The North Star: A Journal of African American Religious History (ISSN: 1094-902X ) Volume 8, Number 2 (Spring 2005)

African American in the M. E. Tradition: The Case of Sharp Street ()

J. Gordon Melton, Institute for the Study of American Religion

©2005 J. Gordon Melton. Any archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text in any medium requires the consent of the author.

The role of in the The life and role of Black Methodists, Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) in the however, were rarely considered in such decades prior to the Civil War remains on of discussions. The subsequent attempts to the most neglected areas of African discuss Black ME Methodists were largely American religious studies. This neglect has limited to celebrating the careers of several persisted in spite of the fact that the MEC preachers—, John Charleston, was the largest denomination among Henry Evans, John Stewart. Only in the last America's several religious communities decade has some effort to move beyond this during these years and included in its situation been made.2 Thus all the questions membership more African Americans than remain—why did the majority of African any other group. The problem became Americans who identified themselves as evident as the new discipline of African Methodists remain in the MEC through the American religious studies appeared in the Antebellum Period, rather than join one of 1960s. Significant studies had and were the several independent Black appearing concerning white attitudes toward denominations? What were the issues that African Americans and the changing split the Black Methodist community into positions of Methodists regarding slavery.1 four groups, especially what issues divided those that left the MEC and those that stayed? What role did Black Methodists play 1 Cf. Donald G. Matthews, Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Morality, 1780-1845 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965); William B. Gravely, William B., "Early Methodism Harrison Daniel, "The Methodist Episcopal Church and Slavery: The Roots of a Tradition," Wesleyan and the Negro in the Early National period," Quarterly Review 2 (May 1965): 301-15; Lewis B. Methodist History (1973). 2 Purifoy, "The Methodist Anti-Slavery Tradition, CF., for example, Grant Shockley, "Negro Leaders 1784-1844," Methodist History 4 (July 1966): 3-16; in American Methodism." The Garrett Tower 12, 1 William B. Gravely, "Methodist Preachers, Slavery, (December 1966): 3-12; J. H. Graham, J. H., Black and Caste: Types of Social Concern in Antebellum United Methodists: Retrospect and Prospect (New America," Duke Divinity School Review 34 (Autumn York: Vantage Press, 1979); and Julius E. Del Pino, 1969): 209-29; David H. Bradley, " "Blacks in the from Its and the Development of African Churches in Beginning to 1968," Methodist History 19, 1 America," Methodist History (1971): 3-29; W. (October 1980): 3-20.

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in the development of the MEC? These are fresh perspective on the MEC's Black the questions this essay will attempt to membership can begin to emerge. Since that probe? story begins in , the story of the Sharp Street Church seems a logical place to The neglect of the MEC's African American begin. membership has been largely attributed to the paucity of documentation. That has been Recasting the Story to date a valid argument. Thus, this paper is also, in part, an attempt to address that The story of American Methodism is problem. It is the first of a proposed series of anchored in three events—all three of which papers that have grown out of a three-decade integrally involve African Americans. The attempt to assemble all of the records on ME very first thing we know about American Black Methodists that have survived from Methodists is that in June of 1765, an Irish the period under consideration. Those three American Methodist preacher named Robert decades have also seen the significant Strawbridge (d.1781) came to Baltimore, expansion of knowledge of the African Maryland, to deliver what appears to be the American community in general meaning first Methodist sermon in the New World. that we can now tease out much more Before he preached, however, a young Black information from the Methodist records.3 man, Caleb Hyland (spelled differently in The examination of the Methodist sources various sources), arranged a speaking stand seems now to have reached a point that a from which Strawbridge spoke.4 As J. A. Handy later observed, Strawbridge's ". . .first pulpit was a block in front of a blacksmith 3 Among the more general items of particular shop, at what is now the corner of Front and relevance to the situation in Baltimore are: J. Thomas Bath Street. The next Sunday he preached Scharf, The Chronicles of Baltimore: Being a from a table at the corner of Baltimore and Complete History of "Baltimore Town" and "Baltimore City" from the Earliest Period to the Calvert street, at which time he was 5 Present Time (Baltimore: Turnbull Brothers, 1874); mobbed." Hyland, a free Black man, owned James M. Wright, The Free Negro in Maryland, the Boot black shop in front of which 1634-1860 (New York; Colombia University, 1921, Strawbridge preached and supplied him with rpt.: New York: Octagon Books, 1971); T. Stephen Whitman, The Price of Freedom: Slavery and Manumission in Baltimore and Early National 4 Maryland (Lexington, KY: University Press of This story is recounted in James A. Handy, Scraps Kentucky, 1997); Christopher Phillips, Freedom's of African Methodist Episcopal History Port : The African American Community of (: A. M. E. Book Concern, 1902). Posted Baltimore, 1790-1860 (Champaign: University of at: http://docsouth.unc.edu/church/handy/menu.html. Illinois Press, 1997); and Leroy Graham, Baltimore: 5 Handy, J. A. "On the Introduction of African The Nineteenth Century Black Capital (Lanham, MD: Methodism in Maryland." In Benjamin W. Arnett, ed. University Press of America, 1982). The Centennial Budget (N.P.: Benjamin W. Arnett, 1888): 273.

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the table. He would be an active person in beginning and were present in every the Baltimore Black Methodist community geographical region into which the church for the next half century. penetrated. From the beginning, not only were no obstacles placed in the way of their Several months after Strawbridge's inaugural joining, they were, in fact, welcomed into sermon, he would organize a Methodist class membership, and, more importantly for the at Sam's Creek, Frederick County, story, would soon be actively recruited. Maryland, some 50 miles from Baltimore. Methodism was unique among American That class included at least one African denominations for its systematic recruitment American, known only as Aunt Annie, a of African Americans. servant in the Switzer family. A short time later, early in 1766, at the instigation of African Methodists were thus already an Barbara Heck (1734-1804), another integral part of the Methodist movement immigrant from Ireland, the first class in when the preachers commissioned by was formed. One member of Methodist founder for the care that class was a servant woman, remembered of the American members arrived from only as Betty. Betty would go on to become England. Actually, the first a charter member of John Street Church, the contemporaneous records we have of first Methodist Church in the city, and one African members come from the journals of the original members of the first and letters written by that first wave of Methodist church in Canada (organized after preachers. The initial mention of Black the ).6 Methodists dates to November 4, 1769, in this entry from the journal of Richard These historical notes remind us of what has Boardman (1738-1782): become a truism in Methodist Studies: African Americans have formed an The number of blacks that attend the important minority group within what is preaching affects me much. One of now the United Methodist Church over the them came to tell me she could neither centuries. However, they do somewhat eat nor sleep, because her master more, in pointing out that African would not suffer her to come to hear Americans were present from the very the word. She wept exceedingly, saying, "I told my master I would do more work than ever I used to do if he 6 Cf. John Atkinson, The Beginnings of the Wesleyan would but let me come; nay, that I Movement in America and the Establishment Therein of Methodism (New York: Hunt & Eaton, 1896); J. B. Wakeley, Lost Chapters Recovered from the Early History of American Methodism (New York: Wilbur B. Ketcham, 1889).

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would do everything in my power to mighty power and glory of Sinai's be a good servant."7 God. Many of the people were so overcome, that they were ready to In Maryland several years later, Joseph faint, and die under His almighty hand. Pilmoor (1739-1825) recorded a similar For about three hours the gale of the incident: spirit thus continued to break upon the dry bones, and they did live, the life of While we were on our knees wrestling the glorious love. As for myself, I with God, I observed one of the scarce knew whether I was in the body Negroes go out, and thought he was or not; and so it was with all my afflicted [in?] his mind and so it brethren. . . 9 happened, for we heard him calling loudly upon God to bless him and save The most famous story of this time, of course, his soul from sin. How many of these concerns one Henry Dorsey Gough (d.1808), poor slaves will rise up in judgment the wealthy owner of several plantations near against their Masters, and, perhaps, Baltimore and friend of the Methodist enter into life, while they are shut out.8 preachers. He had initially developed a positive attitude toward the Methodists after In November 1774, Thomas Rankin (1738- hearing Francis Asbury (1745-1816) speak, 1810) noted during the quarterly meeting of but the critical event occasioning his actual the Baltimore Circuit Quarterly Conference: conversion came later when, roaming on his vast estate, he chanced to overhear someone Near the close of the meeting, I stood praying. He then discovered that the praying up and called upon all the people to man was one of his slaves, who was actually look towards that part of the chapel leading a small gathering of his peers. This where the poor blacks were. I then prayer of thanksgiving offered by one devoid said, "See the number of black of all material wealth became the catalyst of Africans, who have stretched out their Gough's subsequent conversion. His residence hands and hearts to God." While I was became the key Methodist center in the area.10 addressing the people thus, it seemed as if the very house shook with the

7 Letter from Boardman to John Wesley, November 4, 9 1769, reproduced in Atkinson, op. cit., p. 248-49. Quoted from Rankin's unpublished journal, the 8 Joseph Pilmore, The Journal of Joseph Pilmore: original of which is located in the Library of Garrett- Methodist Itinerant. ed. by Frederick E. Maser and Evangelical Theological Seminary. 10 Howard T. Maag (Philadelphia, PA: Historical Society of Gough's story is recounted in John Lednum, A the Philadelphia Annual Conference of the United History of the Rise of Methodism in America Methodist Church, 1969): 137. (Philadelphia, PA: The Author, 1859).

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In many passing comments scattered least materially—they are the "poor" throughout the journals and letters of Africans—but they manifested what the Wesley's American preachers, we learn of Methodists preachers expected of the entire the attraction of Africans (free Blacks, church. It is of interest, that Acts 10:34 indentured servants, and slaves) to ("God is no respecter of persons. . . ") comes Methodism, and of the constant emotional to mind for these biblically trained ministers, impact that their presence had on the British rather than, for example, Galatians 3:28 (In preachers. The effect would be demonstrated Christ there is neither Jew nor Greek, slave in an oft-repeated theme first voiced by nor free). Pilmoor in 1770: The example of the African members Even some of the poor despised certainly reinforced the anti-slavery stance children of Ham are striving to wash soon to be officially articulated by Wesley in their robes and make them white in the his 1774 "Thoughts on Slavery," but it was blood of the Lamb. We have a number contributing forcefully to the major change of black women who meet together of direction that Methodism was undergoing every week; many of whom are happy in the New World. Methodism had begun as in the love of God. This evinces the a revitalization movement in a Christian truth that "God is no respecter of country, a land where virtually everyone was persons but in every nation he that baptized and raised in some relationship feareth God and worketh righteousness with the church. It viewed itself as bringing is accepted of Him."11 new life to Anglicans, bringing personal faith to people who already identified The evidence of the attraction of Methodism to themselves as Christian. The Africans were, African Americans was everywhere present, however, a radically new and that Black people usually formed the most phenomenon—they lacked any such religiously fervent segment of Methodist Christian background. They were new congregations would become a problem for converts to the faith in a land where, the Pilmoor, Asbury, and their colleagues. They Methodists were gradually discovering, the made it obvious that African Methodists had great majority of people had nothing to do not been part of their British experience, and with Christianity. The colonies were being their frequent mention of the Africans points populated by people who had the least to to their initial perplexity. Its was a variation lose by becoming pioneers, those most of Gough's quandary—the Africans have the disconnected—economically, politically, religiously—from the dominant social structures in England. The Africans would 11 lead the way as American Methodism Originally printed in 1784 in the Arminian Magazine, the Methodist magazine printed in London, and was transformed from a revitalization movement reprinted in Atkinson, op.cit., p. 192-93. to an evangelizing church.

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the move by some of the Philadelphia Baltimore's First Church members associated with (1760-1831) and (1746- Nine years after Strawbridge's sermon in 1818) to establish separate worship services, Baltimore, White and Black Methodists in in effect setting up a separate congregation. Baltimore joined together in the erection of The move in Baltimore was somewhat less the first Methodist Chapel in the City. It was dramatic than the separation that occurred in located on Lovely Lane. This building would Philadelphia. become the scene of one of the more heralded events in the church, the 1784 The issue in Baltimore was essentially the consecration of Francis Asbury as the newly same as that in Philadelphia. Several years formed Methodist Episcopal Church's first after the Methodist Church was formally . When statistics of African members organized, the leadership of the two were first reported, in 1787, there were 111 predominantly white congregations that met members in Baltimore, approximately 17% on Lovely Lane and Strawberry Alley moved of the total membership. to segregate the congregations during the worship hour. The Black members were also The Black members looked on as the smarting over the fact that no Black movement's leadership passed very strong preachers had been ordained as elders in the policy statements concerning slavery in 1780 new church. The logical first candidate for and 1784. The newly founded ME Church such ordination would have been Harry moved to excommunicate slaveholders who Hosier (c.1750-1806), by far the most did not free their slaves. They also watched prominent preacher in American as these rules were first ignored, then quietly Methodism, black or white. Though Hosier placed on the table, and then beginning in traveled the land, always in the company of 1787, effectively withdrawn.12 That same one of the white ministers, and drew the year, 1787, some of the African members at largest crowds, he would never be more than Lovely Lane began to request permission to a licensed lay preacher. He would never be hold separate worship services. Their actions admitted to what was termed the "traveling preceded by a few weeks (or a few years)13

occur until 1792. Dating the problem to June 1792 also fits the incident into other related occurrences. 12 For the complete story, see Donald G. Matthews, Cf. Milton C. Sernett, Black Religion and American Slavery and Methodism: A Chapter in American Evangelicalism: White Protestants, Plantation Morality, 1780-1845 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Missions, and the Flowering of Negro Christianity University Press, 1965). (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1975) and Dee E. 13 The dating of Allen's walkout in Philadelphia has Andrews, The Methodists and Revolutionary been challenged in recent years following the America, 1760-1800. (Princeton: Princeton discovery that the changes in the seating arrangement University Press, 2000). at St. George's that provoked the problem did not

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ministry." When the first ordination of several Black men as deacons were made, In 1797, the Maryland Society for the Hosier was quietly passed over. Abolishment of Slavery, whose leadership included a number of Methodists, purchased In 1787, some of the Black members in a lot on Sharp Street from James Carey, a Baltimore, mostly free Blacks, began to Quaker. Upon this parcel of land, the city's meet in Caleb Hyland's boot black cellar in first African-American school was opened. what was an independent prayer meeting. It lasted only two years, and in 1801 Carey This gathering was in partial response to the reclaimed his land. In 1802, the African placing of white leaders over all of the Black American Methodists purchased the land classes. Jacob Fortie [also spelled Forty] which became the meeting site for the Sharp assumed leadership of the group. The names Street congregation and later the site for of a number of the attendees at these prayer another school. In 1811, an additional lot on meetings are known—Henry Harden, Sharp Street, adjacent to the first, was also Thomas Clare, Munday Janey, Jacob purchased.15 At some time prior to the Gillard, George Douglas, Daniel Buster, and Caleb Guilly. This prayer group grew and evolved through the 1780s. Not financially Church, a designation that appears on the 1802 deed able to afford a meetinghouse, for a brief for the Sharp Street property. period they rented facilities on Fish Street, but through most of the 1790s met in In writing about African Methodists, a confusion 14 arises because the official designation of the members' homes or wherever they could. Baltimore Methodists in the official Church literature leaves unclear that various groups in the church were organized around a meetinghouse, while other groups 14 At this point one encounters a significant problem met regularly in members' homes or places of because of the manner in which American Methodism business. This confusion is particularly evident in the was organized at this time. Officially, through the efforts of various partisan histories tracing the origins first decades of the nineteenth century, Methodists of Sharp Street or Bethel AME in Baltimore. Both recognized one church (or charge) in Baltimore, and churches share a common history prior to 1814, but records were kept with that understanding. The MEC draw on slightly different aspects of that history in Conference annually assigned two ministers to presenting their credentials. See, for example, Bettye Baltimore. In Baltimore, there were several building C. Thomas, "History of the Sharp Street Memorial that served as preaching points and worship centers, Methodist Episcopal Church, 1987-1920," in One the oldest being the Lovely Lane church. Through the Hundred Seventy-fifth Anniversary Journal of Sharp 1890s the African members met together for worship Street Memorial United Methodist Church (Batimore, and were known informally as the "Colored 1977). 15 Methodist Society." After 1802, the church building In 1801, for the sum of $870, Jacob Gillard and on Sharp Street became the society's home base, but Richard Russell purchased land at Forrest Lane and there were always groups meeting in other locations. Conwago Street for the use of the African Methodist Through the first decade of the nineteenth century, Episcopal church, the term "African" being the the Black membership in Baltimore also began to be designation for all the local Black members of the referred to as the African Methodist Episcopal Baltimore Methodist community. It appears that this

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purchase of the land on Sharp Street, the preached regularly, and his abilities were Baltimore Black Methodists had divided finally recognized in 1808 when Bishop themselves into several groups. It appears Asbury welcomed him into the small circle that initially the division was purely of Black preachers ordained as deacons. (In functional, their number having swelled to the Methodist system, deacon's orders were nearly 500, plus an uncounted number of usually a step to ordination as and people who attended but were not formally admission to conference membership). members. After 1802, the building on Sharp Coker would further solidify his leadership Street became the center of the Black position in 1810 with the publishing of a 43- Methodist community. page pamphlet, A Dialogue between a Virginian and an African Minister,17 in Also, about this same Daniel Coker (c.1780- which he would make his case for the 1846), soon to be one of the most important emancipation of the slaves. figures in the development of Baltimore Black Methodism, arrived in the city. Born While Coker was the most famous of the into slavery on a Maryland plantation, his Sharp Street ministers, his life is by no mother was white, and he had skin light means the best documented. That honor enough to pass as white. He escaped his belongs to David Smith who toward the end home on the plantation, where he had been of his long life published his allowed to receive an education, moved to autobiography.18 Born in 1784, Smith was New York, and there became a Methodist. raised on a farm owned by a Roman He changed his name and returned to Catholic family. Gaining his freedom by Maryland in 1801 as Daniel Coker. For some months he lived a clandestine life awaiting his formal emancipation. That become the school's primary instructor. See Graham, having been accomplished by some Quakers op cit., pp. 63-77. pooling money to purchase his freedom, in 17 Daniel Coker, A Dialogue between a Virginian and 1802 Coker became a teacher in the school an African Minister (Baltimore: Benjamin Edes, 1810). established on Sharp Street and quickly Text reproduced in Dorothy Porter, comp. & ed., Negro emerged as the leader of the African Protest Pamphlets; a Compendium (New York, Arno American Methodist community.16 He Press, 1969) and Richard Newman and Patrick Rael, eds. Pamphlets of Protest: an Anthology of Early African-American Protest Literature, 1790-1860 (New York : Routledge, 2001). 18 purchase was a venture in real estate speculation, the [David Smith], Biography of the Rev. David Smith, purchasers hoping to resale the land at a later date for a of the A. M. E. Church Being a Complete History, profit. Embracing Over Sixty Year's Labor in the 16 Little information is actually available on Coker Advancement of the Redeemer's Kingdom on Earth from 1801 until he reemerges in 1808 and is ordained Including "The History of the Origin and by Asbury. At some point in this period, probably Development of Wilberforce University." (Xenia, OH: closer to 1802 that 1808, he was bale to surface and Xenia Gazette Office, 1881).

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some fortuitous circumstances, he became a Baltimore, whose members gathered at the Methodist, in 1796. As he later remembered building on Sharp Street. Its classes were led it: by white members from Lovely Lane, but increasingly through the decade, Black class According to the rules and discipline leaders were assigned. In addition, an of the Church, I joined on six informal prayer group of Sharp Street month's probation. As nearly as I can members was also meeting, under black recollect, I was about twelve years leadership. The second group met in various old. The Rev. Nasey Schin was then locations over the years. Both groups were pastor of Sharp and Light street formally a part of the White-controlled Churches, the only colored Churches organization, which grew to include four in Baltimore at that time. When my predominantly white congregations—Light probation was out (the six months) I Street (the former Lovely Lane church), was then received into full Strawberry Alley, Green Street, and Wilk membership, and very soon after I Street. Some Black members continued to requested the Rev. Schin to give me worship at these churches. Then in 1810 a permit to hold prayer-meetings in land was published for the building of a private houses, which he consented second African congregation, which in 1812 to do. 19 first appeared in the records as Asbury Church (now Christ United Methodist Though a youth, he enjoyed success in Church). By 1815, at least three classes were preaching and was soon rewarded with an meeting in its building, and other nearby. exhorter's license. He later was able to travel in the region around the city and preach on Throughout this period (1802-1815), Black the plantations. members were counted as members of the single white charge and were formally under Another prominent leader at Sharp Street the authority of the two white ministers was Edward Waters. Born in Missouri in annually assigned to the city by the 1780, as a young man he had moved to Methodist conference. Baltimore was one of Baltimore and in 1798 converted to Methodism's strongest centers and Christianity. He joined the Methodists and in Methodism became and remained a force in 1810 was licensed as an exhorter at Sharp the city through the nineteenth century. Street. Sharp Street and its school were the center of the Black Methodist community. From 1802 onward, there was at least one African Methodist congregation in The primary event affecting Sharp Street during this period occurred in 1812 as the war with Britain (that would lead to the 19 Ibid. p. 15. invasion of nearby Washington). During the

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summer months, anger focused on perceived their authority. Over time some restlessness pro-British elements in the city and in with this arrangement became visible. scattered riots several whites were killed. Then, the mob redirected it anger to the Free The first real sign of trouble had emerged at Black community and several homes were Wilmington, , another center of destroyed before someone presented the idea Methodist strength. In 1813, Peter Spencer of burning Sharp Street, a symbol of Free (1782-1843) led a group out of the Black Baltimorians. An angry confrontation predominantly white church and organized in front of the church was only ended when the Union Church of Africans. This church members inside the building threatened to was not only independent of the local white use force to defend the building. The congregation, but autonomous relative to the incident prompted the mayor to send out Methodist Episcopal Church. That troops to create a visible presence congregation soon grew into a new throughout the city and stop any further denomination that continues today as the violence.20 African Union First Methodist Protestant Church.21 A similar restlessness appeared among the Black members in Baltimore. Dividing Methodism Thus it was that, as James A. Handy notes:

By the second decade of the nineteenth In November of that year, 1814, Henry century, it had become obvious to all that the Harden, Stephen Hill, Daniel Coker, deacon's orders to which a cadre of African Jacob Gilliard,22 George Douglas, Don American preachers had been admitted were C. Hall and Daniel Brister, met at Mr. not preparatory to their further ordination as elders and admission into the traveling ministry. The implication was that while the 21 On the situation in Wilmington, see Lewis V. various black congregations had a Baldwin, Invisible Strands in African Methodism: A significant amount of autonomy, ultimately History of the African Union Methodist Protestant their affairs remained in the hands of the and Union American Methodist Episcopal Churches, white ministers and the lay leaders who 1805-1980 (Methuen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1983) and Joseph R. Waters, "Ezion Methodist Episcopal controlled the white congregations. Blacks Church," in John D. C. Hanna, ed., The Centennial served as unordained local preachers, Services of Asbury Methodist Episcopal Church, exhorters (lay preachers), and class leaders, Wilmington, Delaware, October 13-20, 1889 but in each case were beholden to the white (Wilmington, DE: Delaware Printing Company, leadership for the regular annual renewal of 1889): 172-77. Spencer would consider but reject joining his work to that of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. 22 Gillard was Coker's father-in-law. See Graham, op. 20 Graham, op.cit. 71. cit., 72.

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Harden's residence, in what is now the control of the Methodist Episcopal known as Raborg street, corner of Church. Knowledge of the existence of this New-Alley, now Arch street, and congregation, to be called the African resolved to purchase this property; Methodist Bethel Church Society, circulated (this street at that time was called Fish thru African American Methodist circles street, on account on the large Catfish around the country, and when the group that which at high water came up from the gathered around Richard Allen in Philadelphia Falls), which resolution was moved two years later to form the African immediately put in operation, and on Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, they sent the 5th of April, 1815, they organized an invitation to the Bethel group in Baltimore the Society. Five weeks after, that is to to join them. say on the 9th of May, 1815, in Society meeting assembled, Mr. Stephen Hill David Smith sheds much light upon the submitted the following name for the situation leading to the organization of the new society: The African Methodist Bethel congregation. He notes that a number Bethel Church Society, of the city of of Black exhorters manifested a significant Baltimore; which name was adopted. amount of talent as preachers and that as a Early in the year 1816, an invitation result the white exhorters became jealous of was received, soliciting this society to them. It was also the case that Coker, the be represented in a convention, to only ordained minister among them, had the meet in Philadelphia, April 1816. job of making the regular reports to the Delegates were sent, and the white elders on the condition of the Black subsequent history you know.23 leaders. Based on those reports, the elders often made far-reaching decisions without As of 1814, though tracing its origin to the what today would be termed due process. original independent prayer meetings begun Those who felt wronged by such decisions in 1787 and through the congregation that (and their friends) harbored a growing had met at various locations through the resentment against the church's leadership. years, a new entity had come into being, a congregation whose building was not under Coker, the deacon who was not invited into elder's orders, while continuing to peach and teach at Sharp Street, began quietly to talk 23 This account by J. A. Handy was reprinted by about schism. As he felt out the exhorters, Benjamin W. Arnett in the Centennial Budget (1887), he found those who were ready to consider p.272-273. Handy was a prominent member of the leaving the MEC. Smith mentions that the African Methodist Episcopal Church and a member of break was somewhat along geographical it Baltimore Conference. A more expanded account of lines. Namely, the ones who had been these events is found in Handy's Scraps of African Methodist Episcopal History (Philadelphia: M. E. Book longtime residents of Baltimore tended to Concern, 1902). favor the break (Jacob Fortie, at that time a

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local preacher, being a prominent exception) MEC would be a meeting place. Initially, and those who had in recent years migrated they rented a Presbyterian church not far to Baltimore from the Eastern Shore of from Sharp Street, and then purchased a Maryland tended to remain attached to the large building on Fish Street that became the MEC. Many former slaves from the Eastern new church's permanent home. These Shore had moved to Baltimore as there were actions set the Bethel congregation in place few jobs for a free Black person at the time to participate in the founding of the AME in the largely agricultural region.24 Church. Coker attended the founding conference in Philadelphia in April 1816,and An analysis of the African American was actually elected by the attendees as the Methodist class membership lists for church's new bishop, however, Coker Baltimore also shed further light on the refused to accept the post that was schism. Close to 200 of the 1400 African subsequently given to Allen.27 members in Baltimore left to form Bethel. Interestingly enough, it was the several When the dust settled following the classes that met at Asbury that were hardest organization of the AMEC, the Methodist hit by the withdrawal of members. Two of community in Baltimore could be found in the ministers who left, Richard Williams and three locations. Those who had left the MEC Charles Pierce were also class leaders at worshipped at Bethel. The great majority of Asbury. Certainly, members left Sharp those who remained in the MEC could be Street, but it appears that the newer Asbury found at Sharp Street, a smaller number at congregation was the real source of the Asbury, with a small minority still schism. Among the losses to Sharp street occupying space at Light Street and the other were one preacher, Henry Harden,25 and the predominantly white congregations. In the exhorter Edward Waters, the latter destined aftermath of the schism, the Black to become an AME bishop.26 membership required some reorganization, especially of the class structure. Several Important to the group if it broke with the classes that met at Asbury had been gutted, with a majority of their members leaving. The encouragement to rebuild at Asbury 24 A copy of the classes and leadership of the Black seems the most likely rationale behind the members in Baltimore in 1815 has survived. It indicates that of six local preachers, three (including Coker) left, as did two of the ten exhorters and but a 27 There has been much speculation about why Coker single class leader. refused the bishop's chair. Some have attributed to his 25 Harden would later become an AME minister in relatively light skin, others to his perception that it New York City. was Allen's right as the instigator of the national 26 Harden, Pierce, Waters and Williams, along with organizational effort. See Graham, op.cit., 73; David Smith, constituted the core of the soon to be Phillips, op. cit., 134-35. organized Baltimore Conference of the AME Church.

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resolution passed by the white leadership on among those who had close friends and April 9, 1817, that requested the Black relatives who remained in slavery. Further, members to "retire from the Light Street, leaving Sharp Street would mean reorienting Eutaw, and old Town churches."28 one's access to power, much of which now came through the Methodist hierarchy. In discussing the establishment of AME White ministers gave individuals an Church, attention has been almost totally immediate avenue for the amelioration of directed to the break of the AMEs from the various practical problems. predominantly white leadership of the MEC. Meanwhile, no consideration has been given It was also the case that, even with the to the equally important split within the backing away from the very strong policies Black Methodist community itself. The against slavery articulated in the 1780s, the formation of the AME Church forced a ME Church remained one of the stronger choice upon all of Baltimore's Black loci of anti-slavery sentiment. Even the Methodists. And it would appear that, at southern conferences were calling slavery a least initially, the majority chose to remain moral evil. Hope persisted among many with the Sharp Street Church. The split was Black people that the church would revert to largely a division among the Free Blacks. its earlier position and that the opportunity The majority of members were, however, to call the church to account for its still slaves having less choice about their shortcomings relative to its African religious allegiance, and of course, many members would arise. Finally, it was the Free Blacks had family who remained in case that many Black members felt that their slavery. participation in the church from its American beginnings gave them a birthright There is every reason to believe that almost that they refused to abandon. all the Black members would have favored the full ordination of their ministers and Possibly the major reason for the African freedom from the arbitrary control of the members remaining with Sharp Street was church's white leadership. At the same time, their response to a persistent message they there were strong arguments favoring their had heard from the white ministers and other staying with the Methodist Episcopal friendly voices—that it was important that Church. Most importantly, breaking with the they show the larger white community that Methodist Episcopal Church meant breaking Black people did not conform to the of a number of long-term relationships. This derogatory stereotypes. They were hard issue must have weighed most heavily working, prosperous, sober, intelligent, and potentially ready to assume any position in the community held by a white person. 28 Cited in Phillips, op.cit., 125, and Graham, op.cit., Sharp Street, and its school, was to many the 74-75. primary demonstration of the truth of their

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life and would be the avenue of their 1830, a young slave, Nat Turner integration into the mainstream of American (1800-1831), who had been nurtured in the society. This argument would actually Methodist chapel built by his master reappear during debates at the General Benjamin Turner for the plantation's slaves, Conference of the United Methodist Church organized a following and killed a number in 1970 when the status of the remaining of people in a rampage that sent shudders Black conferences was decided. through the white community.29 In reaction, many states passed new laws relative to the The issues that divided them aside, both African American community. Maryland groups had a prosperous future ahead of legislators, for example, passed a series of them. They held a high status in what was a laws that, among other provisions, growing Black community and both would prohibited free Blacks from other states soon see additional sister congregations residing in Maryland and required any newly form, a sign of their burgeoning freed Black people to leave the state. The membership. Soon after the split, in 1825, new law also spoke directly to Bethel, Sharp Sharp Street and Asbury churches became Street, Asbury and Orchard Street, in that it the seed from which the Orchard Street prohibited Blacks from attending religious Church (now Metropolitan UMC) would meetings unless whites were present. begin to take shape. The impact of the Nat Turner incident was The members at Sharp Street were also being felt just as a new movement for the justly proud of their school. Coker continued immediate emancipation of the slaves began to teach at the school until he readied to spread from New England. The new himself to leave for Africa. He would be abolitionist movement is generally dated succeeded as the primary instructor by from the efforts of a lay member of the May William Watkins (c.1800-1858), one of his Street Methodist Episcopal Church, David pupils and a leader in the Sharp Street Walker (1785-1830). In 1829, Walker, a congregation. He would go on to marry the tailor in 's relatively small Free Black daughter of Richard Russell, a Sharp Street community, issued An Appeal to the Colored trustee, and emerge as a preacher. Citizens of the World,30 calling for an

Sharp Street and Bethel were tied together somewhat by their common origin and 29 On Nat Turner's Methodist roots and the role the would remain more or less friendly rivals church played in his revolt, see Randolph Lewis, over the succeeding decades and to the "Nathaniel Turner: Christian Martyrdom in present. Once the immediate impact of the Southampton," posted at http://www.nathanielturner.com/nathanielturner2.htm. schism was put behind them, the two 30 David Walker, Walker's Appeal in Four Articles; congregations would share the same needs to Together with a Preamble, To the Coloured Citizens respond to common issues. For example, in of the World, but in Particular, and Very Expressly,

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immediate end to American slavery. The and thought repatriation to their ancestor's circulation of the pamphlet in northern homeland was the best option. At the same antislavery circles called a new effort toward time, slave owners where quite aware of the abolition into being. But Walker also found threat that Free Blacks offered, by their very an ingenious method of circulating the existence, to the institution of slavery. pamphlet in the South: he sewed it into the linings of the suits he made and had it Free Blacks, including Free Black shipped as contraband.31 Of course, when it Methodists, aligned themselves along a fell into the hands of southern legislators, it broad spectrum of opinion concerning added to the reaction from the Nat Turner colonization. For example, in January 1817, incident. just one month after the formation of the Colonization Society, Richard Allen helped organize an anti-colonization rally that Colonization would be attended by some 3,000 Philadelphians. At that rally, Allen and Even before the Nat Turner incident and the others drafted a letter protesting the idea of new abolitionist movement, however, colonization, which they viewed as merely Baltimore Methodists were asked to decide an attempt to strengthen slavery, hiding about a possible future posed to them by the under the illusion of ameliorating the Colonization movement. Founded at the end burdens on African Americans in general. of 1816, the American Colonization Society But while deploring colonization, Allen included a number of prominent founders, flirted with the very similar idea of including former president James Monroe emigration. Rather than simply accept the (1758-1831), War of 1812 hero Francis failure of their not having found a place in Scott Key (1779-1843), and the notable American life, emigrationists suggested that lawyer Daniel Webster (1782-1852). Their their peers should seize opportunities to program was designed to provide passage of better their lives whenever they presented Free Blacks to Africa. The more altruistic themselves. Such an opportunity appeared in members felt that African Americans would 1824 when the president of Haiti (where never be able to assimilate into the society, slaves had recently revolted and taken control of the government) invited American Blacks to come help build a free country in to Those of the of America. Third and the Caribbean. Allen organized a group of Last Edition, with Additional Notes, Corrections, &c. 58 people who sailed for Haiti in August of (Boston: The Author, 1830). that year. Allen's son John accompanied the 31 A summary of the Story of the may Street group and delivered a letter to the Haitian congregation is found at the Boston African- president from his father that noted, "My American National Historic Site posted by the U.S. Park Service at http://www.nps.gov/boaf/topics.htm. heart burns affectionately in acknowledging the kind offers you have made to these poor

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oppressed people here in the United States, McGill had previously made a trip to meet by offering them an asylum where they can with the Haitian president, and see firsthand enjoy liberty and equality."32 the conditions that colonists would encounter. Upon his return he devoted much Amid the debate that followed the time overcoming rumors as to the poor state introduction of the colonization program, of Haiti since its independence. In the Baltimore (and Washington, D.C.) became meantime, the Methodist Episcopal Church centers of its support in the Black threw some support (though not funding) community. This support was nowhere more behind the colonization effort.34 fully illustrated than by Daniel Coker's agreement to become the chaplain for one of The colonization cause, which waxed and the first ships of colonists who sailed for waned throughout the nineteenth century, West Africa. In 1820 Coker would settle in received new support at the end of 1826 where he lived the rest of his when following meetings at Bethel and life. According to David Smith, Coker was Sharp Street, supporters issued "A Memorial initially opposed to the Colonization of the Free People of Colour." The scheme, but was recruited heavily by the memorial, actually written by two white men Society's leaders and finally consented to go with local political ambitions, did not from the inducements he was offered.33 receive the support of a majority of the conferences' attendees, and quickly drew the While members at Bethel considered Africa, ire of William Watkins, the head of the George R. McGill, a prominent lay member Sharp Street school, and another lay at Sharp Street organized the Maryland leader/activist Jacob Greener, who pointed Haitian Company that in 1819 chartered a out the anti-Black statements in the ship, the Dromo, which would carry a group document. In his writings, Watkins of Baltimorians to the Caribbean island. emphasized the Americanization of the African community and noted that as a groups Black people had no knowledge of 32 The U.S. Gazette (Philadelphia): August 24, 1824; Africa and no desire to go there. Quoted in Gérard Alphonse Férère, "Haiti and the Diaspora: New historical, Cultural and Economic A minority in the several Methodist Frontiers." 1999. Posted at http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti-archive/msg0 churches did hold some hope for a future in 0868.html. Africa, among them George McGill, who 33 Coker's relationship to the church is somewhat had not joined the Haitian group in 1819 obscure for the next few years. In 1817, he was not because of an illness that had temproarily given an appointment as a preacher by the Baltimore taken him out. Several months prior to the Conference because of "rumors" about his conduct. He was reinstated in 1818, but was still in obvious tension with the leadership in both Baltimore and in 34 Philadelphia (over the episcopal election). CF. Smith, op. cit.

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conferences, McGill had begun to organize a To those African Americans who weighed group to go to Africa, and he was the pros and cons of colonization and instrumental in setting up the December abolitionism, one issue often tipped the conferences. In the end, however, only a balance in its favor, namely the fragile small group joined McGill in the move to nature of the liberty experienced by Free . The first would, however, be joined Blacks. In places like Baltimore, Free Blacks by a second group led by Sharp Street lived with the fear that they could be schoolteacher Remus Harvey, which returned to a state of slavery, and once a departed for Liberia in October 1827. slave, the possibility of being relocated from the relatively permissive atmosphere of the Throughout this period, and indeed for the urban North to labor on a plantation in the rest of his life, Watkins took the lead in Deep South. Even a well-known and denouncing colonization. This would cause prominent Black leader like Richard Allen him some discomfort in the 1830s when was not exempt, and in 1806 he was David Walker's Appeal appeared, in that the detained for a period under charges that he Appeal cited Watkins' arguments against was a fugitive slave. colonization with approval. Watkins thus became unwittingly associated with Walker's The anxieties precipitated by their approval of violence as a means to end precarious situation in Baltimore and other slavery. However, the Appeal only slowed urban centers are vividly illustrated in the him momentarily from his picking up the so-called Pearl Incident instigated by some attacks on colonization, which he published members of the Asbury MEC in sporadically in the Liberator published by Washington, D. C. By 1848, market changes William Lloyd Garrison. At the same time, had created a situation in which there was a closer to home, he had to deal with the perceived over abundance of slaves in the supporters of colonization and gradual Washington-Baltimore region. The most emancipation that included two preachers, talked about solution to the problem was the John Fortie at Sharp Street and Nathaniel sale of a number of slaves to the Deep Peck at Bethel.35 South. Reacting to this new situation, Paul Edmonson, a free Black man married to Emily, a slave; his slave son Samuel; Paul 35 Jennings; and Daniel Bell, also a free man Watkins continued as a leader at Sharp Street into the 1840s, but around 1844 he was caught up in the married to a slave wife, developed an escape Millerite enthusiasm concerning the predicted end of plan that aimed to move their families and the world. He was dropped from the role of preachers other slave acquaintances north, away from at Sharp Street and gradually faded into obscurity. In the southern slave traders. With other 1852 he moved to Canada and died there in 1858. Watkins eventual fate may be one reason that he was largely forgotten in later years at Sharp Street. See Graham, op.cit., 93-146.

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members of Asbury church, the men hired a Through the 1820s, both Sharp Street and ship, The Pearl, to pick up a group of 77 Asbury remained as the African churches African Americans, and sail down the attached to the one Baltimore charge. Then Potomac to the Atlantic. Unfortunately, as in 1830, one of the three Baltimore the ship moved into Chesapeake Bay it was ministers, Joseph Frey, was given the overtaken. All those on board, including the specific charge of serving the two Black six Edmonson children, were sold and sent congregations. Two years later, the two south. Paul Edmonson would spend the rest churches were set aside as the "African of his life buying their freedom.36 Methodist Episcopal Church in the City of Baltimore" and incorporated as a single entity. The members of Sharp Street reacted Progress of Baltimore ME Black to these events by annually petitioning the Methodism to the War Baltimore conference to assign a Black preacher as the minister in charge. Their In spite of personal anxieties concerning petition was annually tabled. slavery, through the last decades prior to the Civil War, the members of Sharp Street and Eventually, in reaction to the failure of their its sister congregation in Baltimore who annual petitions, beginning in 1848 (at the chose to continue their struggles within the first MEC general conference after the ME Church focused considerable attention Southern conferences had departed), Black on developing Black leadership. Through Methodists from Sharp Street and other this period, though Black ministers assumed Black congregations began to lobby for the considerably more roles in pastoral organization of an all-Black Conference to leadership, they were still not ordained as include the churches in the care of the elders, nor were they admitted to the Baltimore Conference. Their colleagues conference. Officially, the Baltimore Annual further north had greater success. On August Conference would annually assign a white 23, 1852, they convened the first elder as the minister in charge of each of the Convention of Colored Local Preachers and Black congregations. Laymen, a kind of proto-conference, at Zoar Church in Philadelphia. Following a second such conference in 1855, the African American preachers met annually into the 36 The Edmonson family story is told in John H. 1860s. These conferences considered such Paynter, Fugitives of the Pearl (Washington DC: issues as salaries for Black ministers, the Associated Publishers 1930) and summarized in Mary development of an itinerant ministry, and Kay Ricks, "A Passage to Freedom," The Washington future ordination. Post Magazine (February 17, 2002): 21-36, posted at http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp- srv/national/horizon/aug98/pearl.htm. The Civil War and the Emancipation Proclamation issued by President Lincoln

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considerably changed the demeanor of the one of its yet untold stories. leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church by making, among other things, the ©2005 J. Gordon Melton. Any archiving, redistribution, or republication of this text in any older distinction between the abolitionists medium requires the consent of the author. and anti-slavery positions somewhat obsolete. Thus it was that the 1864 General Conference accepted petitions to organize the African American congregations into Annual conferences (albeit segregated ones). Beginning 1864 with the Delaware and Washington Conferences, The MEC organized a set of conferences for Black members across the nation. With the organization of these conferences, and the end of the slave era, the first period of African American life in the MEC comes to an end and another begins.

The Sharp Street story is but one of a number that arise from Methodism's Antebellum century. It merely opens the door to the diverse situation encountered by African American Methodists in other parts of the country. Far different stories arise from Philadelphia, New York, and New England, which differ radically from those of or Texas. But those are topics for future consideration.

The story of antebellum Sharp Street can only artificially by disconnected from the continuing story in the years after the Civil War. Through the school and other activities it supported, the church became a major training ground for the generation of leaders that emerged immediately after the war when the opportunities and resulting demands on the Black greatly expanded. The role of the church in that endeavor remains

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