1972 - 1982 年以北京为视角 的现代美术实践侧影 F i n e A r t P r a c t i c e s f r om 19 72 t o 19 82 in Profile - A Beijing Perspective

展 期： 2017.1.8-5.7

Exhibition Dates： 2017.1.8-5.7 目 录

沙龙沙龙： 1972-1982 年以北京为视角的现代美术实践侧影 刘 鼎、卢迎华

参展艺术家名单

1976 刘 鼎

“纪念张志新” 苏 伟

“你办事，我放心” 苏 伟

愁 绪 刘 鼎

周扬的三个问题与七篇文章 刘 鼎

重新容纳艺术的“空间” 苏 伟

短暂的合流 卢迎华

印象派与形式美 卢迎华 沙龙沙龙： 1972 - 1982 年以北京为视角的现代美术实践侧影

展 览 日 期 ：2017 年 1 月 8 日至 5 月 7 日 展 览 地 点 ：北京中间美术馆 主办方：北京中间美术馆 支 持 ：北京文化发展基金会、北京中间艺术基金会、北京市汉卓律师事务所

展览／册页 策展人：刘鼎、卢迎华 研究员：陈淑霞、宋科、苏伟、闫博 策展助理：杨天歌 展览设计：刘鼎 平面设计：微设计协作体（ TINYworkshop.cn） 编 辑：刘鼎、卢迎华 文 字：刘鼎、卢迎华、苏伟 翻 译：赖非、卢雯、王小泽、谢易仑 校 对：杨天歌

北京中间美术馆 理事会：黄晓华、张红星、郑慧红、马军、韩旭升、郑冬梅、周翊 监事会 ：杨晓梅、孟海东、李睦 团 队 ：马中祥、曹军、刘蕾、巩培宸、王书立、郑亚惠、郭菡君、马继良、 刘烨茜、张丙立、刘玉姗、张佳羽（实习生） 地 址 ：北京市海淀区杏石口路 50 号中间艺术区北京中间美术馆 100195 电 话：86-10-62730230 官 网：www.ioam.org.cn 邮 箱：[email protected]

特别感谢（排名按拼音顺序）： 所有参展艺术家，以及为此次展览提供慷慨支持的个人以及机构： 安粟、达雪芸、戴璞、冯兮、韩利华、韩雪野、郝敬班、黄冠余、贾鹏、贾伟、 Karen Smith、李辰、李大均、李垚辰、林松、刘蟾、卢征远、Michael Evans、沈朝慧、王璜生、 王鲁炎、王鲁湘、王绍强、王奕奕、吴洪亮、张蔷、赵友厚、朱琳、庄曉雷

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“沙龙沙龙：1972-1982 年以北京为视角的现代美术实践侧影”于一月七日

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光 临 日 期：二零一七年一月八日至五月七日 时 间：周三至周日上午十时至下午六时 地 址：北京市海淀区杏石口路五十号中间艺术区 北京中间美术馆 电 话： 86-10-62730230 www.ioam.org.cn 沙龙沙龙： 1972-1982 年以北京为视角的现代美术实践侧影

策展人：刘 鼎、卢 迎 华

“沙龙沙龙：1972-1982 年以北京为视角的现代美术实践侧影”是“从艺术的问题到立场的问题： 社会主义现实主义的回响”系列研究的第三部分展览。该系列研究由艺术家刘鼎与批评家卢迎华共 同发起，通过持续进行的展览和写作来辨析与反思中国有关“当代艺术”的历史叙述与建构。

在“ 沙 龙 沙 龙 ”展 中 ，我 们 主 要 以 林 彪 事 件 发 生 后 的 1972 年为起点，截止至 1982 年中央批转《第 五次全国“两案”审理工作座谈会纪要》之间的十年作为研究与讨论的时间段和一个历史想象的空间。 我们不仅仅视这个时间段为一个政治历史意义上的过渡，也是将其作为一个相对整一的艺术时期来 对待。我们通过思考这个时期美术现象的具体相貌和多层次的实践，来考量在政治剧变时期艺术创 作者的心态和已有艺术历史叙述的尺度问题。

在展览中，我们以在北京发生的艺术现象作为主要视角，考察当时活跃在艺坛的老、中、青三 代艺术家的创作与实践。我们选取在 70 年代后期出现的几个艺术团体和少数个体美术家的实践进行 研究与呈现，分别是北京油画研究会、无名画会、星星画会、星期五沙龙、同代人画会与四月影会。 参与这些团体的艺术家和个体分别是在解放前受过训练的艺术家，在建国后、文革前受过专业美术 训练的艺术家，文革前后出现的业余画家，以及文革后期和文革结束后毕业并开始实践的年轻艺术 家和艺术青年。此次展览中呈现了部分相关艺术家创作于 1972 年至 1982 年前后的作品，同时以文 献勾勒出这些作品以及他们的艺术实践所产生的历史背景，借此来思考在文革中后期到改革开放前 这一时段中，创作者和创作如何尽可能地在严苛的政治环境下进行“内部放逐”，在艺术与政治的 紧张关系中摸索、界定、摆动或调整个人的立足点。其中，我们将着重讨论从民国时期留存下来的 现代主义经验在新中国的框架内与主流意识形态的矛盾、冲突、缠绕、和解与偏移。

将“ 中 国 当 代 艺 术 ”这 个 概 念 放 入 新 中 国 艺 术“ 67 年”的历史时段来加以研究是颇具现实意义的。 新中国以来的艺术实践至今已形成一种非常复杂的充满“内部矛盾”的结构。继续把中国当代艺术 的发端与建国以来的美术传统简单地表述为断裂，以及相对于文革结束以前的艺术而言将其表述为 处于“转折”时期的艺术显然都不足以解释过去三十年来的许多动作与取向。政治／艺术、正统／ 异端、压制／驯服、独立／依附等“二元”的叙述模式在特定的情境中虽然具有一定的历史合理性， 却远远不足以描述现实和历史现场中的多面、复杂和流动的状态。这种“二元对立”的结构形成一 种基本描述和意识，是一种“革命”叙事情节的惰性蔓延，把在时空中长久磨合的各种因素人为地 排除了。这种以“前卫”作为当代艺术的正当性基点的历史叙述作为艺术实践者们工作的动力的做 法早已显示出其局限性和狭隘性。

在研究中我们将考察文革后复出的艺术官员与受过专业训练的艺术家在体制中推动艺术转向的 各种动作，以及这些动作在社会中所引起的反响和呼应。同时呈现非体制内艺术实践者自下而上的 自主实践，使艺术成为体制内与体制外的力量的共同起点。我们尝试以“一体化”的视角来观看艺 术的基本格局、推动动力和演化过程。通过对偶然的、异质性的因素的重视和引入，来思考在“国 家变革”这个大的框架中艺术与政治互动的多重轨迹。

在这个展览中，我们借助“细节与资料”，通过具体案例的讨论将当代艺术中已被抽象的经验 重新语境化，凸现历史的现场感，呈现被概括、遗漏或遮蔽的情景，包括具体的思绪、情感和氛围 等因素。通过对于“逸出”公共历史叙述的，未被赋予“合法性”而被忽略、遮蔽的“异质”部分 的发掘，目的并不是为了建构相反、对立的历史，在大部分情况下，不过是为了呈现差异和复杂， 从而质疑主流叙述的构造方向，以求从原有的叙述中发现隐蔽的缝隙，作为思考的新起点。

在此展览筹备过程中，数位艺术家、策展人和艺术史家作为研究员参与到前期的研究之中，包括： 艺术家闫博、策展人苏伟、艺术史家陈淑霞和建筑史博士宋科。 Salon, Salon : Fine Art Practices from 1972 to 1982 in Profle - A Beijing Perspective

Liu Ding & Carol Yinghua Lu

Salon, Salon: Fine Art Practices from 1972 to 1982 in Profle - A Beijing Perspective is the third exhibition of "From the Issue of Art to the Issue of Position: Te Legacy of Socialist Realism in Chinese Contemporary Art", a research project initiated by artist Liu Ding and art critic Carol Yinghua Lu. Tis ongoing research examines the historical narratives and ideological construct of Chinese contemporary art in a timeframe of 67 years since 1949.

Salon, Salon focuses on a ten-year period from the year of 1972 after Lin Biao's botched coup against Mao and airplane crash in 1971 to the year of 1982, marked by Te Summary of the Fifth National Trial Conference on the "Two Cases" approved and issued by the Central Government. We consider this decade not only as a critical transition in China's political history, but also as a relatively cohesive artistic period. By studying the detailed features and multi-layered fne art practices within this period, we reconsider the mentality and approaches of artists in a period of dramatic political changes and the issue of judgments in existing historical narratives of art.

Tis exhibition inquires into the artistic practices of three generations of artists, mainly active in Beijing, within this ten-year period. Specifcally, we zoom in to study the Beijing Oil Painting Society , Men of the Same Generation (the Contemporaries Group), the No Name Group, the Stars, Friday Salon, April Photographers Society, and a small number of artists. Tese were artist initiatives and individual members emerging in the late 1970s, involving three generations of artists of varied educational backgrounds and statuses including: 1) Painters trained before the Liberation War (1945-1949); 2) Painters trained after the founding of People’s Republic of China (1949) and before the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976); 3) Amateurish painters appearing before and during the Cultural Revolution; 4) Young artists, writers and poets who graduated and became active in the late Cultural Revolution or after the end of Cultural Revolution.

This exhibition includes artworks of some of the involved artists, made around the period from 1972 to 1982, as well as archival materials that outline the historical settings out of which their works and practice had emerged. It looks at the "internal exile" of artists and their practice under harsh political circumstances, from the late Cultural Revolution to the eve of the Reform and Open Door policy in China, considering how individual practitioners had explored, defined, oscillated or adjusted their personal standpoints confronted by the tension between art and politics. In particular, we will investigate the modernist experience inherited from the Republican Period of China, how it contradicted, collided, intertwined, reconciled with and strayed from the mainstream ideology within the structure of the People's Republic of China.

To study the formation of "Chinese contemporary art" in the historical period of 67 years of a New China is to recognize the extremely complex artistic system full of "inner contradictions" that gradually took shape since 1949. Te current historical narrative of the origin of Chinese contemporary art stresses its rupture from the fne art tradition since 1949, and describes contemporary art as in a "transitional" state in terms of its relationship towards art before the end of the Cultural Revolution. Yet such a perception obviously fails to sufciently account for many actions and directions as witnessed in contemporary art of the past three decades. Although such dualistic narrative structures as politics vs. art, orthodoxy vs. heterodoxy, oppression vs. submission, independence vs. dependence might have a certain historical legitimacy in specifc contexts, they are far from being adequate when it comes to describing the versatility, complexity and fuidity of both the current and historical realities. Such a narrative structure based on dualist oppositions has formulated a basic description and consciousness. It is an inert extension of the "revolutionary" narrative plot, subjectively suspending the varied conficting elements in the space and time of history. Te narrative construct of contemporary art that bases its legitimacy on its "avant-garde" position has long revealed its limitations and narrow-mindedness in the process of providing stimulus to artistic practitioners.

In this research, we delve into the actions taken by cultural bureaucrats and professionally trained artists to enact changes for art within the ofcial system, as well as the reactions and responses in the wider society ignited by such actions. We also look at bottom-up autonomous initiatives carried out by non-ofcial art practitioners. Art became a common starting point that both forces within and outside of the established ofcial structure engaged with.

We seek to observe the basic structures, driving forces and processes of formation in art through an "integrative" perspective, whereby we introduce and underscore the accidental and heterogeneous elements in order to refect on the multiple tracks of interactions between art and politics within the broad framework of "national revolution."

By engaging with "details and materials" and discussing specific case studies, this exhibition re- contextualizes the abstracted experience in contemporary art, foregrounds the lively presence of history, and activates the scenes and situations that have been generalized, omitted or concealed, including specifc thinking, emotion, and atmosphere.

To excavate the "heterogeneous" parts that have "escaped" the public historical narrative and that have been neglected or concealed due to its "illegitimacy" is not to construct an opposite and antithetic history; rather, it is, as in most cases, to articulate diferences and complexity, and to question the direction of the discursive construct of the mainstream narrative. Ultimately, it is to locate the hidden cracks in the existing narrative, which can become new beginnings for refection.

Tis exhibition is co-curated by Liu Ding and Carol Yinghua Lu. Artist Yan Bo, art critic and curator Su Wei, art historian Chen Shuxia and architecture historian Song Ke have contributed to this project as researchers.

Translated from Chinese by Yang Tiange 参展艺术家

艺术家名字按字母排序

鲍 昆（ 1953 - ） 罗 尔 纯（ 1930 - 2015 ） 吴 梦（ 1980 - ）

薄 云（ 1948 - ） 马 德 升（ 1952 - ） 吴 作 人（ 1908 - 1997 ） 曾用名李永存 马 可 鲁（ 1954 - ） 严 力（ 1954 - ） 曹 达 立（ 1934 - ） 穆雷 . 勒纳（ 1927 - ） 颜 文 樑（ 1893 - 1988 ） 狄 源 沧（ 1926 - 2003 ） 庞 均（ 1936 - ） 闫 振 铎（ 1940 - ） 冯 国 东（ 1948 - 2005 ） 曾用名冯国栋 庞 薰 琹（ 1906 - 1985 ） 杨 雨 澍（ 1944 - ）

高 子 鹏（ 1976 - ） 秦 玉 芬（ 1954 - ） 叶 浅 予（ 1907 - 1995 ）

古 元（ 1919 - 1996 ） 丘 堤（ 1906 - 1958 ） 袁 加（ 1963 - ）

关 良（ 1900 - 1986 ） 权 正 环（ 1932 - 2009 ） 袁 运 甫（ 1933 - ）

黄 锐（ 1952 - ） 任 曙 林（ 1954 - ） 袁 佐（ 1957 - ）

康 万 华（ 1944 - ） 沙 耆（ 1914 - 2005 ） 张 仃（ 1917 - 2010 ）

李 化 吉（ 1934 - ） 孙 青 青（ 1958 - ） 张 伟（ 1952 - ）

李 珊（ 1952 - ） 唐 平 刚（ 1955 - 2014 ） 赵 文 量（ 1937 - ）

李 爽（ 1957 - ） 王 克 平（ 1949 - ） 郑 子 钢（ 1953 - 2013 ）

李 恬（ 1950 - ） 王 合 内（ 1912 - 2000 ） 郑 子 燕（ 1951 - ）

李 晓 斌（ 1955 - ） 王 路（ 1936 - ） 钟 鸣（ 1949 - ）

李 秀 实（ 1933 - ） 王 苗（ 1951 - ） 钟 星 座（ 1955 - ）

李 英 杰（ 1947 - ） 韦 海（ 1952 - ） 周 碧 初（ 1903 - 1995 ）

林 风 眠（ 1900 - 1991 ） 韦 启 美（ 1923 - 2009 ） 周 迈 由（ 1936 - ）

凌 飞（ 1953 - ） 闻 丹 青（ 1954 - ） 祝 大 年（ 1916 - 1995 ）

刘 海 粟（ 1896 - 1994 ） 闻 立 鹏（ 1931 - ） 朱 金 石（ 1954 - ）

刘 焕 章（ 1930 - ） 吴 大 羽（ 1903 - 1988 ） 朱 乃 正（ 1935 - 2013 ）

刘 香 成（ 1951 - ） 吴 冠 中（ 1919 - 2010 ） 庄 言（ 1915 - 2002 ） Participating Artists

The list of artists appears in alphabetic order

Bao Kun ( 1953 - ) Luo Erchun ( 1930 - 2015 ) Wu Meng ( 1980 - ) Bo Yun ( 1948 - ) Ma Desheng ( 1952 - ) Wu Zuoren ( 1908 - 1997 ) Former Name : Li Yongcun Ma Kelu ( 1954 - ) Yan Li ( 1954 - ) Cao Dali ( 1934 - ) Murray Lerner ( 1927 - ) Yan Wenliang ( 1893 - 1988 ) Di Yuancang ( 1926 - 2003 ) Pang Jun ( 1936 - ) Yan Zhenduo ( 1940 - ) Feng Guodong ( 1948 - 2005 ) Pang Xunqin ( 1906 - 1985 ) Yang Yushu ( 1944 - ) Gao Zipeng ( 1976 - ) Qin Yufen ( 1954 - ) Ye Qianyu ( 1907 - 1995 ) Gu Yuan ( 1919 - 1996 ) Qiu Di ( 1906 - 1958 ) Yuan Jia ( 1963 - ) Guan Liang ( 1900 - 1986 ) Quan Zhenghuan (1932 - 2009) Yuan Yunfu ( 1933 - ) Huang Rui ( 1952 - ) Ren Shulin ( 1954 - ) Yuan Zuo ( 1957 - ) Kang Wanhua ( 1944 - ) Renée Yunne-Nikel (1912 - 2000 ) Zhang Ding ( 1917 - 2010 ) Li Huaji ( 1934 - ) Sha Qi ( 1914 - 2005 ) Zhang Wei ( 1952 - ) Li Shan ( 1952 - ) Sun Qingqing ( 1958 - ) Zhao Wenliang ( 1937 - ) Li Shuang ( 1957 - ) Tang Pinggang ( 1955 - 2014 ) Zheng Zigang ( 1953 - 2013 ) Li Tian ( 1950 - ) Wang Keping ( 1949 - ) Zheng Ziyan ( 1951 - ) Li Xiaobin ( 1955 - ) Wang Lu ( 1936 - ) Zhong Ming ( 1949 - ) Li Xiushi ( 1933 - ) Wang Miao ( 1951 - ) Zhong Xingzuo( 1955 - ) Li Yingjie ( 1947 - ) Wei Hai ( 1952 - ) Zhou Bichu ( 1903 - 1995 ) Lin Fengmian ( 1900 - 1991 ) Wei Qimei ( 1923 - 2009 ) Zhou Maiyou ( 1936 - ) Ling Fei ( 1953 - ) Wen Danqing ( 1954 - ) Zhu Danian ( 1916 - 1995 ) Liu HaiSu ( 1930 - ) Wen Lipeng ( 1931 - ) Zhu Jinshi ( 1954 - )

Liu Huanzhang ( 1930 - ) Wu Dayu ( 1903 - 1988 ) Zhu Naizheng ( 1935 - 2013 ) Liu Heung Shing ( 1951 - ) Wu Guanzhong ( 1919 - 2010 ) Zhuang Yan ( 1915 - 2002 )

1976 “纪念张志新”

文：苏 伟

1979 年 5 月 25 日，《人民日报》刊登了题为《敢为真理而斗争》的长篇报道，介绍在“文革” 中遭受迫害的张志新的事迹。数天后的 1979 年 6 月 5 日，在纪念“真理标准讨论”一周年之际，《光 明日报》发表了纪念张志新的纪实文章《一份血写的报告》，并在之后三个多月的时间里相继刊发了《走 向永生的足迹》、《她是名副其实的强者》、《人民的法律为何保护不了张志新同志》、《论张志 新这个典型的时代意义》等报道。到 1979 年９月 12 日，《光明日报》登载最后一篇相关报道为止， 三个多月中这份报纸一共刊登有关张志新烈士事迹的长篇通讯、怀念文字、理论文章、编者按语、 新旧诗词、照片、绘画、歌曲、题词以及各种报道 86 篇（幅），约 15 块整版，14 万字。之后，官 方叫停了这一持续了三个多月的讨论热潮。这段时间内，两个官方媒体的大幅报道引发了全国范围 对张志新的纪念和追思。

1969 年，因批评官方政策和领导人，张志新以“反革命罪”为名在辽宁省沈阳市被捕入狱，时 年 38 岁。在长达七年的监狱生涯中，她受到了非人的虐待和酷刑，并在辽宁省委常委的指示下，最 终于 1975 年 4 月 4 日被处以极刑。四年后，官方媒体主动为张志新平反，这激发了从群众到文艺界 的情绪。人们藉此表达了对“文革”开始以来的“极左”路线所带来的灾难的痛斥和不满，呼唤新 的时代和政治的到来，同时也曲折地传达出对艺术表达自由的向往。在美术界，《美术》杂志成为 纪念张志新的主要阵地。杂志于 1979 年第 7 期中首次刊登了纪念张志新的文章，题为《英烈花开花 永在——忆张志新烈士》（作者张望），并配图呈现了两个以张志新为原型创作的雕塑作品；在接 下来的第 8 期和第 9 期中，《美术》刊登了大量全国各地美术工作者以张志新为题材创作的绘画和 雕塑作品；围绕郭常信创作的版画《无题》（1979 年），第 9 期《美术》以读者来信的方式刊登了 该作品创作者郭常信的文章《< 无题 > 的遭遇》，讲述他自己在创作这幅揭露一些官员在张志新平 反前后的两面派行为的作品和在送审和参展时所遇到的阻力。这幅作品最终在中国美术馆同年举办 的“学习张志新美术、摄影、书法展览”（中国美术家协会、北京市美术家协会、辽宁美术家协会 等主办）中展出。同期杂志还刊登了栗宪庭的文章《必须揭露“他”——从版画 < 无题 > 想到的》， 作者在对国家权威保持敬意的同时，以激烈的口吻向“极左”主义发出控诉。同期的另一篇署名为“石 页”的文章则从“真善美”的角度分析了一些以张志新为主题的作品，旨在向“极左”（而非现实 主义本身）告别。

1 1979 年 5 月到 9 月期间，一些代表作品，如王克庆创作的雕塑《强者》、郭常信创作的版画《无 比较这些不同版本我们可以发现，尽管与社会主义现实主义指导原则下的大量创作一样，同样 题》、王官乙创作的雕塑《玉碎》、张秉田创作的雕塑《宁死不屈》以及身居广州的雕塑家唐大禧 是演绎出的故事情节，但在当时官方彻底否定“文革”、开展新的政治建设的气氛下，“文革”时 创作的裸体张志新形象《猛士——张志新烈士》，都在当时的美术界留下了印记。在这些作品中， 期的“红光亮”原则已经褪去。画面大多采用平视的视角，塑造人物形象的笔触柔和而不夸张，没 创作者采用了非常丰富的语言去塑造张志新的形象。大量的雕塑和绘画作品中，半身像、不完整的 有神化画面中的人物；场景中出现了随意堆置在桌上的书、茶杯和文件，两张沙发也相对紧凑地靠 人像大量出现，闭着眼睛、蹲踞、平躺、倚窗而望、斜倚、手支着脸颊等等人物姿态不一而足，透 在一起；画面中只呈现书房的一角而非人们想象中的政治会谈空间，创作者勾勒的是一副日常情景， “你办事，我放心” 视原则被忽略，而表现性的、平面化而缺乏透视感的语言形式非常普遍，有的甚至具有超现实的意味； 毛泽东与华国锋更像是亲密地谈话聊天，而非紧张严肃地商讨国事；有些画背景中的书架也仅仅是 刻画的情景有的是写实的，演绎出张志新在狱中艰难的时刻以及强调她对理想的坚持；有的则把梦 装饰作用，没有明显的政治含义。 文：苏 伟 境或者梦境与现实的交叠表达出来，抑或将张志新的形象放置在非现实的场景中，其中渗透出忧郁、 愤慨、孤独、期冀、冷酷等等复杂的情绪。可以说，创作者创造出种种语言形式，是期望去表达人 “你办事，我放心”题材的绘画创作可以看作是对“文革”美术的一个告别事件，但是在之后 性的部分而不是政治的部分，并从中得到不受“极左”政治命令限制的表达自由。 的文艺讨论和潮流中我们看到，这一告别是针对“极左”的灾难而非政治本身发生的。在这场告别中， 政治完全没有离场，甚至一直处于中心的地位。这个创作题材的蔓延仍然折射出在“文革”结束的

实际上，1976 年爆发的“四五”事件中，就有很多知识分子、业余摄影爱好者和业余文学创作 在粉碎“四人帮”后的第四天，即 1976 年 10 月 10 日，两报一刊 1 同时发表社论《亿万人民的 那个历史性时刻，政治对文艺的全面影响的延续。尽管它并非是在官方的明确命令下发生的，我们 者借缅怀周总理而托物言志，他们用体裁不一、情绪激烈的诗歌，用或纪实或唯美的照片，甚至是 共同心愿》，第一次提出了“我们要最紧密地团结在以华国锋同志为首的党中央周围”。1976 年 10 仍可以间接感受到艺术工作者在当时的国家框架内进行创作时的第一反应，以及官方对艺术工作者 事件现场的朗诵和发言，曲折地申明立场，表达对“极左”政治的不满。这种“托物言志”的情况 月 24 日，首都百万军民在天安门广场举行大会，庆祝粉碎“四人帮”篡党夺权阴谋的胜利。大会上， 心理和意识的塑造。 同样发生在围绕张志新所进行的创作之中，二者都曲折地表达了冲破“文革”的“极左”意识形态、 华国锋第一次以最高领袖的身份登上天安门城楼，接受群众欢呼拥戴，而群众欢呼的正是“放心、放心、 向人性回归的期许。1979 年 10 月底文代会召开前夕的这段时间，发生这样一场围绕着一个“文革” 放心……”。时任北京市革命委员会主任的吴德，现场发言时宣告：“伟大领袖毛主席特意亲笔给 中受迫害的烈士的社会和美学讨论，它的价值可以说最终超出了对张志新遭遇本身的纪念。对一个 华国锋同志写了‘你办事，我放心’，表达了毛主席对华国锋同志的无限信任”。两件事加在一起， 受迫害的个体的人性关怀中，实则负载着人们更大的愿望，尽管当时人们并不能明确这一愿望的政 宣告了华国锋成为最高领导人的继承人。 治上限和下限。 以此为信号，一些艺术工作者开始寻找素材，在画面中刻画毛泽东与华国锋会面的场景，吴德 讲话时提到的这张字条也开始受到一些艺术家的注意。这张写有“你办事，我放心”的字条，写于 1976 年 4 月 30 日，毛泽东在会见外宾后与华国锋谈话时，因身体状况欠佳，有些信息要靠手写传达， 遂写出了这个字条交给华国锋。尽管这一场景并未有真实的历史照片记录（在中央文献出版社出版 发行的《建国以来毛泽东文稿》（1998 年 1 月）第十三册，在毛泽东《同华国锋谈话时写的几句话》 中，根据毛泽东手稿刊印了“你办事，我放心”这六个字，但是这六个字的具体指向至今也有争议）， 最初的创作者还是根据毛泽东接见外宾的照片、书房布置和其习惯动作，演绎出了这一历史题材。

以“你办事，我放心”为主题的绘画创作最早出现于 1976 年底。相关题材最早的作品是由国画 家李延生创作的。他当时应荣宝斋邀请到北京作画，构思了这幅作品。1976 年人民美术出版社第一 版第一次就发行了 100 万张单幅彩页，同一个月中又第二次印刷了 110 万张，次年春节前夕又分别 由北京和天津两地的革命委员会各自大量印刷，并引发了国内众多新闻媒体的转载和报道。1977 年 2 月 18 日，中国美术馆举办了“热烈庆祝华国锋同志任中共中央主席、中央军委主席，热烈庆祝粉 碎‘四人帮’篡党夺权阴谋的伟大胜利全国美术作品展”（简称“双庆”美展）。在参展的 650 幅 作品中，大量作品以华国锋为中心形象进行构思，其中包括了当时已经开始流行的以“你办事，我放心” 为题材的创作，尤其以彭彬和靳尚谊合作的一幅油画最为知名。之后，这一创作题材更加风靡全国， 各个省市自治区不断出现各种运用不同绘画媒介创作出的版本。

1 两报一刊为文化大革命时期的词汇，两报指《人民日报》和《解放军报》，一刊指《红旗》杂志。

2 3 4 "In Memory of Zhang Zhixin"

Su Wei

On May 25, 1979, People's Daily published "Dare to Fight for the Truth", a lengthy report on the persecution of Zhang Zhixin during the Cultural Revolution. A few days later, to commemorate the first anniversary of "debate on the criterion of truth", Guangming Daily published a documentary, "A Report Written in Blood", on June 5, 1979, in memory of Zhang Zhixin. And then, Guangming Daily subsequently published more articles in the following three months, "Te Road towards Eternal Life", "She Is the Real Strong", "Why the Law of People Could Not Protect Comrade Zhang Zhixin", "Review on the Historical Signifcance of Zhang Zhixin", and etc. Until Guangming Daily published the last related report on September 12, 1979, there were 86 articles written about Zhang Zhixin in diferent forms, such as long reports, memorial essays, theoretical articles, editor's notes, poetry, photographs, drawings songs and inscription consisting of 140,000 words and taking about 15 full pages. After that, the authorities halted the debate that lasted more than three months. During this period, a nationwide commemoration to Zhang Zhixin was triggered due to the reports published by the two ofcial media.

In 1969, criticizing official policies and leaders, Zhang Zhixin was arrested for counter-revolutionary ofenses in Shenyang, Liaoning, at the age of 38. In the seven years of prison life, she sufered inhuman abuse and torture, and she was finally executed on April 4, 1975 under the instruction of Liaoning Provincial Party Standing Committee. Four years later, the ofcial media proactively vindicated Zhang Zhixin. Tis stimulated the emotions of the masses and the art community. People took this opportunity to express their hatred and dissatisfaction to the disaster caused by the "extreme left" route since the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. At the same time, they called for a new era of politics and indirectly expressed their aspiration for freedom of artistic expression. In the fine arts community, Fine Arts magazine became the main platform to commemorate Zhang Zhixin. In 1979, Fine Arts published the frst article written by Zhang Wang in the 7th issue to commemorate Zhang Zhixin, which was entitled "Te Heroic Flower Blossoms Forever-Recalling Zhang Zhixin", and presented pictures of two sculpture works which used Zhang Zhixin as the prototype; in the following 8th and 9th issues, the magazine published a large number of paintings and sculptures created by the artists across the country with Zhang Zhixin as the theme; to accompany Guo Changxin's print Untitled (1979), the 9th issue of Fine Arts published his article "Te Experience of Untitled" in the form of the reader's letter. Tis article exposed the duplicitous behaviors of some officials before and after the vindication of Zhang Zhixin, and the resistance he encountered during the review of the artwork before the exhibition. Tis work was fnally exhibited in the exhibition Learning Fine Arts, Photography and Calligraphy from Zhang Zhixin, which was held at the National Art Museum of China by Chinese Artists Association, Beijing Artists Association, Liaoning Artists Association, and etc. Meanwhile, Fine Arts also published Li Xianting's article "The

1 Necessity of Exposing 'Him' - A Review of Untitled". Te author accused "extreme left" ideology using Chairman of the CPC Central Committee and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, and violent language though maintaining the respect for the state authority. At the same period, another article Warm Celebration of Great Victory of Crushing the 'Gang of Four' to Usurp Power"(" Two Celebration entitled "Te Stone Page" analyzed some works featuring Zhang Zhixin from the perspectives of "truth, Exhibition"). Tere were 650 artworks in this exhibition, and a large number of them put Hua Guofeng goodness and beauty" and it aimed at bidding farewell to the "extreme left" (rather than realism). in the center of the image, including the popular theme "With you in charge, I'm at ease". Among all "With you in charge, I'm at ease" the artworks, the paintings by Peng Bin and Jin Shangyi were the most famous. After this exhibition, Between May and September in 1979, some representative artworks, such as the print work Untitled by this theme came to sweep the country. Tere were similar versions of the painting created with diferent Guo Changxin, the sculpture work The Strong by Wang Keqing and A Piece of Jade by Wang Guanyi, art medium appearing in many provinces, cities, and the autonomous regions. An observation and Su Wei Rather Die than Surrender by Zhang Bingtian and a nude sculpture of Zhang Zhixin entitled Te Warrior comparison between these versions suggests that although they, too, are based on the story developed for - Martyrs Zhang Zhixin created by sculptor Tang Daxi during his stay in Guangzhou left some imprints specifc purposes - the same as a large number of works created under the guiding principles of Socialist on the feld of fne arts at that time. Among all these works, artists adopted lavish artistic language to Realism, the "Red Bright" principle during "the Cultural Revolution" has faded at that time within construct the image of Zhang Zhixin. For instance, images of busts and incomplete portraits of the the context of officially denying "the Cultural Revolution" and in the atmosphere of launching new protagonist appeared in a large number of sculptures and paintings. These images expressed different On October 10, 1976, the fourth day after smashing the "Gang of Four", two newspapers and one political construction: the scene is rendered at eye level with soft and gentle brushstrokes in modelling characters and gestures of the main fgure, either with her eyes closed, squatting, laying down, leaning magazine1 simultaneously published an editorial entitled "The common willingness of hundreds of the characters, and fgures were not deifed in the image; books and cups depicted in the painting were against the window and looking out, reclining, or supporting the cheek with the hand. Te principle of millions of people". In this editorial, the idea that "we must unite closely around the Party Central haphazardly placed on the table and the two sofas were also relatively close to each other; the overall scene perspective was neglected and replaced by a more expressionistic and two-dimensional artistic language, Committee led by Comrade Hua Guofeng" was proposed for the first time. On October 24, 1976, only displayed a corner of the study room rather than a political conference room as audiences might and some works even exhibited a sense of surrealism; some constructed scenes were created with a millions of soldiers and civilians in the capital gathered together and held a festivity in Tian'anmen Square imagine. What the artist created is an everyday scenario. In this painting, it seems that Mao and Hua were realistic approach, demonstrating the difcult times Zhang Zhuxin faced in the prison and emphasizing to celebrate the victory of smashing the conspiracy of "Gang of Four" to usurp power. In this festivity, having an intimate chitchat instead of a serious discussion on state afairs; the bookcase in some paintings' her persistence on her ideal. On top of that, some other works expressed an overlapping combination Hua Guofeng, identifed as the highest leader of the party, ascended onto the Tian'anmen Rostrum and background only functioned as a decorative element of the image without any obvious political meanings. between dreams and reality, placing the image of Zhang Zhixin in an unrealistic scene which expressed her accepted people's cheering. Tey were shouting "Fang Xin, Fang Xin, Fang Xin … "("(Be) at ease, at ease, complex emotions of depression, indignation, loneliness, hope, and indiference. It can be said that the at ease … "). Wu De, the then-Director of Beijing Revolutionary Committee gave a speech and declared, Such artistic creation based on the theme "With you in charge, I'm at ease" can be seen as a farewell artist created various forms of art language to express humanity instead of politics, to pursue the right of "Te great leader Chairman Mao personally wrote a note to Comrade Hua Guofeng and said, 'With you event to "Art in the Cultural Revolution ". However, the later discussion on literature, art, and art trends free expression without the political restriction of the "extreme left". in charge, I'm at ease'. Tis illustrated Chairman Mao's infnite trust on Comrade Hua Guofeng." Based demonstrated that this event should be seen as a farewell to "extreme left" politics, but not politics per on these two things, Comrade Hua Guofeng was ofcially proclaimed as the true heir to the supreme se. In this event, politics never left the stage; rather, it even stayed in the center position. Te wide spread In fact, during the "Tiananmen Incident" in 1976, there were many intellectuals, amateur photographers leader. Taking this declaration as a signal, some artists began to look for materials, depicting the meeting of this theme in artistic creation reflects the continuous political impact on every aspect of literature and writers taking the opportunity of commemorating Premier Zhou to express their own thinking. Tey between Mao Zedong and Hua Guofeng in their paintings. Te note Wu De mentioned in his speech even at the historical moment witnessing the end of "the Cultural Revolution". Although the event was wrote sentimental poetry in different genres, took documentary photos or aesthetic photos and made also drew the attention of some artists. It was written by Mao Zedong on April 30, 1976 when he was not conducted under the explicit orders by the authority, we can still indirectly feel the frst response of public speeches to declare their positions indirectly and to express their dissatisfaction with the "extreme talking to Hua Guofeng after meeting with foreign guests. Due to Mao's poor health condition, he had the artists who worked within the framework of the state, and how their mentality and awareness are left" politics. Such indirect expression also appeared in artistic creations related to Zhang Zhixin. Both to write down some information he wanted to pass on. Terefore, he wrote the note and handed it to infuenced and constructed by the authority. actions insinuated that they hoped to break through the "extreme left" ideology of the Cultural Revolution Hua Guofeng. Although there was no actual historical photo of this meeting, ("With you in charge, I'm Translated from Chinese by Wang Xiaoze and return to humanity. at ease" was from "Mao Zedong Manuscripts since the Founding of the PRC" published by the Central Literature Publishing House, (January 1998) Volume XIII, but the specifc meaning of these words is still At the end of October 1979, before the National Conference on Literature and Art, a social and aesthetic controversial), the initial creators of such paintings still managed to design this historical footage based on discussion centered on the martyr who was persecuted during the Cultural Revolution was more than a the photos of Mao meeting foreign guests, the arrangement of his study room, and his habitual gestures. memorial of Zhang Zhixin. Te value outweighed the event itself, as it kept a greater aspiration beyond the humanistic concerns for the persecuted individual, although such aspiration and its political limits The paintings based on the theme of "With you in charge, I'm at ease" first appeared at the end of were not clear for the people at that moment. 1976. The earliest work of this theme was created by Chinese painter Li Yansheng. At that time, he was invited to Beijing by the Rong Bao Zhai Gallery to paint a picture. In 1976, People's Fine Arts Translated from Chinese by Wang Xiaoze Publishing House issued one million copies of the first edition of the painting all at once, and then printed another 1.1 million copies within the same month. Before the Spring Festival eve of the following year, the Revolutionary Committee of Beijing and Tianjin printed numerous copies of this painting, which triggered a large number of domestic news reports and reproductions. On February 18, 1977, the Chinese Art Museum held " National Art Exhibition of Warm Celebration for Comrade Hua Guofeng,

1 During the Cultural Revolution, two newspapers refer to People's Daily and Liberation Army Daily, and one magazine refers to Red Flag.

2 3 4

愤怒、恐惧、惊慌、尴尬、困顿，这些情绪继续在“地下诗歌”和一些处于“潜流”状态的创作中 找到出口，在极端的年代中开辟了一个感伤主义的空间，比如，“无名画会”中的艺术家赵文量、 杨雨澍都曾用肖像刻画过愁绪中的人物。这股潜流也为 70 年代末出现的“伤痕”思潮的蔓延积蓄着 呼之欲出的动力。 愁绪 “愁绪”的主体是一代在反智年代中成长起来的知识青年，他们在“文革”后期开启了一个思 文：刘 鼎 想启蒙和精神觉醒的征程，有一些人从“红卫兵”转变为“知识青年”，即使没有经历上山下乡， 社会的停滞也使许多年轻人成为无业的闲散人员。“文革”中的串联在严酷时期为年轻人之间的交 往提供了一种新的方式。他们没有稳定的工作，通过经常聚集来交换信息和知识。尽管他们的思考 难以彻底摆脱当时的思想牢笼，却逐渐通过阅读和交流同时生长出一种可贵的怀疑精神，就像北岛 的诗《回答》中所写到的：“我不相信！”这种怀疑权威和怀疑集体主义的精神觉醒在主流意识形

1966 年 11 月 28 日，江青在文艺界大会上讲话，她说：“资本主义已经有几百年了，他们的所谓‘经 态与民间大众话语的联盟中遭到积压，始终处于被抑制的状态。知识分子的边缘化处境并没有在“文 典’作品也不过那么一点，他们一些是模仿所谓的‘经典’著作，死板了，不能吸引人了，因此完 革”结束后发生根本的变化。1970 年代末期至 1980 年代初期，仍然左右摇摆的思想空间继续抑制 全衰落了；另一些则是大量泛滥，毒害麻痹人民的阿飞舞，爵士舞，脱衣舞，印象派，象征派，抽 着知识分子的理想、精神和话语，“愁绪”终究挥之不去。 象派，野兽派，现代派，等等，名堂多了。一句话，腐败下流，毒害和麻痹人民。”1 即使在现代主 义思潮被完全异化和否定的情境中，苏州大学文学院教授王尧在其《作为问题的八十年代》中仍然 写道，“具有现代派艺术特点的新潮诗歌仍然在‘地下’滋长和成长。”2 的确，就是在 1967 年冬天， 诗人食指开始写作他的《鱼儿三部曲》。食指的写作，是在“文革”主流意识形态的框架之中和之外， 仍然存在着的一种复杂的创作现象的一部分，是在有限的缝隙中出现的相对疏离主流意识形态的作 品。以食指写于 1968 年的三首诗歌《灵魂》、《这是四点零八分的北京》和《相信未来》为例，这 些诗篇都透露出诗人陷入痛苦的折磨，以及心灵深处的绝望：我的心骤然一阵疼痛，一定是／妈妈 缀扣子的针线穿透了我的心胸／这时，我的心变成了一只风筝／风筝的线绳就在妈妈的手中／线绳 绷得太紧了，就要扯断了／我不得不把头探出车厢的窗棂／直到这时，直到这个时候／我才明白发 生了什么事情 /——一阵阵告别的声浪 / 就要卷走车站 / 北京在我的脚下 / 已经缓缓地移动 / 我再次 向北京挥动手臂 / 想一把抓住她的衣领 / 然后对她大声地叫喊：/ 永远记着我，妈妈啊北京 / 终于抓 住了什么东西 / 管他是谁的手，不能松 / 因为这是我的北京 / 是我的最后的北京。（1968 年 12 月 20 日）

经过了“文革”的城市和乡村，工农业的生产几乎停滞。到 70 年代初期，国民经济的困难，各 种运动在不明朗的政策中也显得非常迷茫。从城市中下放去农村的知识青年在农村盼着返城，城市 里也开始聚集了很多没有落实工作的年轻人。在这样一个社会空间中，有着各种背景而渐渐没有了 政治“任务”的人，处在一个等待的状态。要做什么？能做什么？这样的想法也开始在一些知识分 子的头脑中回旋。其中很大的一部分人开始小心翼翼地重拾文革以前的知识经验，逐渐恢复手头的 工作。艺术家周迈由所画的《卖水者》（1970 年代）刻画的正是这样一些无业青年的肖像，无所事事， 只能靠在街边卖水为生。

在 70 年代初期批判极左思潮和 70 年代中期文艺政策调整所带来的有限空间中，抑郁、沉闷、

1 江青：《在文艺界大会上的讲话》，《江青讲话选编》，人民出版社 1968 年版。 2 王尧：《五个“关键词”的修订与当代文艺思潮的演进》，《作为问题的八十年代》，生活·读书·新知三联书店 2013 年，151 页。

unemployed youth sitting by, doing nothing, and only making a living by selling water on the street.

Te criticism on the "extreme left" ideology in the early 1970s and the appearance of creative space due to art and literature policy adjustments in the mid -1970s provided opportunities for the expressions of Melancholy the emotions, like depression, dullness, anger, fear, panic and embarrassment, through the "underground poetry" and some other "undercurrent" practices. Also, a sentimental space was constructed during these extremist years. For example, artists like Zhao Wenliang and Yang Yushu from the "No Name" used Liu Ding portrait paintings to depict fgures with gloomy mood. Tis undercurrent also helped to accumulate the power for the spread-out of the "scar" art that appeared in the late 70s.

Te main body of "melancholy" is composed by a generation of educated young who grew up in an anti- On November 28, 1966, Jiang Qing made a speech at a conference of literature and arts. She said: intellectual era. Tey started an intellectual enlightenment and spiritual awakening journey in the later "Capitalism has existed for centuries, but only a few of their so-called "classic" works are created. Some period of the Cultural Revolution, and some of them turned from the "Red Guards" to the "Educated of them are the imitation of the so-called "classic" works, which are dogmatic and unprepossessing Young" . Even if there were no "Go up to the Mountains and Down to the Countryside Movement" and eventually declined completely; others are flooding with a large number of hooligan dances, jazz, (Shangshan Xiaxiang), many of them became unemployed idlers in the stagnated society. The Great striptease, impressionism, abstractionism, modernism and all kinds that poison and paralyze people. In Networking (Da Chuanlian) in the Cultural Revolution provided a new way for young people to summary, they are corrupted and dirty, poisoning and paralyzing people's mind."1 However, even under communicate in the harsh time. Tey did not have stable jobs and often gathered together to exchange the circumstance where the ideal of modernism was alienated and denied, as Professor Wang Yao from information and knowledge. Although they could not completely get rid of the ideological cage at that College of Arts, Suzhou University notes in his book Te Problems of the Eighties, "the trendy poetry with time, they gradually grew a valuable sense of skepticism through constantly reading and communication, modernist art approach is still growing in the 'underground'".2 Indeed, in the winter of 1967, poet Shi just as what Bei Dao wrote in his poem"Answer": "I do not believe it!". Te spiritual awakening and the Zhi started to write his "Fish Trilogy." Te writing of Shi Zhi was part of a complicated phenomenon that growing suspicions towards authority and collectivism were overstocked by the alliance of the mainstream existed in and out of the framework of the mainstream ideology in the Cultural Revolution. And it was ideology and the public opinion, and they were always suppressed. Te marginalization of intellectuals relatively alienated from the mainstream ideology, which rarely happened at that time. Taking the three did not fundamentally changed after the end of the Cultural Revolution. From the late 1970s to the poems written by Shi Zhi in 1968," Soul", "Tis is Beijing at 4:08" and "Believe in Future" as examples, early 1980s, the indecisive ideological space continued to suppress the desire, spirit and discourses of the these poems refected that the poet was sufering from pain and his soul was tortured: "My heart suddenly intellectuals. "Melancholy" was never gone. felt a burst of pain, it must be / My mother's button pins sewing through my heart / Ten, my heart Translated from Chinese by Wang Xiaoze turned into a kite / Te kite string was held by my mother / Te string was stretched too hard / I had to put my head out of the window / Until then, until now / I came to understand what just happened / -Sound waves of farewell / It almost rolled away the station / Beijing was just beneath my feet / Slowly moving / I waved my arms to Beijing once again / I wanted to grab her collar / And shouted to her: / Always remember me, Mother Beijing / I fnally caught something / No matter whose hand it is, I will not loose my hand/ Because this is my Beijing / My last Beijing". (December 20, 1968)

After the Cultural Revolution, industrial and agricultural production in cities and villages almost stagnated. In the early 1970s, the national economy faced great difficulties. A variety of movements appeared to be uncertain under the unclear political policy. Te educated youth who are decentralized from the city to rural areas were looking forward to returning to the city. Meanwhile, the city was flled with unemployed young people. Under such social circumstance, people from different backgrounds without a political "task" gradually appeared, and they were awaiting. What should they do? What can they do? Tese questions and voices began to echo in some intellectuals' mind. A large number of them began to revisit their experiences and knowledge before the Cultural Revolution, and gradually resumed their work at hand. Artist Zhou Mai's painting Water sellers (1970s) portrayed the situation of some

1 Jiang Qing: "Speech at the Conference of Art and Literature", Selected Speeches by Jiang Qing, People's Publishing House, 1968. 2 Wang Yao: "Te Amendment of 'Five Key Words' and the Evolution of Contemporary Art and Literature Trends", Te Problems of the Eighties, SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2013, p.151.

在报告中，周扬向文艺工作者提出“主要是要正确处理三个关系问题：一个是文艺和政治的关 系，其中包括党如何领导文艺工作的问题；一个是文艺和人民生活的关系，表现在艺术实践上，也 就是文艺创作上的现实主义问题；一个是文艺上继承传统和革新的关系，也就是如何贯彻推陈出新、 古为今用、洋为中用的方针的问题。这三个关系处理得正确与否，直接关系到社会主义文艺的成败 周扬的三个问题与七篇文章 兴衰。”4 这三个关系问题直接将新时期文艺拉回到前十七年的叙事框架和评价系统之中，仍然延续他在 文：刘 鼎 文艺与政治关系上的“老观点”。而新中国建立之后直至“文革”前十七年的文艺框架基本上又来 自于 1942 年延安文艺座谈会之后以周扬为首的左翼文化领导人对于毛泽东文艺理论和思想的解读、 阐释、以及具体化、规范化和体制化的处理。1946 年 7 月，周扬文集《表现新的群众的时代》由新 华书店发行，之后多次再版。这本精短的文集收录了周扬写于这个时期的七篇文章。在前言中，周 扬写道，“这些文章是我在文艺上经过整风与学习毛泽东思想的结果……整风运动是一个伟大的思 “我努力使自己做毛泽东文艺思想、文艺政策之宣传者、解说者、应用者，虽然我所成就的是如此微小。” 想革命，在文艺的领域内来说，又是一个伟大的文艺革命。‘表现新的群众的时代’，是摆在每个 ——周扬 文艺工作者面前的伟大的任务。这就是为什么我用了这做我的书名。”5

重新分析与认识新中国成立以来三十年的文艺路线，对于研究中国当代艺术的特征和形态是怎 这七篇文章包括：《王实味的文艺观与我们的文艺观》、《艺术教育的改造问题》、《表现新 么建立起来的有着重要的意义。当然，新中国文艺路线的思想渊源可以追溯至 1942 年“延安文艺座 的群众的时代》、《马克思主义与文艺》、《“把眼光放远一点”序言》、《关于政策与艺术》和《论 谈会”以及党内左翼文艺领导者在四十年代、五十年代前期所主张的文艺规范。周扬既是其中的一 赵树理的创作》。文章涉及新文艺与左翼十年的革命文艺传统的关系、文艺与大众如何进一步结合、 个决策者，他的言论又是连接早期左翼文化的成型和体制化到“文革”结束以后新时期文艺路线提 艺术教育和创作中提高与普及的关系，技艺与思想的关系，新文艺与西方经典、与传统、与马列主义、 出的一条重要线索。可以说，早期周扬对于毛泽东文艺路线的理论诠释以及“文革”结束初期对于 及与民间形式之间的关系，倡导文艺来自群众，以及劳动先行于艺术等观点。 新时期文艺实践的界定，构成了理解新中国文艺意识形态流变的一个关键话语空间。“他既是当代 尽管在五、六十年代，周扬以毛泽东文艺思想的权威阐释者和贯彻者的面貌出现，在周扬的思 前 30 年文学的总结者与反思者，又是新时期文学的开拓者之一，他的思想脉络实际上可视为近三十 想轨迹中，他的“指针”也不免会处于摇摆和移动之中。他一方面对于文学的政治目的、政治功效 年文学基本轮廓的‘理论版’”。1 始终不敢松懈，另一方面，他也为当代文学的普遍公式化、概念化现象所困扰。在五十年代中期， 1978 年十一届三中全会前后到十二大召开期间是一个历史转折时期。十二大政治报告指出，“我 他也曾在一定限度内首肯文学革新力量的主张。而在“文革”结束之后，他又主动反省“文革”期 们已经在指导思想上完成了拨乱反正的艰巨任务，在各条战线的实际工作中取得了拨乱反正的重大 间“极左”的文艺路线，向一些由于他的工作的失误而遭到不公正待遇和受冤屈的同志赔礼道歉。 胜利，实现了历史性的伟大转变”。其首要标志是“在思想上坚决冲破长期存在的教条主义和个人 周扬的这七篇文章在《表现新的群众的时代》一书的集中出现，到 1979 年文代会中《继往开来， 崇拜的严重束缚，重新确立马克思主义的实事求是的思想路线，使各个工作领域获得了生气勃勃的 繁荣社会主义新时期的文艺》一文中的三个问题的提出，相距有 34 年的时间了。周扬的新老观点不 创造力量”。 这个历史大势决定了当代中国近三十年的发展道路，亦重构了当代文艺发展的政治经 仅仅是周扬一个人的，也是特定历史状况下形成的当代文艺制度的一部分。在这 34 年间，中国文艺 济与思想背景。1979 年 11 月 1 日，在全国第四次文代会上，周扬做了题为《继往开来，繁荣社会 思想的形成和体制化构成了在新中国语境中受到教育、逐渐成长起来的三代人潜在的思想资源。要 主义新时期的文艺》的报告，对社会主义文艺诞生的历史作了概括性的论述，重新向全国文艺工作 理解今天中国当代文艺的框架与阐述方式，周扬从这七篇文章的发表到三个问题的提出所经历的思 者全面阐释党的文艺方针政策。这个标志性的文本规划了中国文艺的基本历史结构和当代面貌。周 想流变是一个整一的过程，尽管在不同时段里，他也曾受制于或受害于“极左”框架内的调整和动荡， 扬的报告对于“新时期文艺”、“十七年文艺”以及“文革文艺”予以断裂性处理，否定“文革文艺”， 并且最终做出了扭正“极左”文艺的努力—他的文艺理论已历史化地深嵌在“极左”政治之中，是 肯定“十七年文艺”。“回顾我国三十年来文艺发展的历程，除去林彪、‘四人帮’造成的十年浩劫， 他的共鸣和回想。在很大程度上，周扬的文艺思想历程，尤其是这一历程的从对“极左”政治的阐释、 我们的文艺工作在大部分的时间内，基本上执行了党和毛泽东同志所规定的文艺路线，总的来说， 发挥、适应、调整到最后突变的整一性，构成了理解今天中国当代文艺的框架与阐述方式的一条历 是以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想作为自己的指导原则的。毛泽东文艺思想是毛泽东思想的重要组 史线索。我们可以从中窥见今天作用于我们的思想和种种学术活动之中的基因，特别是其中所包含 成部分，它教育了我国一代又一代的文艺工作者。”3 的矛盾的位移、时而清晰时而模糊的边界，为我们提供了丰富的讨论和思考的空间。

1 王尧：《“关联研究”与当代文学史论述》，《作为问题的八十年代》。北京：生活·读书·新知三联书店，2013。18。 4 周扬：《继往开来，繁荣社会主义新时期的文艺》——1979 年 11 月 1 日，在中国文学艺术工作者第四次代表大会上的报告，《人 2 胡耀邦：《全面开创社会主义现代化建设的新局面 ( 节录 )——在中国共产党第十二次全国代表大会上的报告》，《中国教育年鉴》， 民日报》1979 年 11 月 20 日。 中国大百科全书出版社，1981。75-77。 5 周扬：《表现新的群众的时代》，新华书店，1946。 3 周扬：《继往开来，繁荣社会主义新时期的文艺》——1979 年 11 月 1 日，在中国文学艺术工作者第四次代表大会上的报告，《人 民日报》1979 年 11 月 20 日。 Zhou Yang's Three Problems and Seven Essays

Liu Ding

"I try to make myself an advocator, interpreter, and practitioner of Mao Zedong's thought and policy on literature and art, although I have achieved very little." —— Zhou Yang

To re-analyze and re-discover the directions of Chinese literature and art in the three decades after the founding of the PRC is significant for the study of contemporary Chinese art today in terms of how its characteristics and forms are shaped. Certainly, the ideological origin of the country's directions on literature and art can be traced back to the "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art" (1942), and the exemplary literature and art models advocated by leftist leaders in the party in the 1940s and early 1950s, for which Zhou Yang is not only a policymaker, his speech also provided an important clue connecting the formation and institutionalization of early leftist culture with the direction of literature and art in the new era after the Cultural Revolution. It can be said that Zhou's early interpretation of Mao Zedong's directions on literature and art, and his defnition of literary and artistic practices in the early post-Cultural Revolution period, together constituted a key discursive space for the understanding of the evolving ideology in Chinese literature and art. "Not only did he summarize and refect on literature from the last thirty years, he was also a pioneer in literature of the new era. In fact, his thinking can be seen as the 'theoretical version' of the general outline of literature for nearly thirty years."1

The time between the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 1978 was a historical transition period. Reports from the Twelfth National Congress pointed out: "We have accomplished the arduous task of restoring order out of chaos in the guiding ideology, achieved great success in the actual work of all fronts, and realized great historical changes." Te primary indicator for this success was having "resolutely broken through the severe constraints of the long-standing dogmatism and personal worship in people's thinking, re-established the Marxist ideological direction of seeking truth from facts, and vitalized every feld of production."2 Tis historical turn has determined the development path of contemporary China for nearly three decades, and reconstructed the political, economic, and ideological backgrounds of contemporary literary and artistic development. On November 1, 1979, at the Fourth National Conference on Literature and Art, Zhou Yang made a report entitled "Carry forward the Cause to the Future, Literature and Art in the New Era of Prosperous Socialism," giving a general

1 Wang Yao, '"Association Study' and Discourse on the History of Contemporary Literature", Te Eighties as a Problem. Beijing: SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2013. P.18. 2 Hu Yaobang, "Comprehensively Creating a New Prospect of Socialist Modernization (Excerpt) - A Report at the Twelfth National Congress of the Communist Party of China," China Education Almanac, Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 1981. Pp.75-77. 1 exposition of the history of the birth of socialist literature and art, while comprehensively demonstrating literature and art have with Western classics, tradition, Marxism-Leninism and folk forms, collectively the party's policy on literature and art to the country's cultural workers. Tis iconic text set the blueprint propagating such ideas that art comes from the masses, and labor comes before art. for the basic historical structure as well as the contemporary image of Chinese literature and art. Zhou's report dissected "Literature and Art in the New Era", "Literature and Art from the Seventeen-year Although in the 1950s and 60s, Zhou Yang acted as the authoritative interpreter and implementer of Period," and "Literature and Art during the Cultural Revolution". He denounced the last, and afrmed Mao Zedong's literary and artistic thought, in Zhou's line of thinking, his "compass" inevitably wavered "Literature and Art from the Seventeen-year Period". "Looking back on our country's literary and artistic and shifted. On one hand, he was persistent about the political purpose and function of literature; on development in the last thirty years, with the exception of the ten years of turmoil caused by Lin Biao the other, he was concerned with the phenomena of contemporary literature being generally formulaic and the Gang of Four, our literary and artistic work for the most part, followed the literary and artistic and conceptualized. In the mid 1950s, he favored the idea of literary innovation within certain limits. direction set by the Party and Comrade Mao Zedong, with Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Tought After the end of the Cultural Revolution, he actively refected on the literary and artistic direction of the as our guiding principles at large. Mao Zedong's thinking on literature and art is an important component "extreme left" during the Cultural Revolution, and apologized to the comrades who had sufered injustice of Mao Zedong Tought, which has educated generations of literature and art workers in our country."3 and grievances because of his mistakes.

In his report, Zhou Yang raised to the workers that "the main task is to correctly handle three relations: Thirty-four years had passed since the concentrated appearance of the seven essays by Zhou Yang in one is the relationship between literature, art, and politics, including how the Party leads literary and Representing the Age of New Masses, when he raised the three problems in "Carry forward the Cause to artistic work; and the relationship between literature, art, and people's life, which is the issue of realism the Future, Literature and Art in the New Era of Prosperous Socialism" at the National Conference on in artistic creations in practice; the last being the relationship between tradition and innovation in literary Literature and Art in 1979. Zhou's new and old points of view are not just his own, they are part of the and artistic work, that is how to implement the policies of bringing forth the new through the old, contemporaneous literary and artistic institutions born out of given historical conditions. In these thirty- adapting ancient forms for the present, and making foreign things serve China. Whether or not these four years, the formation and institutionalization of Chinese literary and artistic thought constituted the three relationships are handled correctly directly results in the success or failure of socialist literature and underlying thought base for three generations of Chinese educated and raised in the PRC. To understand art."4 the frameworks and formulations of contemporary Chinese literature and art, we shall look to Zhou's evolving thoughts from the seven essays to the three problems. It was a holistic process. Trough his life, These three problems directly pulled literary and artistic work in the new era back to the narrative Zhou Yang strived to interpret and expound the principle of "literature and art serving politics" set down framework and evaluation system of the seventeen-year-period, as a continuation of Zhou Yang's "old by Mao at the "Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art" in 1942. At various stages of the thirty-four years, view" on the relationship between literature, art, and politics. Te literary and artistic framework in the Zhou Yang was constrained by or had sufered from the adjustments and variations within the "extreme- seventeen years before the Cultural Revolution and after the founding of the PRC was mainly derived left" frame and he eventually made the efort to correct the "extreme-left" practice in literature and art. from the interpretation, and subsequent specifcation, standardization, and institutionalization of Mao Yet, historically, his theory on literature and art was deeply grounded in the "extreme left" politics, being Zedong's literary theory and thought, by the leftist cultural leaders headed by Zhou, after the Yan'an both its resonance and echoes. To a great extent, the trajectory of Zhou Yang's thought in literature and Forum on Literature and Art in 1942. In July 1946, a collection of Zhou's essays, Representing the Age art, especially the holistic nature of his interpretation, expansion, adjustment of "extreme left" politics, of New Masses, was published by Xinhua Bookstore, and reprinted many times. Tis compact anthology and the sudden change of his final position provides a historical clue to understanding the narrative contains seven essays written by Zhou in this period. In the preface, he wrote, "These essays are the frames and approaches in contemporary literature and art in China today. From such, we can catch a results of my rectifcation and study of Mao Zedong Tought in literature and art … Te rectifcation glimpse of the genes that are still afecting our thinking and various academic activities in the present, in movement is a great ideological revolution; and in the feld of literature and art, it is a great literary and particular the displacement of contradictions, and the boundaries that are sometimes clear and sometimes artistic revolution. 'Representing the Age of New Masses' is a great task at hand for every literature and art ambiguous, providing us with a rigorous space for thinking and discussion. worker, and that is why I've chosen it as the title of my book."5 Translated from Chinese by Lai Fei

Te seven essays include "Wang Shiwei's Literary View and Our Literary View", "Te Problem of Art Education Reform", "Representing the Age of New Masses", "Marxism and Literature and Art", "Preface to 'Looking Further Ahead'", "On Policy and Art", and "On Zhao Shuli's Creation". Te essays touch upon the relationship between new literature and art and the revolutionary literary tradition of the leftist decade, how to further integrate literature and art with the public, the improvement and popularization of art education and creation, the relationship between craft and thought, and the relations that new

3 Zhou Yang, "Carry forward the Cause to the Future, Literature and Art in the New Era of Prosperous Socialism - a report at the Fourth National Conference on Literature and Art on November 1, 1979", People's Daily, November 20, 1979. 4 Ibid. 5 Zhou Yang, Representing the Age of New Masses, Xinhua Bookstore, 1946. 2 3 重新容纳艺术的“空间”

文：苏 伟

在探讨 1972-1982 年发生的艺术活动、展览和艺术事件时，一个重要的因素是空间。这里首先 所指的是物理上的空间，即在政治氛围开始变化、对“极左”政治的不满情绪开始酝酿、显露时， 艺术界也相应地出现了一些半官方或者地下性质的展览和活动发生的场所。这些场所中占比重最大 的是公共空间，如公园、郊外、中国美术馆外的空地和小花园、西单民主墙、首都机场、北京的宾 馆甚至是任意的街头街角；有的属于私人性质，比如玉渊潭画派及其衍生出的“无名画会”成员聚 会时所在的家庭空间；有的是政治空间，比如人民大会堂；也有的是属于官方的文化和展览机构（这 其中包括寄生在这些机构中的小组织，如绘画学习班），它们大多在“文革”开展最激烈的时段内 变成了宣扬阶级斗争和“极左”政治的工具，在“文革”后由一些特定的人和事重新激活，一定程 度上恢复了其一般意义上的传播和教育功能，比如北海的画舫斋、中山公园的水榭和兰室、劳动人 民文化宫、北京各个区的文化宫、一些业余画家组织开办的学习班等等。

发生在这些空间中的活动和展览大多具有临时的性质，它们大多涉及到了与官方实质上或者象 征意义上的碰撞和协商。对这些空间性质的界定，最重要的一点是明确它们在支配权上的属性，即 由谁发起、由谁推动、由谁促成，哪些特定的人和事在空间的支配权上起到了重要作用。在这之中， 参与到这些活动和展览中的文艺工作者和创作者的历史身份是什么也同等重要，比如：一些在“极左” 的政治框架中受到打压、1979 年“平反”后重新出来工作的政治人物，比如江丰、刘迅、刘海粟； 在“ 文 革 ”中 无 法 进 行 正 常 创 作 的 、“文 革 ”结 束 后 重 新 出 现 在 公 众 视 野 的 大 量 学 院 画 家；在“ 文 革 ” 中出于压力而进行意识形态化的创作、“文革”后恢复正常创作的学院画家。他们的复出与业余画 家一起，对推动这些空间的使用有着重要意义。通过这样的考察和分析，我们可以进入到一个有别 于“ 在 野 ”的 历 史 视 野 之 中 ，去 发 现 在 政 治 信 号 的 引 导 下 ，艺 术 如 何 寻 找 缝 隙 进 入 到 这 些 不 同 属 性 的 、 其政治功能和社会功能正在得到重新定位的空间之中，并去探讨那个时代的艺术工作者和业余画家 对官方的理解和想象是什么，艺术最终的诉求又是什么。

我们用三种形态标识这些空间：交流的空间、展览的空间、宣传的空间。 1、交流的空间包括业余画家进行写生的公园和风景名胜，在官方文化机构内的、如劳动人民文

1 化宫由画家任教的绘画学习班，以及北京各区的文化馆等。 行宫，自民国时期开始就成为对外开放的艺术展览场所，建国后这一传统依然延续，直到“文革” 在交流和展示空间外，在宣传的空间中发生的创作基本上是受到官方直接命令和委任的，比较 2、展览的空间最为庞杂和分散，涉及到官方和私人的空间，其中包括北京的各大公园，如中山 时期北海公园关闭。1978 年 3 月，画舫斋重新开放，“无名画会”的两次画展、“星星画会”的第 典型是“壁画热”和绘画市场的初步开放，二者都首先服务于涉外和旅游宣传的需要，但同时也是 公园水榭和兰室、北海画舫斋；中国美术馆、中国美术馆前的空地及其东侧的小花园；西单的民主墙； 一次受到官方认可的展览都在这里发生。 艺术创作以一种日常的而非过度政治化的方式，向人的生活空间延展，所以是艺术日常化的一个信号。 劳动人民文化宫；业余画家私人聚会和展示的家中；以及发生在街头的展览场地等。 3、宣传的空间则指的是受到官方文化政策的明确指示而出现的公共创作之地，它们都出现在一 1978 年，由当时在劳动人民文化宫教绘画的闫振铎推动促成的“四人油画联展”在劳动人民文 壁画创作这一在“前三十年”并未受到太多重视的创作形式（1958 年中央美院和中央工艺美院 些特定的公共场所中，这其中包括承载壁画创作的一些北京大型宾馆和首都机场，以及以对外宣传 化宫开幕，参展艺术家为曹达立、王路、庞均和闫振铎。这开创了在公园中由画家发起、与官方协 曾经成立壁画工作室，但分别于一年后和七年后撤销建制），因新时期文艺政策的变化重获新生。 和销售为目标创立的北京画店等。 商得到认同而自发举办画展的风潮。1979 年“ 平 反 ”复 出 、担 任 中 央 美 院 院 长 和 中 国 美 协 主 席 的 江 丰 ， 1979 年，在得到中央美院院长江丰和文化部长黄镇的支持后，由侯一民在中央美院油画系内成立壁 在为 1979 年北京市美协和中山公园共同主办的“新春风景静物画展”（“新春画展”）所写的前言中， 画小组，这个小组当时接到了一些壁画创作的委任。之后，为了装饰刚刚落成的首都机场候机楼， 这三种形态既是独立的、各有各的功能意义，也在很多时候是重叠的，比如展览的空间就是交 向这些“自由结合起来”的画家的展览表示了认同（在展览开幕前，刘迅先内部参观了画展，表示 受国家民航管理局委托，由中央美院的张仃主持发起机场壁画项目。这 7 幅壁画集合全国各地的美 流的场所，也承载了宣传的功能。 了肯定）。这一信号的发出，使得北京各大公园内出现了大量由学院画家或者业余画家发起、获得 术工作者共同完成，是新中国成立以来第一次大型集体壁画创作，于 1979 年 9 月 26 日正式面世。 官方支持的展览。“新春画展”展示的四十几位老画家，很多都是在官方美术系统中有过重要位置、 其中，袁运生设计的《泼水节——生命的赞歌》因为出现了两个傣族妇女的裸体形象而引发争议。 我们从私人的空间说起。生涯具有传奇性质的业余画家周迈由曾在自己的居所中画人体而遭到 却在“文革”中不允许被提及和展示的创作者，包括刘海粟、庞薰琹、吴作人等，特殊的时代造就 机场壁画群在技法上吸收了中国传统的粉底重彩、沥粉贴金法和苏式美术中干湿壁画、水泥分层雕 举报，1974 年被送进劳改所接受了三年的劳教。当时他所居住的是北京胡同中一间普通的小平房。 了他们与“无名画会”和“星星画会”里的业余画家共同的历史性在场。这一办画展的风潮席卷了 刻、和马赛克（镶嵌）玻璃画的技法，并首创用中国陶瓷（特别是高温釉）装饰墙面 。2 同时期， 这种居住空间狭小、封闭性差，通常是若干间平房挤在一个大杂院里，家门挨着家门，路过窗沿下 1979 年的北京美术界，当时的中国美术馆、各区文化馆、北京画院、北京画店、劳动人民文化宫等 受到首都机场壁画群的鼓励，在北京的一些涉外宾馆，如燕京饭店、国际俱乐部、北京饭店，一些 就能透过窗户看到他人家中的样子。周迈由后来选择外出写生，也与这种私人空间的不安全、没有 等这些市属和国属的美术单位，纷纷举办各种形式的画家个展和群展。其中，“景山公园和西城区 专用空间，如北京人民大会堂各个省厅室内等场所，也出现了大量壁画创作。壁画热逐渐蔓延到医院、 隐私有关，政治的触角可以说间接地渗透进来，超出日常起居之外的个人活动并不是完全私密的。 文化馆联合举办的《彦涵作品展》，北海公园和北京画院联合举办的《潘絜兹工笔重彩人物画展览》、 车站、少年宫、报社、游泳场等等公共和专用空间之中，其它省市如东北三省也逐渐兴起了壁画热潮。 北京画店举办的《刘继卣画展》，恢复了被‘四人帮’扼杀的个人画展的传统形式”1 , 中国美术馆也 周迈由在外出写生的活动中结识了“玉渊潭画派”的画家们。“玉渊潭画派”最初由赵文量、 举办了《何香凝中国画遗作展》和《画家王式廓董希文李斛遗作展览》。除了个展，当时受到关注 同时，文化政策的开放使得绘画有了初步进入市场的可能。前身为北京美术公司的北京画店于 杨雨澍、石振宇、张达安等人组成，大约成立于 60 年代初，是一个松散的画家团体。他们经常一起 的群展包括紫竹院公园举办的“青年中国画展”，《连环画报》编辑部和劳动人民文化宫联合举办的 1979 年 1 月 10 日正式开业（《光明日报》1979 年 1 月 19 日简讯），这家坐落于王府井商业街的国 外出写生，最初的地点是在北京的玉渊潭公园。之后，由于玉渊潭公园的一部分划归为钓鱼台国宾馆， “连环画展览”以及“新春画展”。 有画店是政府设立的“文化窗口”典范，实际上响应“改革开放”的号召而创立的，除了销售名家 他们便把写生的活动扩展到北京市内的其他公园，比如北海公园、什刹海和紫竹院，近郊如颐和园、 作品之外，也接受绘画创作的订单。其它一些在“文革“之中停业的国有美术营业机构也恢复营业， 香山和十三陵水库，或者邻近北京的风景胜地，如北戴河。到了 70 年代中期，这个团体吸引了一批 如何进入官方的展示场所，这其中的途径是相当复杂的。“星星画会”的第一次展览是在中国 其中包括荣宝斋、工艺美术服务部、北京市工艺美术公司、北京文物商店等（这些机构的历史背景 当时的年轻人加入进来，逐渐形成了后来的“无名画会”。这些年轻人更热衷于举办私密空间的聚 美术馆东侧的小花园举行的，当时馆内正在举行第五届全国美展。刘迅和江丰亲自来看展览，在表 也较特殊，很多是在收购和公私合营的过程中建立或更换了所有权属性再次出现的）。 会，展示自己不同于官方和学院美术的作品，他们也采用非写实主义的手法画写生，其中还有一些 示赞赏的同时允许把一部分作品寄存在馆内。警察现场的介入让事情变得复杂起来，作为发起者的 糅杂了西方现代派风格的作品。“无名画会”成员张伟的家位于北京西城区福绥境大楼三楼 5 号， 马德升和黄锐被带到公安局，之后画会的核心成员联合几个以西单民主墙为刊登地的民办杂志《今 1972-1982 年政治框架中酝酿和发生的变化，引发了容纳艺术的物理空间的变化。通过考察这 1974 年 12 月 23 日，他们就在这里举办了第一次“无名画会”的地下展览。这个时期，东煤厂 5 号 天》、《北京之春》、《今天》、《沃土》和《四·五论坛》，在民主墙张贴大字报抗议政府的干涉， 些物理空间的形态以及考察发起、推动和促成这些空间的特定的人和事，我们可以获悉文艺创作这 的赵文量家，以及一些成员居住的北京文化部居民大院（203 大院），也是他们经常聚会的地方。 并最终组织了一场游行（《北京之春》没有参与）。文艺创作者的自发行为再次得到了官方的回应， 一精神空间如何接受和辨析官方突破“极左”政治框架时的信号，在与政治的对话中逐渐开辟出更 张伟搬过几次家，在与“无名画会”来往渐少后，80 年代初，他在新明胡同 1 号楼 1 门 15 号的家 “星星画会”最终得以在画舫斋举办第一次官方认可的展览。1980 年夏，“星星画会”在北京市美 多的可能和自由，并观看到艺术在彼时的诉求和动力。 又成为新的聚集地。除此之外，70 年代末、80 年代初北京的一些国家部委家属大院中，也出现过业 协注册，继而通过江丰，在当年的 8 月 24 日至 9 月 7 日于中国美术馆举办了第二次画展。 余画家的聚会活动。所有这些私人空间中发生的聚会，他们的参与者大多没有接受过学院的美术教育， 有的是在半官方性质的学习班或者街道的美术补习学校学出来，走上艺术创作道路的，业余性质非 由“ 四 五 事 件 ”中 一 群 活 跃 的 业 余 摄 影 师 组 成 的“ 四 月 影 会 ”成 立 于 1976 年 4 月，1979 年 4 月 1 日， 常明显。他们用私密的聚会疏远公共空间内的政治，在严苛的政治环境中对政治避而不谈。 他们就举办了团体的第一个展览“自然·社会·人艺术摄影展”。最初他们想在西城区文化馆办展，但 由于审查的原因未成，最终得以在中山公园的兰室举办。这其中，因为影会中一些成员家庭的中央 但是，私密性只是一个暂时的现象，寻求在公共空间中，尤其是受到官方认可的空间中去展示， 官员背景，才使得展览避开阻力而成功开幕。展览举办后，新华社内刊《报纸动态》和《人民日报》 是当时很多业余创作者心中的目标。“无名画会”1979 年 7 月 14 日得到在北海画舫斋展示的机会， 一毁一赞，刊发了对这个展览截然相反的评论，这种赞与毁的背后同样有影会成员动用家庭关系联 这离不开北京市美协副主席刘迅、老画家刘海粟等人的大力推动。北海画舫斋这样一个清代的小型 系《人民日报》来保护展览的动作。

1 劳岱：《今日首都画坛》，载于《美术》，1979 年第 2 期。 2 侯一民：《壁画与实际》，载于《美术》，1981 年第 10 期。

2 3 4 Reintegration of Artistic "Spaces"

Su Wei

When exploring the artistic activities, exhibitions and events in the years between 1972 and 1982, a major theme is "space." Tis refers primarily to physical space, or in other words, to a context where both the changing political climate and the dissatisfaction with "extreme leftist" movements were fermenting and emerging to the surface in this context, quasi-ofcial or underground exhibitions and activities took place in the art world. Te majority of these spaces were public, including parks, the countryside, empty spaces and small gardens outside the National Art Museum of China, the Democracy Wall at Xidan, the Capital Airport, the Beijing Hotel and even random street corners; some of these spaces were private, for example, the home spaces where members of the "Yuyuantan Group" and later its derivative the "No Name Painting Society" met; some were political spaces, such as the Great Hall of the People; some were ofcially recognized cultural and exhibition institutions (including small groups such as painting classes that were based in these institutions). Such spaces originated primarily as the political tools to advocate class struggle and the "extreme left"politics during the most intense early period of the Cultural Revolution, later resuscitated by individuals and events after the Cultural Revolution, reviving the spaces' basic functions of dissemination and education to a certain extent, including the Painted Boat Studio in Beihai Park, the Water Pavilion and Orchid Chamber in Zhongshan Park, the Working People's Cultural Palace, the many Cultural Palaces of all Beijing districts, and several painting classes organized by amateur painters.

Te majority of activities in these spaces possessed an element of improvisation, with actual or symbolic confict or negotiation with the authorities. In terms of defning the nature of these spaces, the attribute of usage should be clear, namely who instigated, promoted or incited the use of the spaces, and who or what specifcally played an important role in using the spaces. During this process, the historical identity of the artistic workers or creators participating in these activities and exhibitions was equally important, for example: individuals who were oppressed within the political framework of the "extreme leftist" movements of the Cultural Revolution, later rehabilitated in 1979 and then returned to artistic production, such as Jiang Feng, Liu Xun and Liu Haisu; a large number of academic painters who were unable to normally produce during the Cultural Revolution and who later returned to the public stage after the Cultural Revolution; and the academic painters who created propaganda works out of ideological pressure during the Cultural Revolution and who could return to normal artistic creation after the Cultural Revolution ended. Teir artistic comebacks and the activities of amateur painters were equally important in defning the usage of these spaces. In light of such an analysis, we can enter a historical horizon diferent from "political opposition," and understand how artists, directed by the political climate of the time, found opportunities to enter the spaces with myriad nature and political or social functions in the process of redefnition. We can also thereby explore the understanding and imagination of the government by the artistic workers and amateur painters, and what art demanded at that time.

We can categorize these spaces into three types: communication spaces, exhibition spaces and propaganda spaces. 1. Communication spaces included parks and famous landscapes where amateur painters painted from life, painting classes taught by painters within ofcial cultural institutions such as the Working People's Cultural Palace, and the Cultural Palaces in each Beijing district. 2. Exhibition spaces were the most varied and dispersed of all spaces, including the ofcial and private spaces, such as

1 the various large Beijing parks, like the Water Pavilion and the Orchid Chamber in Zhongshan Park and the Painted In 1978, Yan Zhenduo, a painting teacher at the Working People's Cultural Palace, facilitated an exhibition entitled and the preliminary opening of the painting market, which primarily served the needs of foreign afairs and tourism Boat Studio in Beihai Park; the National Art Museum of China, the empty space in front of the National Art Museum "Four Person Oil Painting Exhibition" by artists Cao Dali, Wang Lu, Pang Jun and Yan Zhenduo at the Working advertisement. However, these artistic works employed an approach originating more from daily lives instead of overly of China and the small garden on its Eastern side; the Democracy Wall at Xidan; the Working People's Cultural Palace; People's Cultural Palace. Tis exhibition started the trend of exhibiting in public parks proposed by artists and approved political issues, extending art to the realm of the ordinary and serving as a signal that art was approaching the lives of private events and exhibitions in the homes of amateur painters; and fnally small art shows on the street. by the authorities after negotiation. Jiang Feng, rehabilitated in 1979, president of the Central Academy of Fine Arts people. 3. Propaganda spaces were those where public creative works were displayed under the explicit direction of the ofcial and chairman of the China Artists Association, wrote the preface for the 1979 "New Spring Landscape and Still Life Mural painting creation, as a form that was not quite emphasized in the "last 30 years" (the Central Academy of Fine cultural policy. Such spaces appeared at special public locations that displayed mural works, including several large Painting Exhibition" ("New Spring Exhibition") organized together with the China Artists Association at Zhongshan Arts and the Central Academy of Arts and Design established mural painting studios in 1958 but dismantled them Beijing hotels and the Capital Airport, as well as the Beijing Painting Shop, establihsed with the aim of external Park, expressing his support for exhibitions proposed by "freely organized" artists (Liu Xun visited and approved the respectively after one and seven years), experienced a renaissance thanks to the new cultural policies. In 1979, after propaganda and foreign sales. exhibition before its opening). With the spread of this signal, a great number of exhibitions organized by academic receiving the support of Central Academy of Fine Arts president Jiang Feng and the Minister of Culture Huang Zhen, or amateur painters and approved by the authorities began to appear in the large parks of Beijing. Te "New Spring These three types of spaces were independent and had their own functional meanings, although meanings often Hou Yimin founded a mural painting study group within the Department of Oil Painting at the Central Academy of Exhibition" displayed the works of over forty elder painters who all had important positions in the ofcial art system overlapped in that an exhibition space could be a communication space while performing the function of propaganda. Fine Arts. Tis group received mural commissions at the time. Later, the group was commissioned by the National but were not allowed to be mentioned or exhibited during the Cultural Revolution, including Liu Haisu, Pang Xunqin, Civil Aviation Authority to paint a mural to decorate the newly completed international terminal at the Beijing Capital I would like to start with the private space. A painter with a legendary life, Zhou Maiyou, was once reported for Wu Zuoren and others. At this particular moment, this exhibition witnessed the simultaneous historical presence of the Airport. Te production of these murals was lead by Zhang Ding of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, with artistic painting nudes in his own residence and was sent to a labor camp in 1974 for three years for reform through labor. His senior and the professional alongside the amateur, such as the "No Name Painting Society" and the "Stars Group." Te workers from throughout the country collaborating on the project. Finally completed on September 26th, 1979, it residence was a simple single-room at Beijing hutong. Spaces like this was extremely small and poorly insulated, with exhibition trend took over Beijing art world in 1979, with the National Art Museum of China, all Cultural Palaces of became the frst large-scale collective mural painting since the founding of the People's Republic of China. One of the many individual residences being squeezed within a single courtyard and passersby being able to see inside from the each district, the Beijing Art Academy, the Beijing Picture Shop, the Working People's Cultural Palace, and other city murals is Water-Splashing Festival: A Paean of Life Yuan Yunsheng, which caused public outcry because of the presence windows on the street. Due to the lack of safety and privacy in such space, Zhou Maiyou later chose to paint from life and national art organizations starting to hold solo or group exhibitions one after another. "Exhibitions such as 'Works of two nude Dai fgures. Te airport mural series synthesized techniques of Chinese traditional powder-based heavy outside of his home, demonstrating that political life extended into the personal realm, rendering any personal activities by Yan Han' organized by the Jingshan Park and the Xicheng District Cultural Palace, the 'Pan Jiezi' Gongbi Figure color, filtered powder and gold leaf, Soviet wet and dry mural, carving layered in cement and glass mosaics, while that challenged current norms as publicly exposed. Painting Exhibition' organized by Beihai Park and the Beijing Art Academy, and the 'Liu Jiyou Painting Exhibition' using Chinese porcelain (especially high temperature glazes) to embellish the mural surface for the frst time. 2 During organized by the Beijing Picture Shop revived the traditional form of solo exhibitions destroyed by the 'Gang of Four,'"1 Zhou Maiyou met members of the "Yuyuantan Group" while painting from life outdoors. Te "Yuyuantan Group" was the same period, encouraged by the Capital Airport mural series, a large number of mural works appeared in several with the National Art Museum of China also organizing exhibitions such as "Late Chinese Paintings by He Xiangning" a loose band of painters founded by Zhao Wenliang, Yang Yushu, Shi Zhenyu, Zhang Da'an and others in the early Beijing hotels, such as the Yanjing Hotel, the International Club and the Beijing Hotel, as well as in several spaces for and "Late Paintings by Wang Shikuo, Dong Xiwen and Li Hu." In addition to solo exhibitions, group exhibitions such 1960s. Tey often took trips together to paint from life outdoors, with Beijing's Yuyuantan Park as their frst location. special use, such as the various provincial halls within the Beijing Great Hall of the People. Tis trend in mural painting as "Young Chinese Painting" organized by Purple Bamboo Park, as well as the "Comic Exhibition" and "New Spring Later on, since part of Yuyuantan Park was sectioned off for the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse, they extended their extended to hotels, train stations, youth centers, news agencies, swimming centers and other public places, even reaching Painting Exhibition" organized by the editorial department of Comic Magazine and the Working People's Cultural activities to other parks in Beijing, such as Beihai Park, Shichahai and the Purple Bamboo Park, as well as to the nearby to the three provinces of Manchuria. Palace also received public attention. suburbs, such as the Summer Palace, the Fragrant Hills and the Ming Tombs Reservoir, or to even famous tourist spots At the same time, the openness of the cultural policies of the time allowed paintings to enter the market. Te Beijing near Beijing, such as Beidaihe. In the mid-70's, the group integrated a number of younger painters into their activities, However, the process of entering ofcial exhibition spaces was rather complicated. Te frst exhibition of the "Stars Picture Shop, formerly known as the Beijing Arts Company, opened on January 10th, 1979 (reported by the Guanming eventually giving birth to the "No Name Painting Society". These youth were more passionate about organizing Group" was held in the garden on the Eastern side of the National Art Museum of China, with the Fifth National Art Daily on January 19, 1979), located on the Wangfujing shopping street as a state-owned model of a "cultural window" meetings in private spaces, displaying works that difered from those coming from ofcial or academic contexts and Exhibition taking place right in the museum. Liu Xun and Jiang Feng came to see the exhibition, expressing approval established by the government, responding in fact to the call of "Reform and Opening Up." With the exception of using unrealistic techniques to paint from life, while several painters even borrowed from works of Western modernism. and allowing several works to be shown in the museum. Te subsequent involvement of the police complicated the selling the works of famous artists, the shop also accepted orders for commissions. Several other arts businesses resumed "No Name Painting Society" member Zhang Wei lived in No. 5, Fusuijing Towers, Building 3, in the Xicheng District event, with organizers Ma Desheng and Huang Rui being taken to the police station. Later, core members of the group business after being closed down during the Cultural Revolution, including Rongbaozhai, the Arts and Design Service of Beijing, and on December 23, 1974, they held the No Name's frst underground exhibition. During this period, Zhao united with several independent magazines, such as Today, Beijing Spring, Fertile Soil and Te May Fourth Forum, Department, the Beijing City Arts and Design Company and the Beijing Artifacts Store (the historical backgrounds Wenliang's home at 5 Dongmeichang, as well as the homes of several members living in the apartments of the Beijing publishing on the Xidan Democracy Wall big-character posters criticizing the interference of the government, which of these organizations were also special, as many had been established during the process of acquisition or public and Department of Culture (Building 203) also served frequently as locations for meetings. Zhang Wei moved several times, culminated in a protest (Beijing Spring did not participate). Te independent actions of artists once again merited a private integration, or had appeared after changing their type of ownership). and as his interaction with the "No Name Painting Society" decreased, his home at Xinming Hutong Building 1, Door response from the authorities, with the "Stars Group" being allowed to organize an officially-sanctioned exhibition 1, No. 15 became a new meeting place in the early 80s. Additionally, meetings of amateur painters occurred within in the Painted Boat Studio. In the summer of 1980, the "Stars Group" registered itself with the Beijing City Artists Te changes in the political framework that fermented and occurred in the years from 1972 to 1982 subsequently caused the families of state ofcials during the 1970s and 80s in Beijing. Te majority of the participants in all these meetings Association, and once again through the support of Jiang Feng, organized a second exhibition from August 24th to the changes in the physical spaces that contained art. Trough the analysis of the forms of these physical spaces as well occurring in private spaces had neither been trained in the art academy nor studied in semi-ofcial or community art September 7th of the same year at the National Art Museum of China. as the analysis of the individuals and events that created, instigated and catalyzed these spaces, we can understand how schools, thus their amateurism was extremely evident in their artistic creation. Teir meetings in private spaces avoided the spiritual space of artistic creation received and deciphered ofcial signals in breaking the political framework of the Started by a group of amateur photographers active in the "April 4th Tiananmen Incident," the "April Photographers the politics as in public spaces, and they chose to avoid discussing any politics in a severe political climate. "extreme left", observe how it progressively secured greater opportunities and freedom through dialogue with politics, Group" was established in April 1976. On April 1st, 1976, they organized their frst exhibition as a group entitled and fnd the needs and motivations of the art of the time. However, privacy was only a temporary phenomena, with the majority of amateur painters still hoping to exhibit "Nature · Society · People Art Photography Exhibition." At first they wanted to display at the Xicheng District in the public space, especially in those spaces approved by the authorities. The "No Name Painting Society" had Cultural Palace but failed due to censorship, and fnally chose to exhibit at the Orchid Pavillon at Zhongshan Park. Te Translated from Chinese by Adam Dehmohseni the opportunity to exhibit in Beihai Park's Painted Boat Studio on July 14th, 1979, an event that would have been exhibition was able to avoid resistance and smoothly open, largely because several members’ family relatives were central impossible without the determined support of Liu Xun, the chairman of Beijing Artists Association, and the elder Party ofcials. After the exhibition opened, the government-controlled publication of the Xinhua News Agency, namely painter Liu Haisu and others. Te Painted Boat Studio, a small palace from Qing dynasty, had been a public exhibition Newspaper News, and the People's Daily, published two completely diferent reviews of the exhibition, respectively space since the Republic of China, and continued this tradition after the founding of the People's Republic until Beihai condemning and praising the exhibition. Tese disparate reactions from a state organ could be explained by the fact that Park was closed during the Cultural Revolution. In March 1978, the Painted Boat Studio opened once again, holding group members called upon family connections at the People's Daily to help protect the exhibition. ofcially approved exhibitions including two exhibitions by the "No Name Painting Society" and one by the "Stars In addition to the spaces of communication and exhibition, the artistic practice in the spaces of propaganda directly Group." followed the orders and appointments of Party officials, with a typical example being the "mural painting fever"

1 Lao Yue: "Painting in the Capital Today", in Art, 1972, Issue 2. 2 Hou Yimin, “Mural and Practice” in Art, 1981, Issue 10. 2 3 4 短暂的合流1

文：卢迎 华

从 1969 年夏秋之交开始到 1970 年上半年，在京美术单位、院校的干部和教职员工均被下放到 干校或部队农场接受劳动改造，学生被安排上山下乡接受工农兵“再教育”。1971 年夏，国务院调 整了新的行政机构，成立国务院文化组、科教组等。1972 年，国务院文化组建立“全国美展办公室”， 截至 1975 年共举办 4 次“全国美展”及农民画、工人画等专项展览。“全国美展”的举行使艺术家 们得以见到原作。到了“文革”中后期，特别是在 1972 年之后，北京的美术活动逐渐活跃起来。根 据国务院指示，美术家陆续回京，美术知青也陆续返城。这一时期群众性美术活动以各城区、近郊 区和远郊县的文化馆、教育机构、工人俱乐部、群众艺术馆等为中心组织开展。主要的活动包括： 为北京市举办的美术展览或为全国美展“下达”的任务组织创作；参加每年国庆节、劳动节游园布置； 培训业余美术力量；组织观摩交流。1971 年之后，北京市少年宫、各区县少年之家在培养美术人才 方面也做了许多基础性工作。

1978 年，中共中央决定在全国全部摘掉“右派分子”帽子。文化部、中国美协、北京市文联等 单位陆续为在“文革”中遭受“四人帮” 诋毁迫害的已故老艺术家在中国美术馆举办纪念性画展、 遗作展。1978 年 4 月，中国美协、中央美院等为徐悲鸿举行墓碑修复仪式。文化部、中国美协、中 国美术馆、美协北京分会为经受“文革”磨难的北京和外地画家举办画展和从艺活动庆贺会，展示 他们的创作。在“文革”期间持续保持活跃的北京市美术公司，也为一些专业画家，比如庞均、闫 振铎、曹达立、王路等，提供了一个继续美术创作的平台。他们参与北京市和全国各种展览的设计 制作，也肩负创作任务，到延安、井冈山、长沙、南昌等一些革命故地去写生，同时深入北京周边 地区的农村和厂矿去采风。

1977、1978 年，当时仍在北京市美术公司工作的曹达立、庞均、闫振铎、王路等画家因为北京 画店创作风景画的工作需要，去长江中下游、广西桂林等地区写生搜集素材，画了大量当地风景和 少数民族人物写生作品。回京后，闫振铎去北京市劳动人民文化宫美工组联系工作。此时，其姐闫 光野刚刚落实政策，担任文化宫的党委书记，遇到后聊到文化宫大殿空闲着，且当地文化活动不多， 考虑到写生作品并无政治内容，又符合当时的内部文化政策，还能活跃市民文化生活，便商量让弟

1 此文的撰写参考了北京画院编辑出版的《20 世纪北京绘画史》，闫博所写的《北京油画研究会的缘起》（未发表，2016 ），陈 淑霞所补充完善的《四月影会展览列表》（整理者：杨天歌，未发表，2016），以及李建立所写的《“星星美展”与 < 今天 > 杂志》 （刊登于《持灯的使者》增订版，广西师范大学出版社，2017 年）。 1 弟和一些朋友来文化宫画写生。闫振铎回单位后和庞均商议此事，都觉得是件好事，便与文化宫联 年 12 月，北岛、芒克和黄锐创办《今天》文学杂志。《今天》编辑部于 1979 年 4 月和 10 月在玉渊 七十年代末、八十年代初期，在北京的公共空间所发生的这些艺术活动见证了中国社会中文艺 系写生之后做个小展览，也有机会把大家之前的写生作品挂一挂展出。之后他们又约了曹达立、王 潭公园举办过两次诗歌朗诵会，许多诗人第一次在社会上亮相，并朗诵自己写的诗，与会者有百人 体制的调整与公共空间的向好。艺术实践者们有机会通过他们的实际行动推动一个良性公共文化的 路于同年八月在文化宫画了几天的写生，并在八月中下旬在太庙大殿东配殿举办了曹达立、王路、 之多。编辑部于 1979 年 9 月在紫竹院公园举办过一次读者、作者和编者的漫谈会，读者可以找相关 建设。这得益于 1977 年至 1978 年间这一美术界思想变化的酝酿涌动期。这一时期主要是对“文化 庞均、闫振铎四人联展，即“风景写生展览”，展出此前三人到长江中下游和桂林的写生及四人的 的作者漫谈和沟通。在当时，《今天》成为一个较为稳固的、具有一定社会资源和影响力的独立团体。 大革命”、“文革”美术，延伸到对“文革”前 17 年的文艺发展和美术事业中出现的问题所进行的 文化宫写生作品共一百多幅。 围绕《今天》的作家、艺术家和较为稳固的志愿者大约有三十多位。大部分参加“星星美展”的艺 梳理和批判，在理论上对“极左”的思想和实践予以反思，进一步解脱“阶级斗争”和“极左”思 术家已经集结在《今天》的周围。“星星美展”的筹划就在《今天》编辑部中进行，而美展中所需 想的束缚。周扬于 1978 年 12 月在广东省文学创作座谈会上的讲话《关于社会主义新时期的文学艺 此时闫光野的丈夫陈向远也刚恢复工作，在中山公园任负责人，闫振铎看到中山公园水榭一直 要的搬运、秩序维护和宣传工作均由《今天》团体来扶助完成。第一次“星星美展”于 1979 年 9 月 术问题》是一个非常关键的文本。在这篇演讲稿中，周扬开宗明义地提出社会主义新时期的文学艺 闲置，便和庞均商量，想利用这个历史上就是文人雅集的地方，同时联系更多的画家，展出艺术家 在中国美术馆东侧的小花园展出，两天后被公安部门取缔。第二次“星星美展”由美协北京分会筹 术任务是要实事求是地反映社会主义的现实，描写新的生活实践，具有多样化的题材。文艺既可以 按自己对艺术的理解所创作的作品，并不介入政治，这个想法得到了陈向远的支持。之后两人分工， 委会安排于 1979 年 12 月在北海画舫斋展出。第三次画展于 1980 年 8 月在中国美术馆举办。据朱金 赞成也可以反对，既可以歌颂，也可以暴露，或不表示态度。在艺术的形式和风格问题上，周扬重 由庞均出面去找其父辈的艺术家庞薰琴、刘海粟、许幸之等，闫振铎负责联系院校、美术单位及工人、 石回忆，在此次画展中，叶浅予也提出购买黄锐、朱金石和艾未未的作品。此后，星星的部分成员 提毛泽东 1956 年的“百花齐放、百家争鸣”的方针，并延伸出两个“自由”：艺术上不同形式和风 青年画家。场地、人员确定后，庞均前往正待复出主持美协工作的江丰家，讲了事情的经过并请他 出国，陆续散去。 格的自由发展和科学上不同学派的自由讨论。最后，周扬以讨论文学艺术的领导问题作结，提出放 为展览写前言。江丰听后非常支持，几天后写下了当时令人为之一震的“新春画展”前言。 宽审查尺度，而不靠行政手段对文艺进行管束。周扬的这个讲话传达了官方体制中高层对于文艺工 1979 年 1 月 12 日，“星期五沙龙”的成员狄源沧、池小宁、孙青青、李恬、任曙林、张岚、 作管控的松动，江丰、刘迅等文化官僚通过具体的实践推动和落实艺术自由、思想解放的信号。体 1979 年 1 月，以“新春画展”为题的油画风景、静物展在中山公园水榭开幕，参展的在京及少 吕小中、范生平、钟星座、陈凡、吕铁志等在西城区新街口池小宁家举行题为“银星”的展览。而 制与非机制内的艺术家在基层回应了这样的信号，与官方信号形成良性的互动，在一个全新的领域 数外地油画家共四十余人，展出作品一百多幅。参与的艺术家包括了老中青三代，含专业与业余画家。 任曙林当时的笔记中将此次展览称为“年会观摩”。当时并没有正式的群体名称，“星期五沙龙” 里探测、摸索与界定新时期文艺实践的可能疆域。 参展作品全部自己选定、没有审查，共同布展，轮流值班，不分地位，气氛宽松。艺术家叶浅予在 是后来起的名称。1979 年 4 月 1 日至 25 日，“四月影会”（其中部分成员来自“星期五沙龙”） 开幕当天购买了数位年轻艺术家的作品，比如当时仅有 16 岁的小画家袁加的画作。江丰在“前言” 在北京中山公园兰室举行题为“自然·社会·人”的摄影展。1980 年 4 月 3 至 22 日，“自然·社会·人” 从政治层面上看，1978 年 12 月召开的十一届三中全会决定性地结束了粉碎“四人帮”之后两 中关于“自由地组成画会”的主张在中青年画家中得到热烈响应，参加这次展览的画家们首先成立 第二回展在北海公园画舫斋举行。一年以后，“四月影会”的最后一回展在中国美术馆举行。 年中党的工作在徘徊中前进的局面。同时，一个政治新空间也在这次会后展现出来，全面加速了整 了北京油画研究会（3 月成立新潮画会，4 月改为北京油画研究会）。接着在北京出现了众多的画会、 个社会“求变”的步伐。这次“求变”的过程使各种背景和各种诉求的人们在 1979 年这个时段中形 研究会。据北京画院编辑的《20 世纪北京绘画史》记载，当时记录在案的画会约有 30 个，拥有成 早在六七十年代，曾在“北京青年美术补习学校”（前身熙化美术补习学校）学习的赵文量和 成合流。在这短暂的合流中，政治精英和社会精英普遍选择性地运用了新中国十七年的部分经验作 员千余人，其中一类为专业画家组成的画会；一类为松散的画家组织，包括成员多为青年工人的无 杨雨澍身边聚集了不少年轻人，来找他们学画，既在赵文量位于什刹海的家中，又追随他们的足迹 为“求变”的合法性的历史渊源，同时也以充分肯定新中国十七年的历史成就作为前提，在此基础 名画会和星星画会等自发组织。北京画会的兴起，也迅速蔓延到全国，据 1980 年全国美协工作会议 走遍北京市郊，经常在玉渊潭、北海、紫竹院等地写生，并被称为“玉渊潭画派”。1975 年 1 月 1 上重提“五四”精神。在“文革”中后期到改革开放前期的这个十年中，这些探索在此时达到一个 上的统计，1979 年至 1980 年全国各地有 166 个积极活动的实体画会。各个画会大多以举办展览和 日，他们在其成员之一，艺术家张伟的住所举办过一次为期一夜的内部画展，共十位艺术家参展， 高潮，而同时也意味着一个时代的落幕。然而，对于紧随其后到来的整个 80 年代而言，这些探索为 座谈交流为活动方式。 包括赵文量、杨雨澍、石振宇、张达安、田玉、康万、张伟、马可鲁、李珊、郑子燕。 1979 年 7 月 此后改革的不断调整和深化留下了许多遗产。 17 日，在刘迅的支持下，23 位艺术家首次在北海公园画舫斋举办公开画展，并成立“无名画会”。 继“新春画展”之后，1979 年 9 月，为配合全国文代会的召开，介绍北京油画研究会的经验， 开幕当日，赵文量与杨雨澍所仰慕的刘海粟也到现场看展，并当场为“无名画会”题词。1981 年 11 推动全国更多群众画会的成立，时任北京美协副主席和中国美术家协会常任书记的刘迅，建议提前 月，吴冠中也曾带赵无极到赵文量家看无名画会成员的作品。1981 年，无名画会在同一地点举行第 举办北京油画研究会第二届展览。10 月 14 日到 30 日，“北京油画研究会二展”在北海公园画舫斋 二次展览。此后，这个松散的团体的成员有的继续在北京作画，比如赵文量和杨雨澍，而其他相关 举办。从这次展览起，参展作品题材不再拘泥于风景、静物，而是以画家自由创作为主，从写实、 艺术家有的出国，有的因为艺术上的不同见解分道扬镳。 装饰到表现、抽象，题材更加多样，风格更加多元，语言更加个性化。时值文代会期间，与会代表 和各界人士参观者众多，展览首日达到一千五百人，舆论反响强烈。此后，北京油画研究会又举办 “同代人画会” 于 1980 年筹办，成员有王怀庆、黄冠余、张宏图、秦龙、白敬周、张健平、张红年、 了两次画展，分别于 1980 年 11 月和 1982 年 7 月。办展期间召开座谈会，作品还到四川、广东、湖 孙景波、孙为民、李忠良、江大海等人。1980 年 7 月 16 日至 8 月 7 日，“同代人”画展在中国美 北、上海、浙江等地巡展。 术馆开展，展出作品近百件，引起轰动。那是中国美术馆自建立以来第一个进入美术馆的民办团体 展览，开启了中国美术馆向民办展览有偿收藏作品的先例。同年 8 月 20 日至 9 月 7 日，“星星美展” 在这种氛围中，“星星美展”的发起人之一黄锐以夏朴为笔名，在《今天》第二期专门就“新春画展” 在中国美术馆举办；11 月 15 日至 11 月 30 日，北京油画研究会第三次画展也在中国美术馆举办。 撰写文章，大幅引用江丰为“新春画展”所写的“前言”，对于江丰的主张作出积极的回应。21978 1981 年 4 月 15 日至 5 月 4 日，“自然·社会·人”第三回展在中国美术馆举行。

2 夏朴：《采一束鲜花献给春天——评中山公园“新春画展”》，载《今天》第二期，1979 年 2 月。

2 3 4 A Fleeting Convergence

Carol Yinghua Lu

From late summer 1969 to the mid-1970s, cadres and faculty members of all art organizations and schools in Beijing were "sent down" to work at the May Seventh Cadre Schools or military farms, while students were sent to be rusticated and "re-educated" among workers, peasants and soldiers. In the summer of 1971, China's State Council restructured its organization, establishing the State Council Culture Working Group and Science and Education Working Group. In 1972, the State Council Working Group set up a "National Ofce for Art Exhibitions", which organized four national art exhibitions as well as peasant painting, worker painting and other themed exhibitions before 1975. Artists fnally had the chance to see the originals at the national exhibitions. In the middle and late stages of the Cultural Revolution, especially after 1972, Beijing was seeing more and more art events. A new directive from the State Council brought the artists and young art practitioners back to Beijing. At that time, mass art activities took place mostly in culture centers, educational institutions, workers' clubs and public galleries across the urban areas, the suburbs and Beijing's outskirts. The majority of such mass art activities include creating art pieces as "assignments" for regional and national art exhibitions, participating in the decoration for the garden party on the National Day or Labor Day each year, training art amateurs and organizing visits and exchanges. Since 1971, Beijing Children's Palace and children's clubs across the urban and suburban areas also did a lot of foundational work in art education.

In 1978, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China decided to rehabilitate the case for all rightists. Te Ministry of Culture, China Artists Association, Beijing Literature and Art Association and other relevant bodies held commemorative exhibitions and posthumous exhibitions for the late artists who were persecuted by the "Gang of Four" during the Cultural Revolution. A tombstone restoration ceremony for Xu Beihong was held in April 1978 by China Artists Association and China Central Academy of Fine Arts. Te Ministry of Culture, China Artists Association and its Beijing branch, the National Art Museum of China were also helping the artist from Beijing and other places of the country to organize exhibitions and celebrations to show their artworks. Te Beijing Arts Company, which remained active during the Cultural Revolution, ofered a platform to professional painters like Pang Jun, Yan Zhenduo, Cao Dali and Wang Lu, allowing them to continue art making. Besides their engagement in productions for all kinds of exhibitions in Beijing and other places, they were also required to produce other works, which brought them to the old revolutionary base areas to sketch from nature, like Yan'an, Jinggang Mountains, Changsha, Nanchang, and some rural areas near Beijing, including factories and mining sites.

In 1977 and 1978, some painters including Cao Dali, Pang Jun and Yan Zhenduo, those who were working in Beijing Arts Company, were asked to create some landscape paintings, so they travelled to the places, including the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River and Guilin in Guangxi Province to sketch from nature. A large amount of sketching on local lanscape and ethnic minority people were produced during their trips. When they were back to Beijing, Yan Zhenduo went to the Beijing Working People's Cultural Palace. At that time, his sister, Yan Guangye just returned to

1 References in this article include 20th Century History of Painting in Beijing compiled and published by Beijing Fine Art Academy, "Origins of the Beijing Society of Oil Painting" by Yan Bo (unpublished, 2016), "List of the April Photographers Association Exhibitions" revised by Chen Shuxia (Compiler: Yang Tiange, unpublished, 2016), "Te Star Art Exhibitions and the 'Today' Magazine" by Li Jianli (published on the revised edition of Te Messenger with A Light, Guangxi Normal University Press, 2017) 1 her former position as the CPC secretary of the Palace. Tey talked about the vacancy of the hall in the Palace and the abstract. Te themes and styles were more diversifed, and language more personalized. China's National Conference on November 1981, Wu Guanzhong took Zhao Wuji to Zhao Wenliang's home to see the works of the No Name members. shortage of cultural events in the area. Tey gathered that since sketching was apolitical, compliant with the policy, and Literature and Art was held at the same time, bringing lots of conference participants and people from all walks of life Te society held its second exhibition in the same place in 1981. After that, this loosely organized association saw some good for the public, it could be a good idea to invite Yan Zhenduo and his friends to come over and sketch in the Palace. to the exhibition, and attracting 1,500 visitors on the frst day. Te press gave a very extensive and passionate coverage of it members continuing their practice in Beijing, like Zhao Wenliang and Yang Yushu, some leaving the country, and Yan Zhenduo discussed the idea with Pang Jun, and both of them thought it was worth doing. Tey even planned a of the event. Two more exhibitions were held by Beijing Society of Oil Painting after this one, respectively in November some quitting due to their diferent understandings of art. small exhibition to show the previous sketches. Afterwards, they invited Cao Dali and Wang Lu to join them, spending a 1980 and July 1982. Forums were held during the exhibition and the artworks were toured to many other places few days in the Palace to sketch. In the mid and late August, an exhibition of the four artists (Cao Dali, Wang Lu, Pang including Sichuan, Guangdong, Hubei, Shanghai and Zhejiang. The Contemporaries Painting Association was planned and set up in 1980. Its members include Wang Huaiqing, Jun and Yan Zhenduo), entitled "Landscape Sketch Exhibition", was held in the Eastern Wing, main hall of the Temple. Huang Guanyu, Zhang Hongtu, Qin Long, Bai Jingzhou, Zhang Jianping, Zhang Hongnian, Sun Jingbo, Sun Weimin, Exhibits include sketches produced by the three painters when they were travelling to the Yangtze River and Guilin, as In light of such an environment, Huang Rui, one of the founders of Star Art Exhibitions, used "Xia Pu" as his alias Li Zhongliang and Jiang Dahai. During July 16th and August 7th, 1980, a Contemporaries Art Exhibition was held well as those produced by the four in the Palace, totaling more than a hundred pieces. and wrote specifcally about the New Spring Exhibition in the second issue of Today magazine, citing a large body of in the National Art Museum of China, with near one hundred pieces of paintings. Te exhibition turned out to be texts from Jiang Feng's preamble to the New Spring Exhibition, and responding positively to the proposition of Jiang phenomenal. It was the Museum's frst ever exhibition held by a private organization. It is also the frst time that the At this point, Chen Xiangyuan, husband of Yan Guangye had also just returned to his previous position as a manager Feng.2 In December 1978, Bei Dao, Mang Ke and Huang Rui founded the Today magazine. Te magazine editorial Museum actually paid to collect the works from a private exhibition. In the same year, the Museum saw a Star Art of Zhongshan Park. On seeing the unused waterside pavilions at Zhongshan Park, Yan Zhenduo talked to Pang Jun department held two poetry readings in Yuyuantan Park, one in April and the other in October 1979. Many poets Exhibition held from August 20th to September 7th, the 3rd exhibition of Beijing Society of Oil Painting from November about putting them into use. In the ancient times, the pavilions were places for intellectuals' gathering. Tey wanted to made their debut in these occasions, and read their own works to the public, with an audience of around one hundred 15th to 30th, and the third round of "Nature, Society and People" exhibition from April 15th to May 4th of 1981. invite more painters to exhibit apolitical works, those created out of their own understanding of art. Chen Xiangyuan people. In September of the same year, the editorial department also held a talk with its contributors and readers in supported his proposal. Afterwards, the two started to work on it: while Pang Jun went to inform the senior artists, the Purple Bamboo Park. At that time, Today was a stable and independent organization with moderate social network Te art events taking place in the late 1970s and early 1980s in the public space of Beijing witnessed the changes in including his father Pang Xunqin, Liu Haisu, Xu Xingzhi and others, Yan Zhenduo was responsible for contacting art and infuence, enjoying ongoing collaboration with around thirty writers, artists and volunteers. Most artists who had China's governance of art and a positive trend of public space. Te art practitioners had a chance to contribute to the schools, organizations, workers and young painters. With a confrmed venue and participants, Pang Jun went to Jiang presented their works at the Star Art Exhibition already became familiar with and gathered around Today. As a matter development of a healthy public culture, owing to the brewing of new thoughts in the art community between 1977 and Feng's house to visit him, who was about to return to work as head of the China Artists Association. Pang Jun told him of fact, the planning meeting of the Star Exhibition took place in the editorial department of Today. Te Today team 1978. Te signifcance of the period is the review and criticism of the Cultural Revolution, the art during the Revolution about the plan and invited him to write a preamble for the exhibition. Jiang Feng was very supportive and a few days also helped with the transportation, order keeping and publicity of the exhibition. Te frst Star Exhibition opened as well as the issues that emerged in literature and art development during the 17 years before the Revolution. Another later wrote an exhilarating preamble to the "New Spring Exhibition". in September 1979, in a small garden to the east of National Art Museum of China, but two days later the exhibition signifcance is the theoretical refection on extreme-left politics and practices, further breaking the constraints of "class was cracked down by the policy. The second Star Exhibition was scheduled by the Beijing branch of China Artists confict" and the extreme-left politics. Zhou Yang made a speech in December 1978 at Guangdong Conference on January of 1979 saw the opening of the "New Spring Exhibition" in the waterside pavilions of Zhongshan Park, Association to take place in the Painted Boat Studio of Beihai Park, in December 1979. And the third one was held in Literature - "Literature and Art in the New Era of Socialism", which turned out to be crucial. In his speech, Zhou Yang featuring landscape oil painting and still life. Some one hundred exhibits were created by over forty painters, mostly the National Art Museum of China in August 1980. Zhu Jinshi recalled that in the third exhibition, Ye Qianyu proposed began by stating clearly that the mission of literature and art in the new era of socialism was to refect on the reality of from Beijing. And the painters include the elder, middle-aged and young ones, some professionals and some amateurs. to purchase works from Huang Rui, Zhu Jinshi and Ai Weiwei. Since then, some members of the Star Exhibitions left socialism and depict the new social practices, with a diversity of themes. He said the literature and art works could agree All exhibits were chosen by the artists, without any censorship. Te event was jointly curated by all participants, who the country and the organization gradually fell apart. or disagree, could praise or expose. "No comment" is also acceptable. In terms of forms and styles of art, Zhou Yang were treated equally and shared the watch duty. Te atmosphere was relaxed. Ye Qianyu, the famous artist, purchased mentioned "the policy of letting a hundred fowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend" of Mao Zedong, several paintings from the young artists, one of them by Yuan Jia, who was only 16 years old. Jiang Feng proposed to On January 12, 1979, the Friday Salon members, including Di Yuancang, Chi Xiaoning, Sun Qingqing, Li Tian, Ren and derived from it two "Freedoms"-the freedom in the development of different forms and styles in art, and the "freely set up painters associations" in his preamble, and this proposition was warmly received by the middle-aged and Shulin, Zhang Lan, Lyu Xiaozhong, Fan Shengping, Zhong Xingzuo, Chen Fan and Lyu Tiezhi held an exhibition freedom of discussion on diferent schools of thoughts in science. Zhou Yang concluded by talking about the governance young painters. Tose who participated in this exhibition founded the Beijing Society of Oil Painting (the organization named "Silver Star" in Chi Xiaoning's home in Xin Jiekou, Xicheng District of Beijing. According to Ren Shulin's of art and literature, proposing to relax censorship and remove political constraints on literature and art. Te speech was was frst set up under the name of New Trend Painters Association, and was renamed Beijing Society of Oil Painting). notes, the exhibition was described as "an annual meeting". Actually at the time of this exhibition, the group had a message of the relaxation on art and literature governance from the middle and high level authorities. Cultural ofcials Afterwards, many art associations and societies emerged in Beijing. According to the 20th Century History of Painting in no official name yet, and the name "Friday Salon" was later adopted. Between April 1st and 25th, 1979, the April like Jiang Feng and Liu Xun implemented the idea of the message, i.e., freedom of art and liberation of thought in their Beijing compiled by Beijing Fine Art Academy, at that time, there were around 30 registered painters associations with Photographers Association (some of its members were also members of the Friday Salon) held a photography exhibition, practices. So the artists in and out of the government-controlled realm responded to the message at grassroots level, more than a thousand members. Such organizations fell into two categories, the frst formed by professional painters "Nature, Society and People" in Lan Shi (meaning "Orchid Room") of Zhongshan Park. During April 3rd to 22nd, 1980, which was a productive interaction with the authority that helped to explore and defne a new practice of literature and and the second being loose groupings mostly formed by young workers, like the No Name Painting Society and the Star the second round of "Nature, Society and People" exhibition was held in the Painted Boat Studio of Beihai Park. A year art in a whole new domain and era. Art Group. Te emergence of painting association in Beijing was soon echoed in other parts of China. According to the later, the April Photographers Association held its last exhibition in the National Art Museum of China. statistics by China Artists Association in 1980, there were 166 active painting associations across China between 1979 In the political domain, two years after the smashing of the "Gang of Four", the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central and 1980. Tese associations usually held activities like organizing exhibitions and forums. In the 1960s and 1970s, many young people came to Zhao Wenliang and Yang Yushu to learn painting, who used to Committee of the Communist Party of China in December 1978 put a decisive end to the slow development of the study in the Beijing Preparatory School of Art for the Youth (former name: Xihua Preparatory School of Art). Te young Party's work. Meanwhile, a new political space appeared after the Session, facilitating the "change seeking" process After the New Spring Art Exhibition, in September 1979, Liu Xun, the then vice chairman of Beijing Artists Association people studied at Zhao Wenliang's home in Shichahai, and also followed the two across Beijing, spending a lot of time across the society. The "change seeking" brought people of all kinds of backgrounds and with various desires to a and permanent secretary of China Artists Association, suggested that the 2nd Exhibition of Beijing Society of Oil sketching in Yuyuantan, Beihai Park and Purple Bamboo Garden. Tey were called the "Yuyuantan Group". On January convergence in 1979. In this feeting convergence, most political and social elites selectively used the previous practices Painting be held earlier than scheduled for the purposes to coincide with the opening of China's National Conference 1, 1975, a one-night exhibition was held in Zhang Wei's home, an artist who was also a member of the group, showing from the 17-year period after the founding of the People's Republic of China to legitimize the "change seeking". Tey on Literature and Art, and to share the practices of Beijing Society of Oil Painting and further increase the number of works from ten artists: Zhao Wenliang, Yang Yushu, Shi Zhenyu, Zhang Da'an, Tian Yu, Kang Wan, Zhang Wei, Ma also fully acknowledged the PRC's achievements in these 17 years, based on which the May Fourth Movement spirit public painting associations in China. During the 14th to the 30th in October, the 2nd Exhibition of Beijing Society of Kelu, Li Shan and Zheng Ziyan. On July 17th, 1979, with Liu Xun's support, 23 artists held a public exhibition in the was reiterated. Te relevant explorations culminated in the middle and late stages of the Cultural Revolution, or in the Oil Painting was held in the Painted Boat Studio of Beihai Park. Starting from this exhibition, exhibits did not have to Painted Boat Studio of Beihai Park, and set up the No Name Painting Society. On the opening day, Liu Haisu, whom ten years before the reform and opening-up, symbolizing the end of an era, leaving a rich legacy to the upcoming 1980s, feature only landscape or still life, but refected the diverse practice of the artists, be it realistic, decorative, expressive or Zhao Wenliang and Yang Yushu admired, also came to visit, and wrote an inscription onsite for the No Name. In when the reform was constantly redirecting and deepening.

Translated from Chinese by Lu Wen 2 Xia Pu, Picking Flowers for the Spring - A Commentary on New Year Art Exhibition in Zhongshan Park , Today (2nd Issue, February 1978).

2 3 4 印象派与形式美

文：卢迎 华

“在万紫千红处处春的一九七八年三月，北京迎来了‘法国十九世纪农村风景画展’。”吴作 人发表于《美术》1978 年三月刊的《深厚的友谊 美妙的风情》一文以此句开篇，与他于 4 月刊登在《人 民日报》上的另一篇文章《看法国十九世纪农村风景画展》一起，首次引出了对“印象派”的相关讨论。 他写道，“不管怎样，印象主义是存在了，而且出现若干出色的画家和作品。”1

自 1957、1958 年的“双反运动”即“反浪费反保守”运动直至文革期间，形式主义艺术诸流派， 包括印象派，被界定为资产阶级文艺路线和敌视广大劳动人民的艺术流派，是与社会主义现实主义“势 不两立” 的反对面。1957 年刚刚创刊的《美术研究》在第 2、3、4 期，连续三期讨论印象主义是不 是现实主义，第 4 期刊登自我检查，承认讨论的问题是错误的。在文革期间，美术界更不敢公开谈 论印象派，连美术学院里都不准看印象派的画册。在长达将近 20 年的历史时期中，艺术创作被政治 裹挟，对于形式主义的批判和抑制，实质上是对于个人主义和创作自由的禁锢。

1978 年年初，借着“法国十九世纪农村风景画展”在北京展出的契机，印象派重新进入艺术实 践的公共视野和讨论的话语之中，是这个时期艺术家和理论家们争取艺术自由和思想解放的一个表 征。艺术实践者们把握机遇，通过展开对于印象派的重新引介、评价和彰扬，提倡多样的风格和艺 术形式，在艺术领域推动创作民主的思潮。《诗刊》在此时发表毛泽东写于 1965 年的《给陈毅同志 读诗的一封信》，其中谈到诗歌写作要用形象思维。长期以来，诗的形象思维由于属于形式的范畴 而未被提及，这封信的发表触发了一场全国范围的讨论热潮。

1979 年 2 月 9 日下午，中国美术家协会筹备组就学习 1979 年公开发表的周恩来同志 1961 年 6 月《 在 文 艺 工 作 座 谈 会 和 故 事 片 创 作 会 议 上 的 讲 话 》，召 开 了 在 京 美 术 工 作 者 座 谈 会 。到 会 的 有 中 国 画 、 油画、版画、雕塑、漫画、连环画、工艺美术、美术史、美术理论研究、美术出版部门等方面的同 志二百余人。这一讲话的公开发表又是一个重要的信号。在 2 月刊的《美术》杂志中，艺术家和理 论家们“借题发挥”，以微妙的方法响应“时代”的要求，提倡文艺工作中的民主风气，比如江丰 撰文提倡《民主要争取 不能靠恩赐》，叶浅予写道《要大框框 不要小框框》。而在 1958 年第一期

1 吴作人，《深厚的友谊 美妙的风情》，《美术》（1978 年，第三期）。北京：人民美术出版社，1978 年。39 － 41。

1 的《美术研究》中撰写长文《现代资产阶级的形式主义艺术》、罗列不同的形式主义艺术流派并将 研究会的一次学术讨论会上的发言《艺术个性与自我表现》。这些创作和言论尖锐地对统治中国十 其树立为批评对象的王琦，也发表了短文《发扬民主关键在领导》，指出艺术民主的希望在于政治 年来的艺术思想表达了深刻的质疑，对压抑个性和自我表现提出了挑战。 上的民主，更进一步将艺术的讨论引向对于政治和体制的思考。 我们几乎可以说，在这个时期爆发的种种争论、争鸣在本质上是现实主义与现代主义的问题。 同年，即 1979 年 3 月 12 日至 26 日，继法国“十九世纪农村风景画展览”之后，“瑞典绘画 在中国的艺术界，这远远不仅是一个艺术流派的问题，而且是一个政治立场的问题。在这个时期， 雕刻展览”又在北京展出，并巡回展出至长沙和上海。参展艺术家都生活于 19 世纪末、20 世纪初， 中国艺术界的展览、艺术创作和理论实践与政治信号形成紧密的互动。经历过前二十年，艺术家和 他们都曾在法国巴黎学习，接受印象画派的影响。同一时期，北京还举行澳大利亚、罗马尼亚等国 理论家以对印象派、形式美和自我表现的讨论作为密码和代号，在一个通过话语和创作实践共同开 家同时期的展览。1979 年 6 月至 7 月，由北京美术家协会、中央美术学院和中山公园联合举办，在 辟的空间中，官方与民间之间互为信号，试图打开通往艺术自由和思想解放的大门。 北京天安门旁边的中山公园内，举办了一个规模很小的展览。这次展览展出的是印象主义绘画的图 片。尽管没有原作，这个展览还是吸引了不少热情的观众前往观看。吴冠中在此后写的一篇题为《印 象主义绘画的前前后后》的文章中援引了观众在这个展览的留言簿上写下的话：“我的妈呀！可怕 的印象派原来是这么回事……太可爱了。”在此前后，艺术界已经出现了一大批有关印象主义的讨论。 1979 年第四期《美术研究》刊登了邵大箴的长文《印象派的评价问题》，详细地介绍印象派美学特征， 最后，邵大箴把印象派归属于现实主义的范畴，回应了 50 年代关于印象派的争论。

与此同时，吴冠中在 1979 年至 1981 年之间发表了一组关于艺术形式美的文章，“其中最引人 注目的有三篇：一是《绘画的形式美》（１９７９年《美术》第５期），二 是《 关 于 抽 象 美 》（１ ９ ８ ０ 年《美术》第１０期），三是《内容决定形式？》（１９８１年《美术》第３期）。第一篇讲美和 漂亮之异同，从此入手；第二篇说抽象美随处可寻可觅，书法、假山石之类都属抽象美的范畴，进 而提出研究艺术抽象美的必要性；第三篇在前两篇作铺垫的基础上 , 可谓图穷匕首见 , 文题“内客决 定形式？”从艺术家的内在要求出发，质疑“内容第一，内容决定形式”的命题。吴冠中身先士卒 大量创作形式优美的画作，以实践赢得民间百姓、绘画青年同道的欣赏和学习。从形式美这一缺口 动摇了 1942 年延安文艺座谈会上的《讲话》的一个侧面，一时间一石激起千层浪，得益于当时相对 宽容的政治气氛，对艺术思潮的解放起到了重要的作用。”2

随着这个缺口的打开，1979 年，逐渐恢复正常教学秩序的艺术教育面临需要解决在“文革”时 期被否定的人体写生课程是否要继续进行的问题。邵大箴的《关于人体模特》和钱邵武的《为什么 要画人体模特》的论文发表在《美术研究》上，从历史、理论和艺术创造方面，论述艺术教育和创 作中使用人体模特的重要性，为院校恢复人体艺术课程提供理论依据。1980 年 4 月，中国美协在一 份报告中回应了袁运生创作的《生命的赞歌——泼水节》画面上出现傣族女性裸体形象所引发的讨论， 肯定创作成绩，也请作者进行局部修改，部分覆盖裸体妇女。经过这次讨论，裸体艺术在美术教学 和美术创作中的正常发展得以保证。

1980 年代初的另一场关于艺术的“自我表现”的讨论主要由涉及参与北京油画研究会的艺术家 们，既有钟鸣和冯国东（曾用名：冯国栋）回应对于他们的作品的批评，以钟鸣《从画萨特说起— 谈绘画中的自我表现》和冯国东的油画《自在者》及其创作自述为例，也包括了袁运生在北京油画

2 张蔷，答刘鼎与卢迎华问题邮件，2016 年 12 月。

2 3 Impressionism and Formalistic Beauty

Carol Yinghua Lu

"It is March, 1978. Te colorful spring is in the air, and the 19th Century French Countryside Landscape Art Exhibition is unveiled in Beijing", wrote Wu Zuoren at the beginning of his article "Deep Friendship, Picturesque Scenery", published in the March 1978 issue of Art. Another article of his, "A Look into the 19th Century French Countryside Landscape Art Exhibition", can be found in People's Daily issued in April of the same year. Tese two articles were the frst ever comments in China on impressionism. He wrote, "No matter what, the existence of impressionism is undeniable, with marvelous painters and works emerging from the genre."

China's Anti-Waste and Anti-Conservatism Movement broke out in 1957 and 1958. Since then, and until the Cultural Revolution, all genres of formalism, including impressionism, were considered as bourgeois art and against the working class, i.e., the absolute opposite of socialist realism. Te Art Research magazine, founded only in 1957, discussed consecutively in its 2nd, 3rd and 4th issues whether impressionism is a form of realism. In its 4th issue, however, the magazine published an ofcial apology and announced that this topic should have never been discussed. During the Cultural Revolution, impressionism became a taboo in the art community, and even the sight of impressionist works were forbidden in art academies. For almost 20 years, artistic creation was kidnapped by politics. Te condemnation and suppression of formalism is in fact a yoke on individualism and freedom of creativity.

At the beginning of 1978, in light of the 19th Century French Countryside Landscape Art Exhibition opening in Beijing, impressionism was back to the community of art and was open for discussion, which served as a representation of the eforts made by artists and theorists for freedom of art and liberation of thought. Te art practitioners seized this opportunity to promote diversity in styles and forms of art, as well as to advocate democracy in art making, by re-introducting, commenting and praising impressionism. Ten the Shikan (meaning "Poetry") magazine published a letter written in 1965 by Mao Zedong, "A Letter to Comrade Chen Yi to Discuss Poetry", which mentioned that writing poems requires visual thinking. For a long time, visual thinking in poetry was never allowed to be mentioned due to the fact that it is part of formalism, while the publishing of this letter triggered a heated nationwide discussion.

A forum for Beijing art practitioners was held in the afternoon of February 9, 1979, by the preparation committee of China Artists Association, to study Premier Zhou En'lai's "Talk at the Literature and Art Forum and Feature Film Making Conference" made in June 1961. Te forum was joined by over two

1 Wu Zuoren. (1978). Deep Friendship, Picturesque Scenery. In Art (3rd Issue of 1978, pp 39-41). Beijing: People's Fine Arts Publishing House.

1 hundred art practitioners from different fields, including Chinese painting, oil painting, engraving, Art Research published "On Life Drawing Models" by Shao Dazhen and "Why We Need to Draw from sculpture, cartoon, comics, craft art, art history, aesthetics study and art publishing. The publication Models" by Qian Shaowu. Tese two articles, from the perspectives of history, theory and art making, of the speech was another important sign, in light of which the artists and theorists carefully extended argue for the importance of life drawing models in the education and creation process of art, thus serving the discussion in the February issue of Art, responding in subtle ways to the requirement of the time as a theoretical basis for the restoration of life drawing classes in schools. A work by Yuan Yunsheng, Ode to promote democracy in literature and art. For example, Jiang Feng wrote "Democracy is Earnt, Not to Life-Songkran depicting nude Dai women became a topic of debate. It was addressed by China Artists Given", and Ye Qianyu wrote "A Big Framework Is What We Need, Not the Small One". Moreover, the Association in a report, in which the work was praised but the painter was advised to conceal partly the frst issue of Art Research in 1958 published a long article, "Te Formalistic Art of Modern Bourgeoisie", nudity in his work. After this debate, the development of nude art was guaranteed in fne art education in which Wang Qi, who once listed all diferent genres of formalism and had them criticized, also wrote and practice. a short article titled "Leadership Is the Key of Democracy", saying that democracy in art depends on democracy in politics, furthering the discussion on art to a refection on politics and governance. Another debate occurred in the early 1980s about "self-expression" in art. Te involved were mainly the artists from Beijing Society of Oil Painting. In this debate, Zhong Ming and Feng Guodōng (former A Swedish painting and sculpture exhibition was held in the same year in Beijing, between March 12 and name: Feng Guodòng) addressed criticism against their works. The debate was also around Zhong's 26, and was toured to Changsha and Shanghai. All exhibits were created by artists who lived at the end of Drawing of Sartre - On Self-Expression in Painting, Feng Guodong's painting A Free Spirit as well as his the 19th century or the beginning of 20th century. Tey had all studied in Paris and thus were infuenced statement of purpose for the work, and Feng Yunsheng's talk "Individualism in Art and Self-Expression" by impressionism. During that time, Beijing also saw exhibitions from other countries like Australia and at a symposium organized by Beijing Society of Oil Painting. These works and articles posed strong Romania for the same period. In June and July of 1979, a small exhibition was held in Zhongshan Park skepticism against the ideas that had been ruling China's art community for a decade, and also challenged near Beijing's Tiananmen Square. Pictures of impressionist works were displayed. Although the works the suppression of individualism and self-expression. were not original, many people came to visit, showing a lot of passion. In his article titled Te Past and Present of Impressionist Painting, Wu Guanzhong cited a comment from the exhibition's guestbook, "My It is almost certain that all these productive discussions and debates during the period are actually about goodness, the horrible impressionism actually looks like this … so lovely!" Around that time, tons of the question of realism and modernism. In the art community of China, it goes far beyond the question comments from the art community on impressionism appeared. Te fourth issue of Art Research in 1979 of a genre of art, but a question of political positions. Back then, China's art exhibitions, art making, art published a long article, A Critical View of Impressionism by Shao Dazhen, in which the aesthetic features theories and practices were closely pegged to political messages. After twenty years, in an environment of impressionist art were elaborated. Te article was concluded that impressionism was a part of realism, that was made possible by the discourses and art practices, artists, theorists and even the authorities turned echoing the debate on impressionism in the 1950s. the discussions on impressionism, formalistic beauty and self-expression into some certain codes, trying to open the door to freedom of art and liberation of thought. Between 1979 and 1981, Wu Guanzhong published a series of articles on the aesthetics of formalism, Translated from Chinese by Lu Wen among which "three of them are highly notable: The Formalistic Beauty of Paintings, published in the 5th issue of Art in 1979; "On Abstract Beauty", published in the 10th issue of Art in 1980; "Are Forms Decided by Contents?", published in the 3rd issue of Art in 1981. Te frst article is about the diferences and similarities between "beautiful" and "good-looking", as an introduction; the second points out the ubiquitous presence of abstract beauty, be it in calligraphy or manmade hills, demonstrating the necessity to study abstract art; with the foreshadowing of the frst two articles, the third one, titled "Are Forms Decided by Contents?", unveils the writer's real purpose - he analyzed the nature of artist, and questioned the proposition that "contents are more important than anything else, and forms are decided by contents." Wu Guanzhong made himself a role model by creating a large number of paintings with formalistic beauty, winning acclaims from the public and the young painters, who were attracted to follow suit. So formalistic beauty was used as a breaking point to somehow challenge "Talks at the Yan'an Forum on Literature and Art", and triggered widespread reaction. Te attempt was successful thanks to the relaxed political environment, which played an important role in the liberation of thought."2

With this breaking point, art education in China was gradually normalized, but a question appeared in 1979: whether to restore the life drawing classes which were banned during the Cultural Revolution.

2 Zhang Qiang, "Answering Liu Ding and Carol Yinghua Lu's questions by email," November 19-December 10, 2016.

2 3 Contents

Salon, Salon: Fine Art Practices from 1972 to 1982 in Profle - A Beijing Perspective Liu Ding, Carol Yinghua Lu

Participating Artists

1976 Liu Ding

"In Memory of Zhang Zhixin" Su Wei

"With you in charge, I'm at ease" Su Wei

Melancholy Liu Ding

Zhou Yang's Tree Problems and Seven Essays Liu Ding

Reintegration of Artistic"Spaces" Su Wei

A Fleeting Convergence Carol Yinghua Lu

Impressionism and Formalistic Beauty Carol Yinghua Lu Salon, Salon: Fine Art Practices from 1972 to 1982 in Profile - A Beijing Perspective

Exhibition Dates: 2017.1.8 - 5.7 Venue: Inside-Out Art Museum, Beijing Organizer: Inside-Out Art Museum, Beijing Supported by: Beijing Cultural Development Foundation, Beijing Inside-Out Art Foundation, Beijing H&J Law Firm

Exhibition / Catalogue Curators: Liu Ding, Carol Yinghua Lu Researchers: Chen Shuxia, Song Ke, Su Wei, Yan Bo Curatorial Assistant: Yang Tiange Exhibition Design: Liu Ding Graphic Design: TINYworkshop.cn Editors: Liu Ding, Carol Yinghua Lu Authors: Liu Ding, Carol Yinghua Lu, Su Wei Tr a n s l a t o r s: Adam Dehmohseni, Lai Fei, Lu Wen, Wang Xiaoze Proofreader: Yang Tiange

Inside-Out Art Museum, Beijing Board of Directors: Huang Xiaohua, Zhang Hongxing, Zheng Huihong, Ma Jun, Han Xusheng, Zheng Dongmei, Zhou Yi Board of Supervisors: Yang Xiaomei, Meng Haidong, Li Mu Museum Team: Ma Zhongxiang, Cao Jun, Liu Lei, Gong Peichen, Wang Shuli, Zheng Yahui, Guo Hanjun, Ma Jiliang, Liu Yexi, Zhang Bingli, Liu Yushan, Zhang Jiayu (Intern) Address: No.50 Xingshikou Road, Haidian District, Beijing Telephone: 86-10-62730230 Website: www.ioam.org.cn Email: [email protected]

Special Thanks (in alphabetic order): To all participating artists, individuals and institutions who generously supported and loaned artworks to the exhibition: An Su, Da Xueyun, Dai Pu, Feng Xi, Han Lihua, Han Xueye, Hao Jingban, Huang Guanyu, Jia Peng, Jia Wei, Karen Smith, Li Chen, Li Dajun, Li Yaochen, Lin Song, Liu Chan, Lu Zhengyuan, Michael Evans, Shen Chaohui, Wang Huangsheng, Wang Luyan, Wang Luxiang, Wang Shaoqiang, Wang Yiyi, Wu Hongliang, Zhang Qiang, Zhao Youhou, Zhu Lin, Zhuang Xiaolei.

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