing subject and his/ and determine, at least to some extent, the way her knowledge. ‘We may conceptualize not only the visitor participates in this environment, space as practiced, but also the body surrounded according to Sarah Pink (2008), here we are by and practiced in and through space’ (Crouch dealing with a ‘technology for place-making’. 2008: 210). From the phenomenological perspective, the opportunity for each visitor to experience Conclusion the place and negotiate meanings enables us to understand the construction of place from Looking for a key to understand Borne multiple viewpoints, for each encounter with Sulinowo, a site shaped by discontinuity, we the place depends on the person experiencing have focused on locally produced practices. The it. In the case of following a tourist walking discontinuity became a starting point for our route, the place-making process extends beyond analysis. Although discontinuity often results the simple visual practice of observing images in disintegration or marginalization, it may also while walking, including those indicated by the produce conditions for growth connected with information boards. Visitors are at the same the need to design new visions and strategies of time encouraged to imagine the route and development and related practices. Following its particular exhibits in a different historical Edward Casey’s idea, we examined the former period and context, along with imagining the Soviet base as a process, something that is experience of other people in the past. ‘Using constantly being made and remade in accordance visual and written representations it offers with its own dynamism. We assumed that the a framework for place-making but also requires town selected for our case study can provide new that the walker participate in making place her insights about place and understandings how or himself ’ (Pink 2008). a place is made, as it differs from the majority of Taking the tourist walking route plays an Polish towns with their centuries-old history in important role in the place-making process, many respects. The former military base, which as it constitutes a practice through which the was transformed into a civil town within a few sense of place can be reached both for insiders months of Poland’s opening to the world, as well and outsiders. Following the route enables as undergoing other multi-layered and multi- walkers to learn and understand the values and level transformations, undoubtedly counts as an meanings the inhabitants of Borne Sulinowo example that escapes generalizations. ascribe to the inconvenient, ‘non-Polish’ past Having analyzed in detail the place- and its artifacts. On the other hand, this making practices developed by the inhabitants practice can become a critical commentary on of an emerging heterogeneous community, the transformations observable in the town and we can state that in the context of settling
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a new territory, the development of practices the post-Soviet military base have been seen as proceeded through several stages (it has not an opportunity, not as a threat. finished, as yet). The first stage of entering We also found that the place-making pro- the new territory was related to taking over, cess in Borne Sulinowo is not established, cen organizing and recognizing the ‘alien’ space tralized and monopolistic but rather developing, and the resources which it offered, generating mixed and multi-centered. Different aspects of reflection on what could be done in the the past (i.e. non-Polish, military, inconvenient) given place. In the initial stage, many of the emerge there in numerous configurations, which undertaken changes and transformations were do not always become organized in a consist- written into the mainstream of political and ent, systematic form. Paradoxically, however, economic transformation in Poland. With these disconnected forms attract numerous out- the passage of time came reflection connected siders to the town, thus contributing to Borne to a deeper understanding of the past of the Sulinowo’s popularity and success in compar- place and gradual familiarization with it; lack ison to other post-Soviet military bases. The of rooting caused the past, even though it was most recent history of the former military base ‘non-Polish’ and inconvenient, to be employed (since 1993) has not so far been used for tour- for the needs of the inhabitants. On the one ist and promotional purposes, yet its elements hand, this past and its material remains stopped appear in the narratives of the town’s inhabit- being a threat and became a common good; ants and during anniversaries of the civil town’s on the other, lack of responsibility for Borne establishment (e.g. remembering the pioneers). Sulinowo’s past enabled the new settlers to act ‘New’ monuments have not appeared yet; how- with a focus on the future (the inconvenient past ever, the rock commemorating the ceremonial of the place and its residue serving to achieve opening of the town might be viewed as a sign goals in the present). In effect, it is possible that, in the future, this period of the place’s to observe a change in the valuation of place- history and people connected with it will making practices, as compared with the early become more emphasized in place-making pro- 1990s: some are losing their significance, while cesses. others are becoming more salient. The dimensions of place-making practices The research we have conducted proves we have listed—symbolization, institutional that, even though place-making practices at the ization, commodification—do not occur sep local level are affected, at least to some extent, by arately but usually complement one another, political developments at the national level, state constituting indispensable components of the authorities have not managed to monopolize majority of practices. Such practices are created the commemorative landscape since the fall by different subjects and for different purposes of communism. This means that democratic and can make place in different ways and from transition has included more pluralistic different perspectives, even when many of their understandings of power relations than only aspects are common or commonly shared. In these represented by state actors. As opposed this respect, the place-making process includes to the state level, at which striving for state- insiders as well as outsiders which, in turn, offers sponsored historical narratives is visible, at the the possibility of a deeper understanding of the local level the ambiguity and transformability multilayered nature of place-making process as of meanings that have been constructed around well as the diverse, sometimes conflicting, often
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interdependent and interconnected perspectives 12 Interview with D. A., Borne Sulinowo, May through which place can be understood and 2016. In the quoted fragment the interlocutor mentioned Czerwony Bór, the location in experienced. North-East Poland which competed with Borne Sulinowo in a contest for the location of the park Notes of monuments on its premises. 13 The interlocutor meant the date of September 18, 1993, namely the day of the final withdrawal of 1 The final withdrawal of the Russian Federation the Russian Federation Forces from Poland. Forces from Poland took place on September 18, 14 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, August 1993. The process of the withdrawal began with 2018. the exit of the tactical ballistic missile brigade 15 Currently, the disassembled monuments of the from Borne Sulinowo on April 8, 1991. To find Red Army soldiers are transported to Podborsk out more about the process of withdrawal of the near Białogard (zachodniopomorskie voivodship) Russian Federation Forces from Borne Sulinowo where the Museum of the Cold War was and some of its consequences see Czarnecka established in 2016 (Muzeum Oręża Polskiego 2017. w Kołobrzegu n.d.). In the socialist period 2 One of the most significant results of the research Podborsko was one of the three locations in concerning former Soviet military bases in Poland where Soviet atomic weapons were stored CEE so far has been a special issue of Folklore. (Czarnecka 2017: 125). Electronic Journal of Folklore (Seljamaa, Czarnecka 16 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, August and Demski 2017). 2018. 3 Borne Sulinowo is situated less than 150 17 The name of the civil settlement Linde and the kilometers in a straight line from the Polish- Lipowa Street are connected. They both originate German border. from the word ‘linden’ (German: Linde). Lipowa 4 Interview with J. J., Borne Sulinowo, May 2015. Street was the main street in Linde and is now The initials were changed to keep interlocutors the oldest (one of side ones) street of Borne anonymous. Sulinowo. 5 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, May 2016. 18 Interview with J. J., Borne Sulinowo, May 2016. 6 Interview with B.D., Borne Sulinowo, February 19 Interview with K. D., Borne Sulinowo, February 2015. 2016. 7 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, May 2016. 20 Interview with M. A., Borne Sulinowo, February 8 Jan Nowak-Jeziorański (1914–2005)—a Polish 2015. journalist, writer, politician and social worker. 21 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, August During World War II he served as a soldier of 2018. the Home Army. He is remembered for his work 22 May Day parade—in the countries of the former as emissary, ‘Courier from Warsaw’ shuttling Eastern Bloc it was a manifestation organized on between the commanders of the Home Army May 1, considered by the communists as one of and the Polish Government in Exile in London the most important public holidays. and other Allied governments. After the war he 23 The following twenty one objects were selected: led the Polish section of Radio Free Europe, and 1) Municipal Office building, which used to later he worked as a security advisor to the US be the garrison’s German and then Russian presidents, Roland Reagan and Jimmy Carter. headquarters; b) the square outside the Municipal 9 ‘Ideological vesture is a certain form of history Office, former ground for military drill and army interpretation—sometimes radically different inspections; 3) former officers’ canteen; 4) former from the previous one—and presumes its reading military hospital (the largest building in town); within a particular paradigm. It consists in 5) entry gate to Borne Sulinowo from Łubowo’s shaping the social memory and shaping social direction, demolished after the Soviet Army’s oblivion towards the symbols considered foreign withdrawal; 6) rail ramp, the railway track to and hostile’ (Zieliński 2007: 11). Borne was disassembled after 1993; 7) former 10 Interview with F. D., Borne Sulinowo, August military warehouses; 8) former headquarters 2018. of the military firehouse; 9) sports airport, 11 Ibid.
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former military airport; 10) residential district Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln of ‘Leningrad’ apartment blocks; 11) square (eds). Handbook of Qualitative Research. Thousand between Konopnicka Street and Chopin Street, Oaks: Sage Publications. former drill ground; 12) entry gate to Borne from the Szczecinek direction, disassembled in 1995; Borne Sulinowo 2013. Protokół z konkursu 13) Soldier’s House, in front of which Lenin’s (‘Contest Report’). http://www.bornesulinowo.pl/ statue on a stately pedestal used to be placed; wp-content/uploads/2013/04/wynik-konkursu-logo. the building was demolished a few years ago; 14) pdf.
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Czarnecka, Dominika 2017. The ‘Degraded’ Land- Without a Park of the Soviet Monuments’). Radio scape of a Post-Soviet Military Base in Poland: Out- Szczecin, 29 March. side vs. Inside View. Folklore: Electronic Journal of http://radioszczecin.pl/1,351747,borne-sulinowo- Folklore 70: 121–148. bez-skansenu-radzieckich-pomnikow. https://doi.org/10.7592/FEJF2017.70.czarnecka.
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Ochman, Ewa 2017. Spaces of Nationhood and Power 23(1): 66–83. Contestet Soviet War Monuments in Poland: The https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2015.1016523. Warsaw Monument to the Brotherhood in Arms. In Berber Bevernage and Nico Wouters (eds). The Seljamaa, Elo-Hanna, Dominika Czarnecka and Palgrave Handbook of State-Sponsored History After Dagnosław Demski (eds.) 2017. Special Issue: Small 1945. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillian. Places, Large Issues. Folklore: Eletronic Journal of Folklore 70. https://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol70/. Peil, Tiina 2005. Estonian Heritage Connections—
Pink, Sarah 2009. Etnografia wizualna: Obrazy, Stowarzyszenie Pamięci Oflagów II D-II B-XXIB media i przedstawienie w badaniach (‘Doing Visual n.d. Website. Ethnography: Images, Media and Representation http://s225821866.onlinehome.fr/ in Research’). Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu TEMOIGNAGES_aujourdhui4_pl.php.
Polska w liczbach n.d. Borne Sulinowo (‘Poland Urzykowski, Tomasz 2016. IPN i muzeum chcą in Numbers—Borne Sulinowo’). http://www. przejąć pomnik ‘czterech śpiących’(‘IPN and the polskawliczbach.pl/Borne_Sulinowo. Museum Want to Repossess The monument to the
Robertson, Iain (ed.) 2012. Heritage from Below. Wełnic, Rajmund 2009. Muzeum w Bornem Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate. Sulinowie już jest. Militarne dzieje na wystawie (‘There is a museum in Borne Sulinowo. Military Rodman, Margaret 2003. Empowering place: past on display’). GK24.pl. http://www.gk24.pl/ Multivocality and multilocality. In Setha Low and wiadomosci/szczecinek/art/4358757,muzeum-w- Denise Lawrence-Zuniga (eds). The Anthropology of bornem-sulinowie-juz-jest-militarne-dzieje-na- Space and Place: Locating culture. Oxford: Blackwell. wystawie,id,t.html.
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In Kay Milton and Maruška Svašek (eds). Mixed Emotions: Anthropological Studies of Feeling. Oxford: Berg.
Witeska-Młynarczyk, Anna 2014. Evoking Polish Memory: State, Self and the Communist Past in Transition. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Zieliński, Florian 2007. Szata ideologiczna miasta—architektura i strój (‘Ideological Vesture of a City—Architecture and Costume’). In Marek Krajewski (ed.). Wizualność miasta. Wytwarzanie miejskiej ikonosfery (‘Visuality of a City. Creation of Urban Iconosphere’). Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM.
Dagnosław Demski Associate professor Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Polish Academy of Sciences [email protected]
Dominika Czarnecka Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences [email protected]
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