“The Torrent with the Many Hues of Heaven”: the Replacement Of

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

“The Torrent with the Many Hues of Heaven”: the Replacement Of 0 “The Torrent With the Many Hues of Heaven”: The Replacement of Traditional Morality in Works of Lord Byron Devon Carter Mr. Markley AP Literature 17 April 2015 1 The first years of the nineteenth century were, to put it mildly, a turbulent time. In the Americas, the old colonial empires were crumbling into new nations; in Europe, the most powerful countries in the world reeled under the rapid dominion and equally rapid fall of Napoleon Bonaparte; and in England, literary Romanticism began to flower with the works of George Gordon Byron, Lord Byron. Strangely enough, it was the last that gained, in the words of John Wilson, a contemporary reviewer, the “sudden and entire possession,” (Wilson, quoted in Beatty, “Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage: Cantos I and II in 1812,” paragraph 1) of English and European consciousness. Critic Bernard Beatty believes that this occurred because “Byron presents the same torrential change that his readers had been forced to recognise [sic], a world out of control…They were excited and appalled by visions of apocalyptic destruction in contemporary history, art, religious movements and poems…but Byron, like them, also embodied a yearning for return to the old vivifying centres [sic] of stability.” (Beatty, “1812,” paragraph 25). While Beatty identifies an important, even fundamental, tension in Byron’s political views, which often seem to embrace relics of the past while simultaneously taking an unprecedented moral stance, he resolves it incorrectly. Byron is no herald of the apocalypse, but quite the opposite. He explores the consequences of an eternal world in his plays Marino Faliero, The Two Foscari, Manfred, and Cain, as well as his epic poems Don Juan and Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage . In these works of Lord Byron, the forms of classical tragedy are consistently used, subverted, and examined. This expanded tragic framework rewards balance between the divine and the earthly, as the mental state of a triumphant Byronic hero mirrors the cosmological state of the world; ultimately, this asserts a revolutionary moral code rooted in the individual rather than apocalyptic metaphysics. 2 In general, Byronic literature is highly self-conscious of its place in the Western literary canon, and characterized by allusions, parodies, and even direct refutations of historical or contemporary works. This intense self-awareness invites the application of Aristotle’s Poetics , the definitive work on literature for thousands of years, to classify the frameworks Byron’s works consciously utilize. Aristotle identifies Comedy, Tragedy, and Epic as the three genres of poetry. Regardless of his sarcasm and use of satire, Byron is not, according to the classical definition, a comic poet, because “Comedy aims at representing men as worse, Tragedy as better than in actual life,” (Aristotle, Poetics, Part II). All Byronic heroes are larger-than-life figures and not at all farcical, placing Byron – at least to himself and his contemporaries – firmly in the double realm of Epic and Tragedy; therefore, it is these structures of which his works have a profound awareness. As Aristotle contends that “all the elements of an Epic poem are found in Tragedy, but the elements of a Tragedy are not all found in the Epic” (Part V) because Epic is an “extension” (Part XVII) of the Tragic form with more liberties, it is natural that Byron worked with both forms together. His awareness of the forms is again illustrated by his adherence to Aristotle’s idea that Tragedy will “confine itself to a single revolution of the sun” (Part V) in its temporal frame, showing a snapshot of the critical dramatic period. Shakespeare, two hundred years earlier, did not use this convention: Hamlet makes a sea voyage halfway to England and back, Othello travels from Venice to Cyprus and waits several days before his tragedy culminates, and Richard III is crowned and deposed over a historical span of three years within one play. Byron’s choice to observe the Aristotelian temporal unity was clearly not required of an English playwright of his time; his rigid adherence in the case of Manfred, Cain, Marino Faliero, and The Two Foscari therefore draws attention to his other uses of the classical tragic form. 3 Byronic heroes also conform to the Aristotelian model, in that they are the sort of “characters of a higher type,” ( Poetics, Part V) Aristotle recommends for Tragedy and Epic. Whether by a “lineage long” (Byron, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage , I.3.20), “more than Roman fortitude” (Byron, The Two Foscari , I.i), or comparisons with Caesar and Catiline (Byron, Marino Faliero , I.ii), they acquire an air of antiquity and power. The classical allusions draw attention again to the classical poetic models, as well as invoking the ancient strength of the Roman Empire in order to ennoble the hero. These empowered characters, however, seem to invite tragedy as well; they “live, but live to die,” (Byron, Cain, I.i.109-110) are “sent to the devil,” (Byron, Don Juan , I.1.8) and even when alive “walk the rocks / and forests like a wolf, [and] turn aside / from men and their delights,” (Byron, Manfred, III.iii.23-25). They suffer or are poised to suffer, and often are acutely aware of the fact. The overall effect of this setup is a conventional tragedy involving the destruction of a noble hero. This tragedy is, at least on the surface, often played straight with no obvious modifications to its traditional structure. Harold “fades away into Destruction’s mass” ( CHP, IV.164.1476) at the end of his poem, dragged down by his ennui and lack of purpose. Cain’s Biblical tragedy plays out its inevitable end, and he is convicted by his “slain brother’s blood [crying] out / even from the ground, unto the Lord!” ( Cain , III.i.469-471). They are punished, not only for their failings and sins, but by the logical extension of them. In this form of adherence to tragic frameworks, there is a resolution to one of the most immediate paradoxes in Byron’s works. As Alan Rawes puts it, ““…if the Byronic aspiration to freedom is real, and Byron does champion (or at least celebrate) the ‘strong and bold and free’, [sic] why do so few of his characters achieve any kind of freedom…?” (Rawes, paragraph 3). Rawes explains this tension by tracing what he calls a Calvinistic view of sin and punishment where transgression 4 leads inevitably to predestined damnation; while this is not inaccurate, perhaps a more general view would be to see that the celebrated “strong and bold and free” heroes are also tragic figures, though no less admirable because of that. The ideals of a better world are illustrated in the men the flawed contemporary world pulls down, the men who achieve no freedom precisely because they actively seek it. This allows the “Byronic aspiration to freedom” in the future to coexist with, and even enhance “the epitome of [his] Weltschmerɀ,” (Rawes, paragraph 3) or world- weariness, for the present. In the works of Byron, however, subtle subversions of the classical tragic themes are present, demonstrating an expansion of the ostensibly obeyed framework. While Manfred is condemned to be his own “proper Hell” ( Manfred, I.i.251) on account of his guilt and desire for forgetfulness, his pride and arrogance are the failings he demonstrates within the work itself. His guilt is merely an informed aspect of his character – we do not see the sin he punishes himself for. In a classical tragic plot, his pride and arrogance would destroy him, yet those same qualities are what allows him to subjugate the spirit world and speak with his dead lover Astarte. Without his failings, he could not have reached the point in Act III where he can “deem / the golden secret, the sought ‘Kalon,’ found, and seated in [his] soul,” (III.i.13-14) and be at peace before his last trials. Don Juan, a reinvention of a stock character, is also saved by his traditional failings when his love affair with Catherine the Great leads to his life being saved from a Russian illness (Don Juan , X.44.345-351). These aversions of seemingly inevitable tragedy indicate the presence of a tension between the traditional morality which condemns these traits and a Byronic morality which applauds them. In addition to avoided tragedies, the actualized ones are often presented in a way that calls into question the justice or rightness of the tragic event. The biblical Mark of Cain “burns” 5 Cain, but is “nought to that which is within” his guilty spirit ( Cain, III.i.500-501). For the same reason, Adam refrains from censuring his fratricidal son, saying “his spirit be his curse,” (III.i.451). Cain considers the punishment of God to be outside of the punishment of his own spirit, as does Adam. The justice comes from within; the Angel of the Lord only adds insult to injury and is not the actual minister of justice. No outside force has an impact within the Byronic tragic form; Manfred dismisses a Mephistophelian demon, saying his “past power / was purchased by no compact” ( Manfred, III.iv.113-114) in which he would have forfeited his soul. While Manfred rejects Christianity in the form of the Abbot and Chamois Hunter, he found his sacrilegious power within himself and is therefore saved from externalized Hell – though not, as mentioned above, from his own internal hell of guilt. No external judgment is valid; when the senators tell Doge Faliero he will “within an hour be in [God’s] presence,” the Doge replies “I am already,” ( Faliero , V.i) rejecting their authority over his internal spiritual life.
Recommended publications
  • Another Look at Cain: from a Narrative Perspective
    신학논단 제102집 (2020. 12. 31): 241-263 https://doi.org/10.17301/tf.2020.12.102.241 Another Look at Cain: From a Narrative Perspective Wm. J McKinstry IV, MATS Adjunct Faculty, Department of General Education Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary In the Hebrew primeval histories names often carry significant weight. Much etymological rigour has been exercised in determining many of the names within the Bible. Some of the meaning of these names appear to have a consensus among scholars; among others there is less consensus and more contention. Numerous proposals have come forward with varying degrees of convincing (or unconvincing as the case may be) philological arguments, analysis of wordplays, possi- ble textual emendations, undiscovered etymologies from cognates in other languages, or onomastic studies detailing newly discovered names of similarity found in other ancient Semitic languages. Through these robust studies, when applicable, we can ascertain the meanings of names that may help to unveil certain themes or actions of a character within a narrative. For most of the names within the primeval histories of Genesis, the 242 신학논단 제102집(2020) meaning of a name is only one feature. For some names there is an en- compassing feature set: wordplay, character trait and/or character role, and foreshadowing. Three of the four members in the first family in Genesis, Adam, Eve, and Abel, have names that readily feature all the elements listed above. Cain, however, has rather been an exception in this area, further adding to Genesis 4’s enigmaticness in the Hebrew Bible’s primeval history. While three characters (Adam, Eve, and Abel) have names that (1) sound like other Hebrew words, that are (2) sug- gestive of their character or actions and (3) foreshadow or suggest fu- ture events about those characters, the meaning of Cain’s name does not render itself so explicitly to his character or his role in the narrative, at least not to the same degree of immediate conspicuousness.
    [Show full text]
  • LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON GENESIS 4:1–2 Why Did Cain Kill His Brother Abel?
    CHAPTER ONE LIKE FATHER, LIKE SON GENESIS 4:1–2 You two are book-men: can you tell me by your wit; What was a month old at Cain’s birth, that’s not five weeks old as yet? (Shakespeare—Love’s Labor’s Lost 4.2.40) Why did Cain kill his brother Abel? It is usually assumed by modern commentators that God’s rejection of Cain’s offering led him to kill his brother in a fit of jealousy.1 Such a conclusion is logical in light of the way the action in the story is arranged. But the fact is we are never told the specific reason for the murder. Ancient exegetes, as we will see later, also speculated over Cain’s motive and sometimes provided the same conclusion as modern interpreters. But some suggested that there was something more sinister behind the killing, that there was something inborn about Cain that led him to earn the title of first murderer. These interpreters pushed back past the actual murder to look, as would a good biographer, at what it was about Cain’s birth and childhood that led him to his moment of infamy. Correspond- ingly, they asked similar questions about Abel. The result was a devel- opment of traditions that became associated with the brothers’ births, names and occupations. Who was Cain’s father? As we noted in the introduction, Cain and Abel is a story of firsts. In Gen 4:1 we find the first ever account of sexual relations between humans with the end result being the first pregnancy.
    [Show full text]
  • Cain in Early Nineteenth-Century Literature: Traditional Biblical Stories Revised to Encompass Contemporary Advances in Science Kara Davis Iowa State University
    Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2012 Cain in early nineteenth-century literature: Traditional biblical stories revised to encompass contemporary advances in science Kara Davis Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Literature in English, British Isles Commons Recommended Citation Davis, Kara, "Cain in early nineteenth-century literature: Traditional biblical stories revised to encompass contemporary advances in science" (2012). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 12308. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/12308 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cain in early nineteenth-century literature: Traditional biblical stories revised to encompass contemporary advances in science by Kara Anne Davis A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Major: English (Literature) Program of Study Committee: Dometa Wiegand Brothers, Major Professor Linda Shenk KJ Gilchrist Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2012 Copyright © Kara Anne Davis, 2012. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2: “TO KNOW MORTAL NATURE’S NOTHINGNESS”: 11 REVISIONS OF IMMORTALITY IN BYRON’S CAIN CHAPTER 3: THE PHYSICALITY OF FAITH: 38 SENSING GOD IN NATURE IN “THE WANDERINGS OF CAIN” CHAPTER 4: “THIRD AMONG THE SONS OF LIGHT”: 62 THE INTERSECTION OF ASTRONOMICAL METAPHORS AND THE APOTHEOSIS OF JOHN KEATS IN SHELLEY’S ADONAIS CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION 86 1 Introduction During the early nineteenth century, a number of authors sought to revise the traditional story of Cain, frequently using non-canonical sources to complete these revisions.
    [Show full text]
  • As Victor Brombert, in the Romantic Prison
    A PRISON ON EACH HAND: PRISON SCENES AND PARADOX IN BYRON’S POETRY ALICE LEVINE “Romanticism . has endowed the prison symbol with unusual prestige,” as Victor Brombert, in The Romantic Prison: The French Tradition, observed: The motif of the gloomy prison became insistent toward the end of the eighteenth century, in large part for political and ideological reasons . The symbolic value attributed to the Bastille and other state prisons viewed as tyrannical constructs . the setting of Gothic novels in dungeons [and] vaults . can tell us a great deal about the structures of the Romantic imagination, and the favored dialectical tensions between oppression and the dream of freedom, between fate and revolt, between the awareness of the finite and the longing for infinity. (3-4) The subject of my paper is Byron’s variations on the theme and conventions of the Romantic prison. Given Byron’s preoccupation with freedom, we are not surprised to observe the alacrity with which he accessed the vocabulary of imprisonment–for an image, a metaphor, a symbol, or a scene: “ . chaining / Hearts . / Beat ’gainst their prison: (“Stanzas [‘Could Love for ever’]”, 81-83); the exile “has the whole world for a dungeon strong” (The Prophecy of Dante, 4.131-32); “delicate waters sleep, / Prison’d in marble” (Childe Harold, 4.1042). Just as in these figurative prisons, paradox is pervasive in the aesthetics of Byron’s prison scenes. Identifying these paradoxes provides a way of understanding the relation of Byron’s prison writing both to a political purpose and to a metaphysics that perhaps overwhelms the political focus.
    [Show full text]
  • Kindle « the Two Foscari: an Historical Tragedy > Download
    The Two Foscari: An Historical Tragedy eBook VLU4AKE7VK The Two Foscari: An Historical Tragedy By Lord Byron Createspace, United States, 2015. Paperback. Book Condition: New. 229 x 152 mm. Language: English . Brand New Book ***** Print on Demand *****.The Two Foscari: An Historical Tragedy (1821) is a verse play in five acts by Lord Byron. The plot, set in Venice in the mid 15th century, is loosely based on the true story of the downfall of doge Francesco Foscari and his son Jacopo. Byron s play formed the basis of Verdi s opera I due Foscari. Jacopo Foscari, son of the Doge of Venice, has twice been exiled, once for corruption and once for complicity in the murder of Donato, a member of the Council of Ten. He has been recalled from his second exile to answer the capital charge of treason, and as the play opens he is between sessions of interrogation on the rack. The Council decide to sentence him to a third exile, this time perpetual, rather than to death. His father Doge Francesco Foscari signs the sentence of exile, though his spirit is broken by this new disgrace. Jacopo s patriotic spirit cannot brook such a sentence, he longs to die, and he duly does die of a broken heart. The Council... READ ONLINE [ 3.56 MB ] Reviews Completely essential read book. It is one of the most remarkable publication i have got study. Once you begin to read the book, it is extremely difficult to leave it before concluding. -- Santina Bogan This pdf is great. I am quite late in start reading this one, but better then never.
    [Show full text]
  • Carte Italiane
    UCLA Carte Italiane Title Alfieri and Byron Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8rj7b118 Journal Carte Italiane, 1(16) ISSN 0737-9412 Author Englemann, Diana Publication Date 1999 DOI 10.5070/C9116011312 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California CARTE ITALIANE 31 Alfieri and Byron In Santa Croce 's holy precincts He Ashes which make it holier, dust which is Even in itself an immortality, Though there were nothing save the past, and this, The particle of those sublimities Which have relapsed to chaos: here repose Angelo 's. Alfieri 's bones, and his, The starry Galileo, with his woes; Here Macchiavelli's earth retum'd to whence it rose. (Childe Harold, Canto IV) Oh qual silenzio! ... Infi^a i rimorsi adunque, fra le torbide cure, e i rei sospetti placido scende ad ingombrar le ciglia de' traditori e de' tiranni il sonno? Quel, che ognor sfugge l'innocente oppresso? Ma, duro a me non e il vegliare: io stommi co' miei pensieri, e colla immagin cara d'ogni beltà, d'ogni virtù... (Philippo, IV. \) 32 CARTE ITALIANE And I would rather fall by freemen's hands Then live another day to act the tyrant As delegate of tyrants; such I am not, And never bave been... (Marino Fallerò, Ill.ii) Lord Byron's high regard for Vittorio Alfieri has been well known to his biographers and critics, yet only a few sUidies estab- lished a little more than the obvious connections between Alfieri 's tragedies and Byron's historical dramas. The two writers shared a deep sense of patriotism and an abiding hatred of tyranny, two subjects which are inseparable in their works.
    [Show full text]
  • Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, Canto Fourth
    1 P R 15 CHILDE HAROLD'S PILGRJMAGE CANTO FOURTH THE PRISONER OF CHILLON BYRON Mi><|l8IBBMIINiiWWBllWlllUIWilJWiWillWWK^^ Class _:pj^n"5 5-7 Book l\\ \<S\ GopyrightM" Ct)PYK!GllT DEPOSm LORD BYRON MertiiVB lEttgltHh ©pxta CHILDE HAROLD'S PILGRIMAGE CANTO FOURTH AND THE PRISONER OF CHILLON BY LORD BYRON EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY CHARLES ELBERT RHODES, A.M., HEAD OF THE DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH IN THE LAFAYETTE HIGH SCHOOL, BUFFALO. NEW YORK NEW YORK CHARLES E. MERRILL COMPANY A:^ A t^-^" -V, illprrtU*0 lEngltHli tEtxtB This series of books includes in complete editions those master- pieces of English Literature that are best adapted for the use of schools and colleges. The editors of the several volumes are chosen for their special qualifications in connection with th(! texts issued under their individual supervision, but familiarity with the practical needs of the classroom, no less than sound scholar- ship, characterizes the editing of every book in the series. In connection with each text, a critical and historical introduc- tion, including a sketch of the life of the author and his relation to the thought of his time, critical opinions of the work in ques- tion chosen from the great body of EngHsh criticism, and, where I)ossible, a portrait of the author, are given. Ample explanatory notes of such passages in the text as call for special attention are supplied, but irrelevant annotation and explanations of the ob- vious are rigidly excluded. CHARLES E. MERRILL COMPANY. Copyright. 1911, BY CHABLES E. MERRILL CO ©CI.A283638 PREFACE These poems, and indeed all poems, should be taught as literature, and the primary aim should be literary ap- preciation.
    [Show full text]
  • I DUE FOSCARI Musica Di GIUSEPPE VERDI
    I DUE FOSCARI Musica di GIUSEPPE VERDI FESTIVAL VERDI 2019 2019 FONDAZIONE Socio fondatore Comune di Parma Soci benemeriti Fondazione Cariparma Fondazione Monte di Parma Presidente Sindaco di Parma Federico Pizzarotti Membri del Consiglio di Amministrazione Ilaria Dallatana Vittorio Gallese Antonio Giovati Alberto Nodolini Direttore generale Anna Maria Meo Direttore musicale del Festival Verdi Roberto Abbado Direttore scientifico del Festival Verdi Francesco Izzo Curatrice Verdi Off Barbara Minghetti Presidente del Collegio dei Revisori Giuseppe Ferrazza Revisori Marco Pedretti Angelica Tanzi Il Festival Verdi è realizzato grazie al contributo di Major partner Main partners Media partner Main sponsor Sponsor Advisor Con il supporto di Con il contributo di Con il contributo di Partner istituzionali Partner artistici Partner istituzionali Partner artistici Festival Verdi è partner di Festival Verdi ha ottenuto il Festival Verdi è partner di Festival Verdi ha ottenuto il Con il contributo di Sostenitori Partner istituzionali Partner artistici Tour operator Radio ufficiale Sostenitori tecnici Festival Verdi è partner di Festival Verdi ha ottenuto il I due Foscari Tragedia lirica in tre atti su libretto di Francesco Maria Piave, da Byron Musica di GIUSEPPE VERDI L’opera in breve Scelto come soggetto per l’opera da rappresentare al Teatro Argentina di Roma nell’inverno 1844, sulla base del contratto con l’impresario Alessandro Lanari del 29 febbraio di quell’anno, il poema The two Foscari di George Gordon Byron (1821) ben si prestava agli occhi di Verdi per proseguire lungo quel percorso drammatico incentrato sui conflitti personali e intrapreso con Ernani a Venezia, che gli aveva permesso di dissociarsi dall’etichetta del dramma corale a cui l’aveva legato la popolarità di Nabucco e Lombardi.
    [Show full text]
  • "CAIN ROSE up AGAINST His BROTHER ABEL and KILLED HIM": MURDER OR MANSLAUGHTER?
    "CAIN ROSE UP AGAINST His BROTHER ABEL AND KILLED HIM": MURDER OR MANSLAUGHTER? Irene Merker Rosenberg* Yale L. Rosenberg** I. INTRODUCTION The world's first case of man slaying man,' and, indeed, the earliest recorded crime,2 is dealt with in a series of terse verses in Genesis, the first of the five Books of the Torah,3 the Jewish Bible: * Royce R. Till Professor of Law, University of Houston Law Center. B.A., College of the City of New York, 1961; LL.B., New York University School of Law, 1964. ** A.A. White Professor of Law, University ofHouston Law Center. B.A., Rice University, 1959; LL.B., New York University School of Law, 1964. We extend special thanks to Rabbi Arnold Greenman for his invaluable assistance on the Jewish law segment of this article. Thanks also to Harriet Richman, Director, Faculty Research Services, University of Houston Law Library, and the students under her supervision, especially Stewart Schmella, Class of 2001, University of Houston Law Center. In addition, we have profited greatly from the suggestions of our colleagues in the "Thursday Thoughts" faculty workshop, especially Joseph Sanders. In our citations to Jewish law materials, we have used English translations whenever possible, verifying their accuracy by comparing them with the original sources. In some cases, however, this means that the same word will be transliterated differently by various translators. For example, the Hebrew letter equivalents of"s" and "t" are sometimes used interchangeably. With respect to Hebrew and Aramaic sources that have not been translated into English, we of course vouch for the accuracy of the translations.
    [Show full text]
  • Byron's Poems to and About His Wife
    1 BYRON’S POEMS TO AND ABOUT HIS WIFE Jessie Chambers’ opinion of how D.H.Lawrence, in writing of their relationship in Sons and Lovers, misrepresented and betrayed it, is well-known. It helps to see things from Lady Byron’s viewpoint if we imagine some of Jessie Chambers’ thoughts being uttered by her, reading Byron’s poetry about the break-up of their marriage at the start of 1816: In spite of myself I heard the old forced note, the need to convince himself. But I felt how sincere was his desire to be convinced.1 According to my old custom I did not contradict him but let him talk himself out. I never took his assertions about people and things seriously. They were not necessarily 2 true, but they showed the inclinations of his mood. 1: ‘ET’ Jessie Chambers, D.H.Lawrence, A Personal Record (Frank Cass & Co Ltd, 1965), p.180. 2: Ibid, p.195. 2 Lawrence was expecting me to attack him. He knew I must be hurt, and thought I should be furiously angry. What he did not understand was that the hurt went deeper than any anger. It went down to the roots of my feeling for him and altered my conception of his nature.3 Annabella, Lady Byron, has had and still has several supporters,4 but none has pinpointed exactly the way in which Byron, like his fellow Nottinghamshire writer Lawrence a century later, turned the failure of his relationship with her on its head when writing about it for posterity, and imputed all his own failings to her.
    [Show full text]
  • EVEN the Casual Reader of Byron's Juvenilia Can
    IX CHILDE HAR OLD VEN the casual reader of Byron's juvenilia can see E that the earliest Byronic Hero did not spring full­ grown and unprepared for from the mind of the young poet on his Grand Tour. Something like the poetic character of Childe Harold had already appeared in the early Hours of Idle­ ness - in the figure of the eighteen-year-old student who fondly recalls his past "childhood" at Harrow, for instance, and the tomb­ stone on which he was wont to lie and meditate on autumn evenings ("On a Distant View of Harrow"). Or in the figure who opines in "Childish Recollections" that he is a "Hermit" straying alone in the midst of crowds. The Gloomy Egoist of the "Elegy on New­ stead Abbey," the "last and youngest of a noble line," views with poetic melancholy the "mouldering turrets" and the "damp and mossy tombs," and findsthat even the grass "exhales a murky dew" from the "humid pall of life-extinguished clay." Still, Byron's first volumes, being only the subsidized publications of another poetiz­ ing young nobleman, were not notably successful, and it is probably safe to say that by I 8 I 2 few remembered the derivativeHours of Idleness or their traditional poetic characters. If Byron was remem­ bered at all, it was as the author of English Bards and Scotch Re­ viewers, the free-swinging Giffordesque satire prompted by the poor reviews of his firstpublications, and these heroic couplets gave little promise of Childe Harold. Scott was therefore expressing the views of the general public I27 BYRONIC HEROES when he said he was pleasantly surprised by Childe Harold I and II, since this was not the kind or the quality of poetry which he had come to expect of Byron.
    [Show full text]
  • Childe Harold's Pilgrimage Canto Iv
    CHILDE HAROLD’S PILGRIMAGE CANTO IV Look at the end for Appendix 1: Hobhouse’s four stanzas “in the Childe’s style” and Appendix 2: Gibbon, Chapter 71. Background Byron arrived in Venice on November 10th 1816, and stayed while Hobhouse travelled with members his family to Naples. Unwillingly – for he was most attached to his Venetian mistress, Mariana Segati – Byron went south on April 17th 1817. He paid a short visit to Florence on April 22nd, and then proceeded to Rome, where, with Hobhouse, he stayed between April 29th and May 20th. 1 He returned to Venice on May 28th. He started Childe Harold IV on June 26th, and had finished the first draft by July 29th. He worked on the poem throughout the autumn, stopping only to rough-out Beppo , a poem so diametrically opposed to Childe Harold in matter and idiom that it might have come from another pen. Hobhouse left Venice on January 7th 1818, and Byron wrote to Murray My dear Mr Murray, You’re in damned hurry To set up this ultimate Canto, But (if they don’t rob us) You’ll see M r Hobhouse Will bring it safe in his portmanteau. 2 – The poem was published on April 28th 1818. Influence The fourth and last canto of Byron’s poem shows his holiday with Shelley (palpable for much of Canto III) to be over, and the baleful influence of Hobhouse to have returned. Claire Claremont wrote to her ex-lover on January 12th 1818, after the poem had been dispatched, with Hobhouse, to London.
    [Show full text]