Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of ( 38:9-20)

Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20)

Keisuke TAKAI*

There have been a claim that mikt±b in the superscription of “the prayer of Hezekiah” (Isa 38:9-20) should be altered to mikt±m. Mikt±m is a word consisting of the superscriptions of Pss. 16 and 56-60, although its meaning is yet to be clarified. These superscriptions of those “miktam ” relate the historical situations about ’s struggle. Since Isa 38:9 tells the historical situation concerning Hezekiah’s illness, mikt±b there is also thought to be emended to mikt±m. W. W. Hallo, who suggests the connection between Sumerian and Akkadian genre of “letter-prayer” and biblical prayer of Hezekiah, also thinks that mikt±b and mikt±m are somehow related. While most of the “miktam psalms” are classified into the lament genre, the prayer of Hezekiah is traditionally understood to be a thanksgiving song of an individual in which gratitude to and reliance on god play a central role. The author of this paper thinks it preferable to retain mikt±b in Isa 38:9, by regarding the meaning of mikt±b as “what was written,” rather than to emend mikt±b to mikt±m, the word in a strong connection with an individual lament genre. There are some examples of showing that a thanksgiving song may have been “written.” Ps. 40 contains the verses that are considered to be a “written” prayer. Further, “the prayer of Nabonidus” from Qumran has a description of “having written” a thanksgiving prayer. Several Old Aramaic inscriptions have a dedicatory character as a means to proclaim the God’s good will. These examples make it possible to regard mikt±b as the writing for a dedicated thanksgiving song. As long as the clearer ground to emend mikt±b in Isa 38:9 to mikt±m, is not presented, the understanding I present in this article should be one of the possibility that keeps mikt±b in the superscription of the prayer of Hezekiah. Keywords: mikt±b, mikt±m, the prayer of Hezekiah, thanksgiving song, votive text

* Visiting Lecturer, The Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, Keio University

Vol. XLV 2010 87 I. Introduction

In Isa 38:9, preceding the so-called prayer of Hezekiah (vv. 10-20), Masoretic text puts the sentence that begins with the phrases, mikt±b l e ∆izqiyy±hû, which are basically translated “a/the writing of Hezekiah” in modern English , as I cited below.

mktb l∆zqyhw mlk-yhwdh b∆ltw wy∆y m∆lyw The writing of Hezekiah king of , when he had been sick, and was recovered of his sickness (JPSV) The writing of Hezekiah king of Judah, when he had been sick, and was recovered of his sickness: (KJV) A writing of King Hezekiah of Judah, after he had been sick and had recovered from his sickness: (NRSV)

Translators understand, behind the word mikt±b, that the king Hezekiah of Judah who suffered mortal illness wrote down the psalm, after he recuperated from it and obtained the life again by the intercession of the prophet Isaiah. This word mikt±b, however, does not appear in the superscription to any other poetic composition. For this and other reasons, there have been a claim that mikt±b has to be emended into mikt±m, as instructed in BHS apparatus of v. 9. Mikt±m is known as a word that consists of the superscriptions in Pss. 16 and 56-60. In this situation, the present article thinks it unnecessary to emend the mikt±b to mikt±m, but thinks that MT’s reading mikt±b should be retained. In my argument, the reason why Hezekiah may have “written down” his prayer is indicated, while the meaning of Hezekiah’s prayer in its Ancient Near Eastern context is examined.

II. Miktab−− or Miktam? Mikt±b is a nominal form of the verb k±tab, “to write.” In late , the word seems to mean “proclamation” (2 Chr 36: 22) or “edict” (Ezra 1:1). Mikt±b is translated roughly as “what is written down” in modern English Bibles. However, a number of scholars and annotators do not maintain mikt±b in Isa 38:9, but the suggestions have been offered to read mikt±m instead. What mikt±m means still remains largely obscure. One explanation relates mikt±m to a noun ketem “gold” and translates it as “a golden psalm,” the meaning of which, however, would be unclear. Another interpretation makes mikt±m related to a verbal root k±tam “to cover” (cf. Akkadian kat±mu). Then, mikt±m is understood as a “song of covering” or “a song of atonement.” This interpretation again has a

88 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) difficulty, because it does not necessarily correspond to the content of those psalms. Why, then, do they prefer mikt±m to mikt±b? First, it is without doubt that mikt±m’s similarity in the phoneme to mikt±b is one of the reasons for alteration. C. T. Hodge, in his detailed analysis of the term mikt±m, considered the possibility of b/m alteration, and suggested that b/m alteration is a part of a larger pattern of consonant variation that occurs in both personal and geographical names.1 B/m confusion in Hebrew orthography suggesting that mikt±b could be a corruption from an original mikt±m has already been pointed out by Delitzch.2 Being quite impressive but still uncertain, these arguments merely guarantee that emendation of mikt±b to mikt±m is a possibility. Secondly, mikt±b in Isa 38:9 is followed by a phrase that explains a historical situation, as mikt±m accompanies phrases that tell alleged historical situations in Pss. 56, 57, 59 and 60. These four psalms entitled mikt±m in their superscriptions are associated with historical accounts of David’s struggles (against Philistines (56), Saul (57, 59) and the Arameans (60)).

Ps. 56 lmn≠∆ l-ywnt lm r∆qym ldwd mktm b ∆z tw pltym bgt To the leader: according to The Dove on Far-off Terebinths. Of David. A Miktam, when the Philistines seized him in Gath. (NRSV)

Ps. 57 lmn≠∆ l-t∆t ldwd mktm bbr∆w mpny- wl bm rh To the leader: Do Not Destroy. Of David. A Miktam, when he fled from Saul, in the cave. (NRSV)

Ps. 59 lmn≠∆ l-t∆t ldwd mktm bl∆  wl wymrw t-hbyt lhmytw To the leader: Do Not Destroy. Of David. A Miktam, when Saul ordered his house to be watched in order to kill him. (NRSV)

Ps. 60 lmn≠∆ l-wn dwt mktm ldwd llmd bh≠wtw t rm nhrym w t- rm ≠wbh wyb yw b wyk t- dwm bgy -ml∆ nym sr′ lp To the leader: according to the Lily of the Covenant. A Miktam of David; for instruction; when he struggled with -naharaim and with Aram-zobah, and when Joab on his return killed twelve thousand Edomites in the Valley of Salt. (NRSV)

For many psalms, historical or biographical situations described in their superscriptions are thought to be supplemented by the editors of those psalms, and no relevance is assumed with those psalms themselves. On the other hand,

Vol. XLV 2010 89 the words arranged in Isa 38:9 do not seem to be a superscription in the same meaning as superscriptions of those psalms. As for Isa 38:1-22, there is nothing that denies its relevance with the narrative about Hezekiah in 2 Kgs 20:1-11. Therefore, mikt±b in Isa 38:9 means what is written by Hezekiah himself while he was sick and recovered from illness. I have hesitations about emending mikt±b to mikt±m with disregarding this difference. Thirdly and mostly, LXX translates mikt±b as the word πÚοσευχ‹, that generally means “prayer,” as is cited below.

πÚοσευχη` ΕζεÎιου βασιλ¤ως της' Ιουδα›ας ηÔ ν›Îα ε∆µαλαΛσθη Îαι` α∆ ν¤στη ε∆Î της' µαλαΛας αυ∆ του' The prayer of Hezekiah king of Judah, when he had been sick, and was recovered from his sickness.

LXX’s πÚοσευχ‹ meaning “prayer” is connected with Hebrew mikt±m, because those psalms containing mikt±m in their superscriptions are all “prayers” of lament or thanksgiving. BHS, in accordance with the translation of LXX, recommends emendation of mikt±b to mikt±m. HALOT also urges to do in the same manner. Kaiser3 and Wildberger4 are also in support of the emendation, depending basically on LXX’s translation. M. L. Barré, in the latest research on the prayer of Hezekiah,5 thought that not mikt±b but mikt±m does exist in Isa 38:9 as MT’s Vorlage. If one equally depends on LXX’s translation στηλογÚαφ›α in Pss. 16, 56-60, not mikt±m but mikt±b which is related “to write (γÚαφ)” is assumed there as MT’s Vorlage.6 Barré explains that the translators of LXX, having no clue as to the meaning of the obscure mikt±m, assumed the Greek word mikt±b that was more familiar to the LXX translators than the word mikt±m. He further states, “whether the word in their Vorlage ended in –b or –m they translated in every instance as if the text before them read mikt±b.”7 There is a difficulty in what Barré assumes. If one follows his assumption, mikt±b (even if Barré assumes mikt±m here as MT’s Vorlage) in Isa 38:9 has to be translated στηλογÚαφ›α as well. On the contrary, LXX translates it as

πÚοσευχ‹. This πÚοσευχ‹ is a word usually used for rendering Hebrew

t e pillah. The LXX translators have merely understood that the content of vv. 10- 20 is “prayer” as they translate t e pillah appearing in many psalms as such. Since translations of LXX lack coherence and unity, I am not convinced of emending mikt±b to mikt±m which depends on LXX’s reading. In addition, the fact that mikt±b is retained in the Qumran manuscript (1QIsaa, however, 1QIsab lacks

90 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) this) works against emendation. With a number of scholars,8 I think it preferable that mikt±b rather be retained. The meaning and location of Hezekiah’s prayer becomes clearer by thinking that it is not “a prayer as mikt±m” but “a prayer as mikt±b.”

III. The Prayer of Hezekiah as a Thanksgiving Song The prayer of Hezekiah has been classified by former interpreters as a petition, a song of illness, and a thanksgiving song of an individual,9 and more recently as a confession of trust,10 and a hymn of praise.11 This text does not conform to the ideal form of any genre, as it consists of three parts: lament of distress (vv. 10- 13), petition for relief (vv. 14-16), and thanksgiving for salvation (vv. 17-19). Verses 10-13 are expressing Hezekiah’s distress figuratively, using various similes. The expression “Sheol’s gate” is often used in individual lament psalms. Verses 11-14a liken Hezekiah to the lion breaking his bones and the moaning dove. In vv. 14b-16, the imperative “pledge security to me!” is directed to Yahweh, functioning as a righteous demand for relief from a wrong committed against Hezekiah. The second petition that Yahweh “shall make me strong and give me life” is essential. This is fundamentally a thanksgiving song in that the elements of lament and praise lend themselves to an overall intention to express thanksgiving to Yahweh for salvation from distress.12 The expression ±martî “I have said” at the beginning of vv. 10 and 11 indicates a summary of past afflictions typical of thanksgiving song of the individual. Verse 17, which starts by the word hinneh, states that peace has replaced Hezekiah’s bitterness, and that Yahweh has favored Hezekiah and cast away his sins. Verse 17 thereby states the premise of the entire psalm that Yahweh has relieved Hezekiah from affliction.

IV. The Prayer of Hezekiah as a Letter? W. W. Hallo used mikt±b to connect the prayer of Hezekiah to the Sumerian tradition of royal letter-prayers and therefore translated mikt±b as “letter” in Isa 38:9.13 This mikt±b, that is usually translated as “writing,” could be understood “letter” (2 Chr 21:12) in later biblical Hebrew. If such translation could apply here, Isa 38:9 may be read as “the letter of king Hezekiah of Judah, after he had been sick and had recovered from his sickness.” The point of contact of Sumerian letter-prayer and Hezekiah’s prayer arises here. Hallo singled out the Sumerian letter that Sin-iddinam addressed to the healing goddess Ninisina.14 This letter is one of the two letters addressed by the fifth king of the Larsa dynasty. In this letter-prayer, Sin-iddinam asks the healing

Vol. XLV 2010 91 goddess Ninisina for restoration of his health. The so-called letter-prayers (by Hallo; letters of petition, in my terminology15) written in Sumerian are products of the Old Babylonian scribal schools. They are laments and petitions in letter- style, addressed to gods and kings by the sufferers, urging the gods and kings to release them from suffering. They usually have a lengthy opening salutation, continue with a brief self-introduction of the writer, and proceed to the body of the letter, which includes a complaint describing the consequences, and sometimes the causes, of the writer’s suffering, together with a petition for protection or relief from the suffering. Hallo claimed that the letter from Sin-iddinam to Ninisina might be related to the prayer of Hezekiah by sharing with it these common elements: royal attribution, historical or biographical context, special emphasis on illness, pestilence, war, or other national crisis, monumental medium.16 It goes without saying that both Sin-iddinam letter and Hezekiah’s prayer are royally written texts. As for the historical or biographical context, in Hezekiah’s prayer, the historical situation that urged Hezekiah to pray is described before and after “prayer” (vv. 1-8, 21-22) and in the superscription (v. 9). As for a monumental medium, Hallo made a comment on this letter: “We may already conclude that this material provides an early Mesopotamian model for the notion of a king praying to the deity for recovery from illness by means of a letter inscribed on or deposited before a public monument.”17 Hallo thus connects the exploit of an epistolary form with the custom of offering votive gifts to the gods.18 The following description in the letter Sin-amuh to Enki of the depositing of the tablet in front of the statue of a god or the deified king is one of the reasons why he claims.

 u3-na-a-dug4 mu-ra-gub-ba-mu arhu tuku-ma-r[a-ab] Have mercy on me (concerning) my letter which I have deposited before you!19

Although Hallo suggested that Hezekiah’s prayer was a biblical equivalent to the Sumerian letter-prayer from Sin-iddinam to Ninisina (hereafter SIN) and tended to explain mikt±b in its connection, whether Hezekiah’s prayer was written as a “letter” is still a matter of speculation. His keen insight has himself considered that Hezekiah’s prayer could have dedicatory character in relation with SIN. Form-critically speaking, however, SIN as individual lament is different from the prayer of Hezekiah in which the main focus is on thanksgiving. SIN, as a lament prayer, clearly provides an Old Babylonian model for the notion of a

92 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) king praying to the deity for recovery from illness by means of a letter. The Israelite prayer of Hezekiah, on the other hand, as a thanksgiving song, thanks the deity for deliverance from illness by means of a written thing. If there is such a difference in focus between two texts, the difference also may have caused a slight functional difference between two.

V. Miktab− : A Written Thanksgiving Song as a Votive Text Then, what circumstances made a thanksgiving song of Hezekiah put after the title of mikt±b? In other words, what was Hezekiah’s thanksgiving song written for? At least one case exists in the Psalter where a thanksgiving song could be written for dedication. The typical passage for this is Ps. 40:8.

z mrty hnnh-b ty bmglt-spr ktwb ly Then I said, “Here I am; in the scroll of the book it is written of me.” (NRSV)

Ps. 40 is a song of thanksgiving sung by the worshipper who was liberated from crisis. It arose out of the situation somewhat similar to the one that made Hezekiah wrote the prayer. Here, the “scroll” is assumed by some interpreters to be a thanksgiving song put in v. 13 and the following verses.20 H. J. Hermisson particularly thinks that a song of thanksgiving preserved in this “scroll” was dedicated as a votive text.21 He sees in it an evidence for description of the sufferer’s hardship and Yahweh’s salvation as a report, and dedicating the report to the Israelite temple. It seems to me that one could make an analogy to mikt±b, and think that the mikt±b of Hezekiah is also a written votive thanksgiving song. The existence of this kind of written and dedicatory thanksgiving song can be confirmed also in the neighborhood of . In one Aramaic text from Qumran, the Neo-Babylonian king Nabonidus “wrote” a thanksgiving after a miraculous recovery from his illness. In this text, we find that the king of was afflicted with a “pernicious inflammation” (ll. 1-2), lived isolated in the oasis of Teman in the Arabian Desert for seven years (l. 3), until a Jewish diviner from an exilic community absolved his sin (ll. 3-4) and healed him.

The Prayer of Nabonidus22 1mly ≠lt dy ≠ly nbny mlk [r dy b ]bl mlk [rb kdy hw kty ] 2b∆n b y bptgm [lh ] btymn [mdynt ] 1(Concerning) words of prayer of Nabonidus, king of [Ba]bylon, [the Great] King, [when he was stricken] 2with a pernicious inflammation

Vol. XLV 2010 93 by the decree of G[od], in [the municipality of] Teman.

3kty hwyt nyn b wmn [dy ] wy [nh l∆yw w≠lyt qdm lh ] 4w∆ª y bq lh 3I was stricken for seven years, and ever since [that time] I became comparable [with the beasts. Then I prayed before God], 4and (as for) my offense — he forgave it.

gzr whw yhwdy m [n bny glwt dy yhwd ] 5h∆wy wktb lm bd yqr wr [b ]w lm [lh wkn ktb ] 6kty hwyt b∆n b y [bptgm lh btymn mdynt ] 7nyn b m≠l hwyt [qdm ] lhy ksp wdhb [n∆ przl ] 8 bn ∆sp mn dy [hwyt sb′ ]r dy lhyn h [mwn ] A diviner, who was himself a Jew fr[om among the exilic community of Judea], 5provided an interpretation, and wrote (instructions) to render honor and gre[at]ness to the name of G[od. And so did he write]: 6“You were stricken with a pernicious inflammation [by the decree of God in the municipality of Teman, but] 7you continued for seven years to pray [before] gods of silver and gold, [bronze and iron], 8wood and stone (and) clay, because [you were of the opin]ion that t[hey were] (true) divinities.”

In this prayer, Nabonidus describes the effectiveness of the trust in the true god compared with ineffectiveness of the prayer to the idol. This prayer of Nabonidus is “religious propaganda under the guise of a written psalm of thanksgiving” as described by K. van der Toorn.23 Inscriptions that kings “dedicated” to the god as a means to make the god’s favor public are found particularly in Old Aramaic. Melqart inscription and Zakkur inscription cited below are typical among them.

Melqart inscription24 1n≠b zy m br [h ] 2dd br [ ] 3mlk rm lmr h lmlqr 4t zy nzr wm l [ql ] 5h 1The stela which Bir-[Ha]2dad the son of [ ], 3king of Aram, set up for his lord Melqar4t, to whom he made a vow and who heard 5his 4[voice.]

Zakkur inscription (excerpt)25 A 1n≠b zy m zkr mlk ∆mt wl  l lwr [b p ] A 1The monument which Zakkur, king of Hamath and Lu‘ash, set up

94 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) for El-wer [in Apish.]

2 nh zkr mlk ∆mt wl   nh nh w [ 3 n ]y b lmyn wqm my whmlkny b lmyn l 4∆zrk whw∆d ly brhdd br ∆z l mlk rm  5[b ] sr′ mlkn brhdd wm∆nth wbrg wm∆nth w [m ]6lk qwh wm∆nth wmlk mq wm∆nth wmlk grg [m 7wm∆ ]nth wmlk sm′ l wm [∆nt ]h wmlk mlz [wm ]∆ [nth ] 8[ ]b [t mlkn ] 9[h ]mw wm∆nwt hm wmw kl mlky l m≠r l ∆zr [k ] 10whrmw r mn r ∆zrk wh mqw ∆r≠ mn ∆r [≠h ] 11w  ydy l b l [my ]n wy nny b lmy [n wym12ll ] b lmyn ly [b ]yd ∆zyn wbyd ddn [wy mr 13ly ] b lmyn l tz∆l ky nh hml [ktk w nh ] 14[ q ]m mk w nh ∆≠lk mn kl [mlky l zy ] 15m∆≠w lyk m≠r wy mr l [ y b lmyn ] 16kl mlky l zy m∆≠w [ l ] 17[ ] wwr znh z [y ] 2I am Zakkur, king of Hamath and Lu‘ash. I was a man of ‘Anah and 3Ba‘lshamayn [raised] me and stood beside me, and Ba‘lshamayn made me king over 4Hazrach. Then Bir-Hadad, son of Hazael, king of Aram, united against me s5[even]teen kings: Bir-Hadad and his army, Bar-Gush and his army, the [ki]6ng of Que and his army, the king of ‘Amuq and his army, the king of Gurgu[m 7and] his []my, the king of Sam’al and his [arm]y, the king of Meliz [and his a]r[my ]8seven [teen], 9[th]ey and their armies. All these kings laid siege to Hazra[ch]. 10They raised a wall higher than the wall of Hazrach, they dug a ditch deeper than [its] ditch. 11Now I raised my hands to Ba‘lsha[may]n and Ba‘lshamay[n] answered me. 12Ba‘lshamayn [spoke] to me [th]rough seers and diviners. 13Ba‘lshamayn [said to me,] “Do not be afraid! Since I have made [you king, 14I will sta]nd before you. I will save you from all [these kings who] have 15besieged you.” [Ba‘lshamayn] also said to [me, ] 16“All these kings who have besieged [you 17 ] and this wall [ ].”

B 1[ ] ∆zrk 2[ ] lrkb [w ]lpr 3[ ] mlkh bgwh n 4[h bny ]t ∆zrk whwsp 5[t lh ] yt kl m∆gt 6[ ] wmth ml [ ] 7[ ]th [ ] 8[ ]∆sny l bkl gb 9[b ]nyt bty lhn bk [l 10 rq ]y wbnyt yt [ ] 11[ ] yt p w [ ] 12[ ]y byt [ ] 13[ w ]mt qdm [ l 14wr ] n≠b znh wk[tb15t b ]h yt r ydy B 1[ ] Hazrach 2[ ] for chariot [and] horseman 3[ ] its king within it(?). I 4[buil]t Hazrach and added 5[to it] all [ ] defenses. 6[ ] and I put x x 7[ ] x x 8[ ] forts on every side. 9[I] built shrines in a[ll] 10my [land ?]. I built 11[ ]x Apish and 12[ ] the house 13[ and] I set up before [El-14wer] this monument and w[ro15te on] it my achievements.

Vol. XLV 2010 95 As a votive prayer, Hezekiah’s prayer, as well as these Old Aramaic inscriptions, is in the ancient Near Eastern venerable tradition. However, as van der Toorn describes, the tradition is not a tradition of letter-prayer enshrined beside the image of god as a votive lament prayer as was suggested by Hallo, but rather the votive thanksgiving prayer describing the memory of the prayer answered and publicly admiring the authority of the god who gave the answer.26

VI. Conclusion To sum up, in this article, I wanted to indicate that the prayer of Hezekiah was written as a psalm of expressing his gratitude for the power of Yahweh who achieved healing and a writing of declaring it publicly (whether it is inscription or the letter). A passage of Ps. 40 suggests that such a habitual practice may have existed in Israel, and the Aramaic inscriptions that have the similar background to Hezekiah’s prayer are known to Israel’s neighboring. Both of these make it possible to regard mikt±b as the writing for votive texts. As long as the clearer ground to emend mikt±b in Isa 38:9 to mikt±m, is not presented, the understanding I present in this article should be one of the possibility that keeps mikt±b in the superscription of the prayer of Hezekiah.

Notes 1 Hodge 1991. 2 Delitzch 1920, §114b. 3 Kaiser 1974. 4 Wildberger 1982. 5 Barré 2005. 6 Barré 2005, 38. 7 Barré 2005, 42. 8 These are some of scholars among others who see no need of emendation: Seitz 1993; Smith 2007; Sweeney 1996. 9 For summaries of various opinions, including a petition, a song of illness, and a thanksgiving song of an individual, see Begrich 1926, 2-3; Watts 1992, 124-125. 10 Seybold 1973, 147-153. 11 De Boer 1951, 185. 12 Wildberger 1982, 172. 13 Hallo 1976. 14 Manuscripts: PRAK B 464, ll. 12ff.; CBS 7072A + N 3147 obv.; OECT 5 30; YBC 4705; UBC 4605; UET 8 70 + UET 6/3 559. Editions: Brisch 2007, 141-156; Hallo 1976. 15 For these Sumerian letters, now see my dissertation: Takai 2009. 16 Hallo 1981, 26. 17 Hallo 1976, 213. 18 Hallo 1981; Hallo 1998, 410. In addition, in an oral dialogue with W. W. Hallo. 19 Hallo 1968, 84, l. 55. I owe special thanks to Prof. Benjamin R. Foster of Yale University, who kindly collated this line and suggested its reading to me. 20 Keel 1997, 324; Seybold 1986, 171-172. 21 Hermisson 1965, 30ff.

96 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) 22 4QprNab. Editions: Milik 1956; Cross 1984. Translation: COS I 1.89 by B. A. Levine. Studies: Meyer 1962; Sack 1992. 23 Van der Toorn 2008. 24 Editions: KAI 201; SSI 2, 1-4. Translations and Studies: ANET 655; Bordreuil and Teixidor 1983; COS II 2.33 by W. T. Pitard; Cross 1972; Lemaire 1984; Pitard 1988; Puech 1992. 25 Editions: KAI 202; SSI 2, 6-17. Translations: ANET, 501-502; COS II 2.35 by A. Millard; TUAT, 626-628. Studies: Greenfield 1972; Millard 1990; Zobel 1971. 26 Van der Toorn 2008, 40.

Abbreviations ANET = Pritchard 1969; BHS = Elliger et al. 1977; COS = Hallo and Younger 1997-2002; HALOT = Koehler et al. 1994-2000; KAI = Donner and Röllig 1962-64; OECT 5 = Gurney and Kramer 1976; PRAK = De Genouillac 1924; SSI = Gibson 1973-79; TUAT = Kaiser 1984-97; UET 6/3 = Shaffer and Ludwig 2006; UET 8 = Sollberger 1965.

References Barré, M. L. 2005: The Lord Has Saved Me: A Study of the Psalm of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20), Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series 39, Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America. Begrich, J. 1926: Der Psalm des Hiskia: Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis von Jesaja 38, 10-20, Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 42, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Bordreuil, P., and J. Teixidor 1983: “Nouvel examen de l’inscription de Bar-Hadad,” Aula Orientalis 1, 271-276. Brisch, N. M. 2007: Tradition and the Poetics of Innovation: Sumerian Court Literature of the Larsa Dynasty (c.2003-1763 BCE), Alter Orient und Altes Testament 339, Münster: Ugarit Verlag. Cross, F. M. 1972: “The Stele Dedicated to Melcarth by Ben-Hadad of Damascus,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 205, 36-42. Cross, F. M. 1984: “Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidus,” Israel Exploration Journal 34, 260- 264. De Boer, P. A. H. 1951: “Notes on Text and Meaning of Isaiah XXXVIII 9-20,” Oudtestamentische Studien 9, 170-186. De Genouillac, H. 1924: Premières recherches archéologiques à Kich, Paris. Delitzch, F. 1920: Die Lese- und Schreibfehler im Alten Testament, Berlin and Leipzig: De Gruyter. Donner, H., and W. Röllig 1962-64: Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, 3 Vols., Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Elliger, K. et al. (eds.) 1977: Stuttgartensia, Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Gibson, J. C. L. 1973-79: Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, 3 Vols., Oxford: Clarendon Press. Greenfield, J. C. 1972: “The Zakir Inscription and the Danklied,” in Proceedings of the Fifth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Vol. 1, : World Union of Jewish Studies, 174-191. Gurney, O. R., and S. N. Kramer 1976: Sumerian Literary Texts in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts 5, Oxford: Clarendon Press. Hallo, W. W. 1968: “Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition,” Journal of American Oriental Society 88, 71-89.

Vol. XLV 2010 97 Hallo, W. W. 1976: “The Royal Correspondence of Larsa: I. A Sumerian Prototype for the Prayer of Hezekiah?,” in B. L. Eichler et al. (eds.), Cuneiform Studies in Honor of Samuel Kramer, Alter Orient und Altes Testament 25, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 209- 225. Hallo, W. W. 1981: “Letters, Prayers and Letter-Prayers,” in Proceeding of the Seventh World Congress of Jewish Studies: Studies in the and the Ancient Near East Held at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 7-14 August 1977 under the Auspices of The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, Jerusalem, 17-27. Hallo, W. W. 1998: “Two Letter-Prayers to Amurru,” in M. Lubetski et al. (eds.), Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon, Journal for the Study of the , Supplements 273, Sheffield: JSOT Press, 397-410. Hallo, W. W., and K. L. Younger, Jr. (eds.) 1997-2002: The Context of Scripture, 3 Vols., Leiden: Brill. Hermisson, H. J. 1965: Sprache und Ritus im altisraelitischen Kult, Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 19, Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener. Hodge, C. T. 1991: “Miktam,” in A. S. Kaye (ed.), Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau on the Occasion of His Eighty-fifth Birthday November 14th, 1991, Volume 1, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 634-641. Kaiser, O. 1974: -39, R. A. Wilson (trans.), The Old Testament Library, Philadelphia: Westminster Press. Kaiser, O. (ed.) 1984-97, Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Güttersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn. Keel, O. 1997: The Symbolism of the Biblical World: Ancient Near Eastern Iconography and the Book of Psalms, T. J. Hallett (trans.), Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. Koehler, L. et al. 1994-2000: Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, 5 Vols., M. E. J. Richardson (trans.), Leiden and Boston: Brill. Lemaire, A. 1984: “La stèle araméene de Bar-Hadad,” Orientalia 53, 337-349. Meyer, R. 1962: Das Gebet des Nabonid, Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Milik, J. T. 1956: “‘Prière de Nabonide’ et autres écrits d’un cycle de Daniel,” Revue Biblique 63, 407-415. Millard, A. 1990: “The Homeland of Zakkur,” Semitica 39, 47-52. Pitard, W. T. 1988: “The Identity of the Bir-Hadad of the Melqart Stela,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 272, 3-21. Pritchard, J. B. (ed.) 1969: Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3rd edition with Supplement, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Puech, E. 1992: “La stèle de Bar-Hadad à Melqart et les rois d’Arpad,” Revue Biblique 99, 311- 334. Sack, R. H. 1992: “Nabonidus,” in The Anchor Bible Dictionary 4, 973-976. Seitz, C. R. 1993: -39, Interpretation, Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press. Seybold, K. 1973: Das Gebet des Kranken im Altes Testament, Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament 99, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Seybold, K. 1986: Die Psalmen: Eine Einführung, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Shaffer, A, and M.-C. Ludwig 2006: Ur Excavations Texts VI: Literary and Religious Texts, Third Part, London: British Museum Publications. Smith, G. V. 2007: Isaiah 1-39: New American Commentary, Nashville, TN: B&H Publishing Group. Sollberger, E. 1965: Ur Excavations Texts VIII: Royal Inscriptions, Part II, London.

98 ORIENT Miktab− , Votive Thanksgiving Song, and the Prayer of Hezekiah (Isaiah 38:9-20) Sweeney, M. A. 1996: Isaiah 1-39 with an Introduction to Prophetic Literature, Forms of the Old Testament Literature 16, Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans. Takai, K. 2009: Old Babylonian Letters of Petition and Later Individual Lament Prayers, Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University. Van der Toorn, K. 2008: “Votive Texts and Letter-Prayers: Writing as Devotional Practice,” in R. J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Society: Presented to Marten Stol on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, 10 November 2005, and His Retirement from The Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press, 2008, 39-46. Watts, J. W. 1992: Psalm and Story: Inset Hymns in Hebrew Narrative, Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplements 139, Sheffield: JSOT Press. Wildberger, H. 1982: Jesaja (28-39), Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament X/3, Neukirchen- Vluyn: Neukirchener. Zobel, H.-J. 1971: “Das Gebet um Abwendung der Not und seine Erhörung in den Klageliedern des Alten Testaments und in der Inschrift des Königs Zakir von Hamath,” Vetus Testamentum 21, 91-99.

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