News, Vol. 17, No. 1

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Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (, Zimbabwe) Date 1986-01-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1986 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.14-16 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial. Mashoko Anobva kuMusangano weZANU (PF). Biography: Comrade Herbert Ushewokunze — Secretary for Commissariate and Culture. Achievements of the ZANU (PF) Government: A Message to Zimbabweans by the Late Cde. R.D. Manyika. The Worker in Zimbabwe By Cde. Frederick Shava - Minister of Labour. The Situation of Agricultural and Plantation Workers in Zimbabwe: Article from GAPWUZ. Workers' Movements Should Popularise New Act. ZCTU Education and Training Department. ZCTU Article to Zimbabwe News. 2nd ZANU (PF) Congress and Freedom for Women By Cde. - Minister of Justice. Mashonaland East Province Report from Publicity Department. Mozambique-US Relations By a Special Correspondent. The South African Worker: An explosion under Apartheid. The Social Conflict in South Africa. Format extent 28 page(s) (length/size)

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Contents Biography Comrade Herbert Ushewokunze (See page 4) Achievements of ZANU (PF) The Late Comrade Robson Manyika (See page 4) Jill Editorial Mashoko Anobva kuMusangano weZANU (PF) Biography C S Achievements of the ZANU (PF) A Government b The Worker in Zimbabwe B The Situation of Agricultural and Plantation Workers in Zimbabwe A Workers' Movements Should Popularise New Act ZCTU Education and Training Department ZCTU Article to Zimbabwe News 2nd ZANU (PF) Congress and B Freedom for Women v Mashonaland East Province R Mozambique-US Relations B The South African Worker A The Social Conflict in South Africa ...... 1 ...... 3 omrade Herbert Ushewokunze ecretary for Commissariate and Culture.. 4 I Message to Zimbabweans y the Late Cde. R.D. Manyika ...... 4 y Cde. Frederick Shava finister of Labour...... 6 .rticle from GAP WUZ ...... 8 ...... 8 ...... 1 ...... 1 1 ...... 1 2 y Cde. Eddison Zvobgo inister of Justice ...... 14 eport from Publicity Department ...... 17 y a Special Correspondent ...... 18 n explosion under Apartheid ...... 20 ...... 2 2 Freedom for Women Comrade Eddison Zvobgo (See page 14) Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU/PF) and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU/PF). Pictures by Jongwe Archives, Herald and Ministry of Information

Zimbabwe News 1 Editorial LABOUR VERSUS CAPITAL There are potentially 2,3 million workers In Zimbabwe. Of these approximately one million are in regular employment administration, and in the industrial, agricultural, commercial and mining sectors, about 700,000 are self-employed in the communal areas, and the remaining 600,000 are unemployed. In addition, schools every year turn out about 77,000 students at the Form IV level, not to speak of those who leave school at other levels. Of these, the country can presently absorb no more than 45,000 so that every year some 32,000 young men and women join the ranks of the uncmployed. Two significant sets of issues come to the fore. One relates to the conditions of those who are able to work: have these conditions improved since independence? Are our workers getting better wages than bfore? Are they better organised to figot for their rights? Are their rights recognised by law? What deficiencies continue to exist in the legal regime under which the workers work and struggle?- What organisational deficiencies continue to exist within the labour movement itself? Some of these issues are addressed in the articles written by trade unionists in the pages of.this volume. The second set of issues relates to the conditions of the unemployed, and the most important questions here are: what is being done to secure jobs for them? What kinds of opportunities exist for them, or better still, what kinds of opportunities can be created for them? Where do these opportunities exist - in agriculture? in Government? in the private sector? Finally, what are these people doing orable to do to help themselves and their families. And are there any questions related to the living conditions and the social existence of the unemployed: How does this section of our population lie? Who absorbs them? Who caters for them? What kinds of social abuse are they open to? What is being done to protect them from social abuse, or alternatively, what is being done to save them from turning into socially undesirable elements in society? The Development of the Working Class Since Independence We have come a long-way from the old colonial days of Chibaro, or forc- ed labour, administered by the socalled Rhodesia Native Labour Bureau. The article written by the -Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare, Comrade F.M.M. Shava, exposed fully the evils of the colonial situation; and highlights the major advances made since independence. In the colonial period -the Industrial Conciliation Acts, first enacted in 1934; did not recognise Africans as "employees'. The term was restricted to only white workers, whereas the black workers were covered under the notorious Masters and Servants Act. In other words, what the 1934 Act did was to protect the white workers from competition from black workers. In 1959, however, the Act was amended, and the black workers were for the first time brought under the purview of the Act. We must remember, however, that the black workers' right to be recognised was not given to them out of magnanimity by the colonial government. The workers fought for this right. It took them 25 years of sustained struggle just to get recognised, let alone win other democratic rights open to workers in modern societies. The Railway workers' strike in 1945 and the general strike of 1948 were the culmination of this long struggle, which brought the colonial government finally to their senses. In 1948 the Government was forced to bargain with the workers in the Native Labour Boards. Between 1949 and 1965 the working classes, through their unions and through the political parties, fought not only their economic battles but also brought to the fore the political struggle for democracy. Not surprisingly by the end of this period there were some union leaders who were already being influenced by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) to betray the workers' interests, and the nationalist cause. Between 1965 and 1979, fourteen years, there was brutal repression of the unions and the working class leadership in order to emasculate them and to isolate them from the mainstream political movementsithat were now waging the armed struggle for political independence. The workers and their children joined the ZANLA forces in their thousands, and fought gallantly for national independence. They realised that workers' rights and ,national independence were two sides of the same coin. The attainment of independence in April, 1980 was a major victory for the workers, which made it possible to open a new era for them, and to establish democratic rights and practices. Since Independence the rights and status the of workers hai been enhanced with the enactment of the Labour Relations Act, 1985 and their bargaining position on the factory floor improved dramatically by the Institutionalisation of the Workers' Committee. The powers and structures of these important institutions are now enshrined in the Labour Relations Act which is discussed In the follow.ing pages. At independirn-&, however, the Government found the trade union movement deeply divided. Most of the white-led unions of skilled labour were affiliated to the Trade Union Congress (TUC), while most of the African-led unions were affiliated to one of the following four national centres: the Afrlcan Trade Unions Congress (ATUC), the National African Trade Unions Congress (NATUC), the Zimbabwe Federation of Labour (ZFL) and the United Trade Unions of Zimbabwe (UTUZ). Thus at independence there were five national centres which divided the workers along ethnic and political lines. The moment -of independence brought to the surface the pAnt-ujn grievances of the working ciasses. They ranged from proper wages to democratic representation in the unions, but because the unions were divided and the leadership bureaucratised and divorced from the rank and file, these grievances of the workers could not be resolved or channelled to the right authorities. The Government found it necessary to intervene. The irregular strikes had to be controlled, and a degree of order restored in the divided labour movement. Under a Steering Committee appointed by the Ministry of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare, an Inaugural Congress was held on 28 February, 1981 to create a national centre out of the existing divided centres. Although there is some criticism of the way this was done, there is no question that the formation of the Zimbabwe Confederation of' Trade Unions (ZCTU) was historically a step forward in the right direction. One of the criticisms levelled at the Government is that it is behaving "paternalistically" towards the LlmoaOwe News

2 unions. One must view this criticism In its proper historical and political context. We have already given a bit of the background to this to how the labour movement was fragmented as a result of machinations of the colonial state, international capital and sheer political opportunism of some of the union leaders. This had to be controlled, for there did not seem any way In which the labour movement was going to be able to resolve these historical and political contradictions on their o\wn. These contradictions still do exist, and Indeed cannot simply be wished away, but at least they are now channelled into a proper organisation through which the workers must democratically resolve their differences and put their house in order. Since independence the Government has done much, besides the passing of the new Labour Relations Act, to advance the cause of the workers in Zimbabwe. On 28 May, 1980 the Minimum Wages Act was passed which has increased the minimum wages of the agricultural workers. These minimum wages are revised periodically. Thus, in July 1985, the agricultural and domestic workers' minimum wages were increased to $75 per month and those of industrial workers to $143,75. (The rising consumption of basic foods such as milk, bread, meat and mealiemeal show that many workers now have comparatively higher incomes.) The Government also encouraged workers to set up Workers' Committees in their work-place in order to foster shop floor democracy and to create a channel of communication between the workers and the management. Today most industrial and commercial enterprises have Workers' Committees, and although this system, like any system, is open to periodic abuse, it could be said in general that the Workers' Committees have generally enhanced the position and status of the workers, and become an effective organ for in, dustrial democracy. The Labour Relations Act which provides the new legal regime for the workers provides, in Its own words, "greater protection for the weaker party". In view of the historical injustices meted out to the workers, and the fact that the labour _,;ions are still weak and divided, this additional protection to the workers is fully justified. The Act also gives the Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare, wideranging powers to intervene on behalf of the workers. Within this broad framework, the Act sets out registration requirements for unions and employers' associations, the formation of employment councils and Boards, and a grievance procedure which starts with aLabour Relations Zimbabwe Newv Officer and ends with a Labour Relations Tribunal (with High Court powers), and from there appeals to the Supreme Court. The section outlining the fundamental rights of .workers guarantees workers employment and other facilities such as promotion, et cetera, without discrimination on grounds of race, tribe, place of origin, colour, creed, sex or political opinion. It provides for periods of notice and the entitlement to full benefits for all who are dismissed or who resign, fall ill and die. For women the Act provides for maternity leave and employment benefits for- working mothers, Including the right to take off one hour during the work-period to feed a suckling child. Lockouts are banned, and collective bargaining agreements between the workers and the employers are encouraged, but the Minister retains the right to set minimum wages. Thus, the new Act may justifiably be regarded as the "workers charter". It .has given the workers legal rights which they did not have before. It has also given them protection against those employers who want to exploit or abuse them. More Importantly, It has laid down clearly the machinery for negotiations, and bargaining for higher wages.and better conditions of service. The remaining question now is how to translate these well protected rights Into concrete realities of dollars and cents, and good working conditions. This Is where responsible trade unions have to play a decisive role of leadership, education and negotiation. The workers' charter includes the right to go on strike when all channels of negotiations have been exhausted andlor blocked. The right of workers to strike and to withhold their labour-power is the ultimate protection for the weaker party In capitalist Institutions such as we have. The Zimbabwean workers must retain the right to decide when to shift the discussion with employers from the conference table to the factory floor; and even when to take it to the streets. The employers use their power of capital to create shortages or even to close down plants so as to force the masses to go onto the streets to oppose the State. The organised trade unions should also be prepared to fight for the rights of their workers at every level - at the conference table, on the factory floor, and even In the streets. Self-Reliance And Unemployment With the increase in the provision of education, and the stagnation of economic growth due largely to ex- ternal factors and droughts, the "number of unemployed Zimbabweans has increased markedly. In any case, even if these restraining factors were not present, it Is the inherent character of capitalism to throw many workers out of work. In Britain the economic recovery Is taking place as unemployment Is increasing. Four million workers are now unemployed In Britain. Unemployed Zimbabweans must look ultimately to themselves for gainful employment. Many of the able-bodied men and women can employ themselves In agricultural activity, small-scale enterprises, petty trade and commerce, and local services. In every local situation, we must use our two hands and our head to produce the wealth that we need to feed our families and to meet their needs. The days of looking to the European entrepreneur to sign one's "situpa" or labour contract are hap, pily gone. The days of buying andt selling goods made in South Africa, or In other foreign countries, are also drawing to a close. We have to produce our own goods and services by expanding our fledgling manufacturIng industries In the big cities, and by starting our own small enterprises Individually or collectively as cooperatives in the rural areas. The government is willing to provide seed money and technical services to those who want to help themselves. The programme of promoting cooperatives embarked upon by Government soon after independence, and the related programmes of resettlement, and the general development of the rural' areas, are all aimed at making Zimbabwe self-reliant. Although there have been a number of expected failures, most of the cooperatives started in the last 5 years have been successful, and the resettlement programme has made a slow but sure start. Over 100 rural growth points have been identified and they are growing from small business centres into small towns. Thbusands of our people can find employment fOr themselves at the growth points and in the cooperative movement, instead of trekking to the cities where there are no jobs. The Government should embark upon large and long-term projects such as Chisumbanje, Mwenezi, and the Zambezi Valley, which could employ many people at present, but regenerate the rural areas for the future. A number of large- scale irrigation, mining, and afforestation projects have been surveyed and iden tified already. These productive projects are capable of generating their own fundsand therefore fit nicely into formulae of large donors such as the World Bank. Zimbabwe Neks

Zimbabwe NeW.V Mashoko Anobva kuMusangano WOZANU (PF) Central Committee Central Committee ye ZANU yakasangana nomusi wa 8 Mbudzi 1985 pa Parliament ye Zimbabwe. Muchidimbu, zvakabvumiranwa kuti:- 1. Province imwe ne irnwe ngaipe nhoroondodzekuti mari yavakapiwa panguya yamaElection yakashandiswa sei. 2. Panofanira kuti pave nezvinangwa zvakajeka zvokuti Province mbiri dzeMatebeleland North neMatebeleIand South dzipinduke kuti d'ive ZANU. 3. Nbengo dzose dzeCentral Committee dzinosungirwa kuti dzibudise pachena pfuma yavo yose yavanayo. Kana zvose zvabdda pachena, Central Committee ichabuda nezvirongwa zvinamaererano nezvisungo zve Leadership Code. 4. Zvakaonckwa kuti maPati ose, kusara kwe ZANU(PF) akakwikwidza pamaElection, akabira ose mukuti vakazvisainira, vega mapepa aifanira kusainiwa nevavo vaivatsigira. Hurumende ichaongorora kubira uku. 5. Central Committee yakaziviswa kuti muzinda (headquarters) mutsva weZANU, uchapge unemitanho gumi nemitanhatu. Ichapedza makorc maviri uchavakwa, uchiparadza mari inokwana gumi ramamirioni amadhora. 6. Hurukuro ne PF-ZAPU ' Mutungamiriri womusangano, President R. G. Mugabe, vakazivisa Central Committee kuti hurukuro dzakanga dzatanga pakati pe ZANU ne PF-ZAPU. Vakatsimangura kuti pakapera sarudzo huru muna July, wakadana vamwe vake vakaona kuti ZAPIJ haichazombofi yakatonga muZimbabwe. lye Nkomo, aona kuti vanhu vake vaaifamba navo vatorerwa pfuti ne Hurumende, akaona kuti pake papera. Nkomo akabva amuruka ndokuinda ku Mutungamiriri we Nyika Cde. C. S. Banana achiti iye:1 . Haachada zvematongerwo enyika. 2. Avakuda kubuda muZimbabwe kuti achinogara, kuCanada mupaka afa. 3. Kana ava ku Canada, anenge asingazo.tauri zvematongerwo enyika mupika afa. 4. Aikumbira President Banana kuti vamubatsire kuwana passport yokufambisa. Mutungamiri weNyika, Cde. C.S. Banana vakaudza Nkomo kuti gwara raaida kufamba naro rckutizira kuCanada rakanga riri gwara rourombe. , President Banana vakabvunza Nkomo kuti sezvo asati achada zvernatongerwo enyika waregerei kubuda zvinechimiro achiita kuti mapato mavid eZANU neZAPU abatane. Nkomo ndipo paakazokumbira kuti Mutungamiri wenyika Cde. Banana vazivise Mutungamiri weHurumende Cde. Mugabe kuti lye Nkomo wava kuda hurukuro dzokuti mapato maviri achibatana' I Pamusangano wokutanga Cde. Nyagumbo, Cde. Munangagwa natde. Zvobgo, vakaudza Nkomo navamwe vake kuti zita rokuti ZANU uye noutungamiri hweZANU hazvimbori zvakachinjiwa. Kubatana kunenge kuchigoneka ndokokuti veZAPU vose vapinde muZANU. Pamusangano wepiri, Cde. R.G. Mugabe President naFirst Secretary weZANU vakazivisa Nkomo zvakare kuti kana ZANU neZAPU zvikabatana,.zita romusangano richaramba riri ZANU. Zvakar'e President weZANU acharamba ari President weZANU. ' Nkomo wakaedza kunYengetedza Cde. Mugabe kuti vabvume kuti ZANU neZAPU dzibatane asi pasina zita idzva kana kubatan: -uku kwavepo kozoita musangano wokusarudza zita TePati. Kana musangano uyu ukazoti zita rePati ngarive ZANU, zvinenge zvisina mhosvapresident R.G. Mugabe vakaramba zvose izvi vachiti sarudzo yomuna July, yakaratidza kuti ZANU ndiro Bato roruzhinji saka munhu wose unofanira kupinda muZANU. Amazwl Avela kuMhlangand weZANU (PF) Central Committee lCentral Committee yeZANUyenza umh1angano mh1eka 8 ngoLwezi 1985 kuddle kPhalamendi YeZimbabwe. Agamqfltshane kwavunyelwana ukuthi. 1. Isabela agasinye kufanek siphe ingeazeld yokusetshentzbw kwemali ngokhetho. 2. Kufanek kube lednqumo ezisobala zokuth! izabeto edmbill ezithi. ese Matebeleland North lese Matebeleland South ziphendukele ebandleni IeZANU. 3. Wonke amalunga eCentral Committee kt(fenek abike sobala ngenotho yawo. Nxa 161uhlelo sehiphefile Wentral Committee izakupho !zkondiso mayelana IeLeadershO Code. 4. Kwabonakala ukuthi wonke amabandia abangisa okhethweni, ngaphandle kwele ZANU(PF), aqilibezela ngoba azisayinela amaphepha okwakufanele asayinwv ngabasekell bdwo. UHulumende uzahlofisisa lokhu kuqUibezela. 5. lCentral Committee ibiketwe ukuthi isigodlo (headquarters) esitsha se-ZANU, smqkuba lezindlu zesitezi ezifitshum! lestthupha. Kuzathatha iminyaka emibili ekwakhen! fesi sigod1o ngamadola ayizigidi ezilitshumi. 6. Inkulumo le PF-ZAPU Umongameli %wbandla fikazuk uComilade R. G. Mugabe, ubikele'lCentral Committee ukuthi inkuhuno, zamiqafisde phakathi kweZANU IePF-ZAPU Uchastse ukuthi ekuphe-leni kokhetho lwangoNtulikazi, uJoshua Nkomo wenza umhlangano labasekeft bakhe bakubona karnhiophe ukuthi !ZAPU kayisoze yabusa iZimbabwe lanini. UNkomo esekubonile ukuthi abantu bakhe basebethathelw imibhobho nguffulumende, wakubona ukuthi okwakhe kwasokumphelele. Wayuka waya kuMkhokheft weLizw uCde. C. S. Banana esithi yena: 1. Kasqfuni ezombuso welizwe. 2. Usefuna ukuphuma eZimbabwe ukuze ayehiala eCdnada aze afe. 3. Nxa esese Canada ubengasoze akhuluma ngezombuso welizwe aze afe. 4. Wacela uMongameli Banana ukuthi amphathise qkutholeni ipassport yokuhambisa. Umkhokheii weLizwe, uCde. C.S. Banana wadsa uNkomo ukuthi isinqumo sakhe sokubalekela eCanada sasingesobuwula. Umongameli Banana ivabuza uNkomo ukuthi njengoba wayisengasafuni ezombuso wvlizwe kwakungakuhle na ukuthi aphume ngendlela elesimilo ezakwenza ukuthi amabandia womabili amanyane athi iZANU IeZAPU. Kula ho uNkomo acela khona Umkhokheii weLizwe uCde. Banana ukuthi abikele uMkhokheli kaHulumende uCde. Mugabe ukuthlyena wayesefuna ukuthi kwenziwe inkulumo zokumanyanisa amabandfa womabili. EmNanganwerd wakuqata, uCde. Nyagumbo, uCde Mnangagwa lo Cde. Zvobgo babikela uIVkomo labanye bakhe ukuthi igama lebandla likazulu IeZANU tobukhokheii balo kwakungafanelanga kuguquIwe. Ukumanyana kuphela okwakungabakhono ngokokuthi wonke amalunga eZAPU ayengena kuZANU. Emhlanganweni wesibili, uMongameli webandia IeZANU, uNobhala Owakuqa1a weZANU uCde. ka. Mugabe ubikele uNkomo ukuthi nxa wabikela amabandia womabill engabambano, igama lebandia lenengi iZANU kaliso e IaguquIwa kanye lokuthi uMongameli weZANU uzaqhubekela phambili esesikhundleni sakhe sobukhokheii. UNkomo wazama ukuncenga uCde. Mugabe ukuthi ibandla IeZANU lele ZAPU aqate amanyane besekusenziwa umhlangano wokudinga igama efitsha lebandia. Nxa kulumhlangano ungavumelana'ukuthi ibizo lebandia liqhubekete phambili 11yi zANU konke kuhle. UMongameli R. G. Mugabe wale konke lokhu wathi ukhetho Iwango Ntulikazi lutshengise ukuthi iZANUyHo ibandla elisekelwa finengiyikho kufanele ukuthi wonke umuntu aphendukele ebandleni IeZANU.

4 BIOGRAPHY The Hon. H.S.M. Ushewokunze Secretary for Commissariat and Culture, Poliburo Member of Parliament, Chinamhora I Minister of Transport Dr. The Hon. Comrade Herbert Sylvester Masiyiwa Ushewokunze was born on 7th June 1938 in the Marandellas Trust Lands, Zimbabwe. He attended Madzima Primary School, Chirimamhunga Primary School, United School in , the Marshall Hartley Mission, the Waddilove Institute, Goromonzi School, University of Natal in South Africa. He qualified as a physician in 1963 and spent two years at both the King Edward VIII Hospital and the McCord Zulu Hospital, South Africa. In 1965 he took up the post of Railways Medical Officer, Rhodesia Railways. In 1966 he went into private practice at Mkoba Township, Gwelo and Amaveni Township, Que Que, after establishing the Polyclinic in Bulawayo. He also established a Charity Clinic in the Gokwe area. During the years 1966-76 he was also engaged in underground support activities for the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). He was also Military Doctor and Overall Commander of the Army Medical Corps, Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, Mozambique. In 1976 he was co-opted onto the ZANU Central Committee and in 1977 Comrade Ushewokunze became a full Member of the Central Committee of ZANU (PF) and was also Secretary for Health. At the Party's Congress in 1984 he was appointed Secretary for the Commissariat and Culture in the Politburo and in the General Elections held in July 1985, was elected ZANU (PF) Member of Parliament for the Chinamora Constituency. He was formerly Member of Parliament for Matabeleland North. From April 1980 to September 1981 he was Minister of Health, Republic of Zimbabwe and in February 1982 he re- joined Government as Minister of Home Affairs. On 4th January 1984 he was offered and took up the post of Minister of Transport, a post he still holds. Comrade Ushewokunze has been a member of the PanAfricanist Congress, South Africa, a Member of the ZANU Youth Wing and a Member of the National Executive, ZANU. He is a former President of the Association of Medical Students of South Africa. He has recently remarried and has-nine children. His hobbies include drama, music and sports. Achievements of the ZANU (PF) Government Over the Past Five Years A Message to Zimbabweans by the late Cde. R.D. Manyika. The late Comrade Robson Manyika who was a ZANU (PF) candidate for died a heroic death in the service of the people. Before his death he had prepared a message for the people of Kariba and indeed Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe News the official organ of the Party honours the late Comrade's last statement of a loyal and militant Cadre of the Party by reprodticing the statement in full. Introduction ZANU (PF) leaders gathered here, honoured guests, comrades and friends. Today I am going to speak on ZANU (PF)' s achievements in government over the past five years. These achievements have been many and varied; I can only therefore refer to a few selected examples given the limitations imposed on us by time. To-set matters into perspective, let ,me begin by briefly mentioning some of the key problems and constraints which embattled us over the period in question. Problems and Constraints Between 1980 and 1985, as you all know comrades, our Government had to fight against the following problems and constraints: a) The Lancaster House Constitution which had been designed to neutralise the political and military 0 victories of the people of Zimbabwe and maintain the existing situation; b) The return of over one million refugees and displaced people needing to be rehabilitated and resettled; c) The extensive damage to the economy, including the disruptiongf infrastructure in the rural areasp, d) Three years of severe and persistent drought; e) The existence of three separate and antagonistic armies which needed to be integrated and unified under a single command; f) The world economic recession; g) The armed bandits and dissidents in the western half of the country; h) The destabilisation strategy of apartheid South Africa; and i) The loss of skilled manpower following the exodus of whites to apartheid South Africa after independence. Despite these problems and constraints, our Government scored significant victories and achievements which even our worst enemies are now beginning to publicly acknowledge.

Zimbabwe News The late Comrade R.D. Manylka Achievements The single most important achievement which we have registered is that we have enabled our people for the first time in generations to regain their full rights and dignity. Before 1980 we were treated like chattels or slaves by white settlers in this beautiful land of ours. If ZANU (PF) had not decided to take up arms, all the freedom which we now take for granted today would not have been gained. During the colonial era the communal lands, where about 80 per cent ofour people live, had very few or totally lacked essential services. Where these existed, they were offered by church missionaries. Colonial governments cared very little for people's basic welfare. Today these services have been expanded phenomenally. In the field of education, primary schooling has been made free since 1980. Many schools have been constructed in the vurahgjeas toensure that all Zimbabweans benefit from the Government's policy of free primary education. The number of secondary schools has been greatly iircreased to accommodate as many of those who complete primary education as possible. As a result of these measures, enrolment at primary, secondary and-tertiary levels has trebled since 1980. In 1979, there were 819 128 children in primary schools and 73 540 in secondary schools. This year there are over 2,5 million pupils in primary and over 400 000 in secondary schools. In 1979 there were 3 000 students in teacher training colleges. This year the figure stands at about 8 900. The University of Zimbabwe had only 1 481 students in 1981; this year the number has risen to over 5 600 students. ZANU (PF) and its Government believe that every Zimbabwean should be provided with the opportunity to learn in order to fully participate in the socio- economic activities of the country. Our stand, comrades, is that education is a basic right which should not be denied any Zimbabwean. Great strides have been achieved in making health services accessible to all Zimbabweans. People earning $150,00 or less per month receive free medical care. Rural health services have been established which include the construction of new clinici.and rura4 health eentres. Since 1980, over 44 rural health centres have been built - none existed before independence. Our Party and Government place great emphasis on primary health care. Our drive to make clean water available to everyone in this country is partly connected with this emphasis on primary health care. In the area of transport, comrades, 5 before independence the road-network which was constructed was targeted for the former white highlands of the country. Now Africans are on those highlands and the thrust is from the highlands to the communal lands in all directions: Allweather paved roads are spreading from the commercial farms to the communal areas. Good roads are essential for the continued development of the rural areas. In the field of industrial relations we have struck major blows on behalf of workers which include: a) The Minimum Wage Act which stipulated a minimum wage for the first time; b) The Employment Act which prevented employers dismissing workers willy-nilly as a response to minimum wages, or other consideration; and c) The Labour Relations Act which is a charter for workers, stipulating minimum conditions of work for every industry which must be observed by every employer; and setting up Workeys Committees 'that have helped workers in defending their interests at the factory. In the sphere of government we succeeded in forming one loyal army, air force, police and civil service from formerly opposed elements. We provided people with free food during the three years of severe drought, and gave our nation a much respected voice on the international front. Ladies and gentlemen, these are remarkable achievements by any standards. We should all be proud of this record, no matter what gloomy Jeremiahs on the other side say. So far I have spoken about our achievements in global terms, that is to say, in terms of the country as a whole. But as we all know, colonial governments tended to throw development resources in some areas, while totally neglecting others. In our development efforts over the past five years we had to take into account these discrepancies. The Zambezi Valley was one of the areas most severely neglected by colonial- governments. What has our government done to reverse this legacy of neglect? Well, comrades, I think you willt agree that our government has constructed more schools, built more health facilities, and opened up more road routes in this area over the past five years than was done over the entire colonial period. Our commitment to develop the Zambezi Valley is a total one. Indeed the long term plans which we have for this area are extremely exciting. We have a high- powered inter-ministerial Working Party on Zambezi Valley which is drawing up development plans. Virtually every Ministry has plans in hand earmarked for this area. If you give us another five years, as I am confident you will, I can assure you that the lives of all the people in this area will be positively transformed in the years ahead.

6 The Worker in Zimbabwe By The Hon. F.M.M. Shava, Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare Introduction ZANU (PF) and its government, committed to Scientific Socialism based upon Marxist-Leninist principles gives singular recognition to the Worker in the economy and society. It is a cardinal principle ofthe party that the workers should play a centralrole in the period of the transition to, and in the construction of, socialism. In consequence, since independence in 1980 ZANU (PF) has, through the machinery of government, assiduously and consistently sought to strengthen the workers so that they can play their historic role in theachievement of our cherished goal of establishing a socialist society in which there will be no exploitation of man by man. The party is acutely and consciously aware that the backbone of any socialist revolution is the working class, the most reliable champion of the revolution. This artid seeks to briefly examine the _position and status of the Worker first before independence and then to highlight some of the efforts by government in uplifting their socioeconomic status, in an attempt to give the workers their rightful place. The Worker Before Independence Clearly, one of the principal contributory factors leading to the Nationalist Parties of the earlier period and the Armed Liberation Struggle leading to independence in 1980 under the leadership of ZANU (PF) was the massive and super exploitation of labour by settler capitalism. The entire colonial period was characterised by repression, exploitation and denial of workers' rights by the white racist minority regime in consort with capital. Consequently, the workers, peasants and other patriotic forces took up arms and relentlessly fought for national liberation as a precondition for creating a framework for removing racialism, exploitation and oppression. Under the leadership of ZANU (PF) the exploited classes of Zimbabwe continue the struggle for revolutionary transformation of our society and the establishment of socialism. But what were the essence and form of the exploitation of the worker by capitalists during the colonial era? Apart from the white supremacist ideology of colonial settlerism, exploitation was institutionalised through a number of legislative measures enacted throughout the colonial period. Since all these measures were unpopular, they could only be implemented through coercion and draconian methods. Amoung the most notorious measures was the Master and Servant Ordinance Act (1902). Principally, the Act aimed at controlling large scale desertion by African workers from the poor and harsh working conditions and abysmal wages. Moreover, there was also labour shortage resulting from the fact that Africans preferred to sell their agricultural produce instead of joining the labour market to -- " '" Iw -. I which mainly provided for compulsry arbitration awards; the other was the Native Juvenile Employment Act (1926) whose specific objective was the regulating of the employment of African youths and women as minors with correspondingly lower wages and without benefits. Obviously, the recourse to the employment of minors sprung from two major considerations: firstly, it-was a response to labour shortage generally and secondly, it was cheaper to use juvenile and female labour. The ideology and practice ot racism found its fullest expression and maturity in the Industrial Conciliation Act (1934). Amended and modified several times, the Act became the central labour piece of legislation. Notably, under the Act Africans were not recognised as workers thus effectively and practically denying them the right to representation and participation in collective bargaining and forming trade unions. Witnesses, for example, that the Act provided for the , f-'1 - I....II trI Comrade F. Shava - The Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare talks to a worker. pay taxes. As a result, one of the main strategies pursued by the colonial administration was to embark on a deliberate policy of dispossessing Africans of their land, and also moving them to marginal and poor lands, culminating in the creation of Reserves. This was for two notable reasons: to force them into the labour market and most significantly to undermine their economic power and potential thus ensuring that they did not compete with the emerging white farmers. Characteristically, the draconian effect of the Master and Servant Act is amply demonstrated by the severe penalties it imposed on those workers who allegedly committed "breaches of employment contract". Several other pieces of legislation were enacted in the 1920s to buttress the above notorious legislation. One of these was the Industrial Dispute Ordinance (1920) establishment of industrial boards in which only white trade unions and employers were represented. The boards were empowered to reach agreements on wages and general conditions of employment. Thus, only white workers and their unions benefitted from the provisions of the Industrial Conciliation Act. Though the amended Industrial Conciliation Act (1959) for the first time gave African workers with the exception of agricultural and domestic workers, the status of "employees", in practice the Africans did not enjoy equal status with white workers. For example, though in theory African workers could join whte trade unions, in practice white unions did not simply open their doors to the former. In fact, Africans continued to suffer as before with arduous, semi-slave working conditions, dismal wages, racial and scL

Limoanwe News discrimination being characteristic of the position. In summary, the position of the African workers during the colonial period was characterised by: " conscious and total denial of rights " poor and semi-slave working conditions and wages " exploitation " non-representation The Worker After Independence The brief review given above loudly demonstrates the henious character of colonial labour practices and the conditions of the worker. The ZANU (PF) government, as a people's government seriously committed to socialism and emerging from a protracted armed struggle, quickly and without reservation, sought to address the issue of the Worker with determined urgency. Therefore, immediately at independence the government did away with the arduous Master and Servant Act as well as the African Juvenile Act and the African Labour Recruitment Act. This ushered in a new era of progress and broke the shackles of slavery characteristic of the past. Positive measures to reflect the new social and political order and, to ameliorate the conditions of the worker !were introduced. These were enshrined in a number of laws which; taken together, -constitute significant landmarks in the history of Zimbabwe and our commitment to, and struggle for socialism. In addition to repealing certain Acts the government quickly amended the Industrial Conciliation Act, thus laying down, for the first time, the minimum conditions of employment. Significantly, the Industrial Conciliation Act (Amdndment) No. 23 of 1980 for the first time made provision for industrial holidays for all categories of workers, without suffering any loss of wages on those holidays. Similarly, for any work performed during industrial holidays, -the worker was to receive one and half times the current daily wage during normal hours and double outside the ordinary hours of work. Further, the amendment made provision for vacation leave and unpaid maternity leave for all employees. Other legislative measures introduced to improve the lot of the Worker in 1980 include the Employment Act which stipulated the general. conditions of employment such as hours of work, sick benefits, and procedures for dismissals. Cognisant of the scandalous wages paid to workers duringthe colonial period, the Government introduced the Minimum Wages Act (1980), thus providing for statutory minimum wages for the first time. The Act enabled the Minister of Labour, by way of. a notice in The Gazette, to direct the payment of minimum wages as specified in the notice, without discrimination on the grouds of race, sex or age. Apart from the above, government has also introduced the Labour Relations Act (1985), which is a culmination of ZANU (PF)'s continuing and determined efforts not only to transform labour legislation so that it is concordant with our policies and practices, but to give meaningful ,power to the worker. The Act is an instrument for restructuring the relations between workers and capital, taking cognisance of the fact that workers have been historically disadvantaged. The party, through the people's government, has also made tremendous strides in the advancement of the workers and their conditions at work places. The following are some of the more outstanding achievements: a) Encouraged and promoted the mobilisation of the workers so that they could form viable, ideologicalty clear and worker-oriented Trade Unions. The strenuous efforts by government in the promotion of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), thus bringing together various unions under its umbrella is a clear case in point. The Labour Relations Act already referred to above legalises the principle of "horizontal" as opposed to "vertical" representation in the interest of unity-of the workers., b) In order to democratise decisionmaking and transfer more power to the workers, the government has encouraged the formation of Workers' Committees. The Workers' Committees are a vehicle through which the Worker will be able to participate more fully in society and the economy. The Workers' Committees have gone' a long way in facilitating the development of a congenial atmosphere for effective and smooth communication between workers and management. c) Further vigorous efforts will be made to 'establish a strong industrial democracy through self-management in industry and commerce, through workers' participation and Workers' Committees, as well as through the formation of co-operatives. Already, there are at least 30 enterprises which are self-managed. In order to legalise this position, The Labour Relations Act specifically makes statutory provision for the formation of Workers' Committees as well as providing for the first option to be given to the workers to acquire enterprises in case the owner wishes to sell. d) Through education, workshops and. seminars as well as strict monitoring, the government has effectively promoted and enforced occupational safety and health standards thus drastically reducing accident rates since independence. Further, through intensification of awareness programmes and the democratisation of compensation, many workers have qualified for compensation benefits. The sum total of the measures outlin-ed above has been to improve industrial relations generally, and increase discipline at work places. As a result, there has been a marked increase in productivity, as workers' security and welfare have been enhanced thus making them more committed to their enterprises. The other area which has received great attention is that of worker education and training. Since independence, the government has promoted worker education, adult literacy and skills training in order to enhance the consciousness of the worker as well as to upgrade his skills. Worker education should be further intensified with the completion of the Labour College. Similarly, great emphasis has been placed on the training and development of skilled manpower in preparation for the overall manpower requirements for the long-term goal of achieving a socialist society. In order to achieve this, the following has been done: a) Expansion of institutional training infrastructure with the establishment of Technical Colleges at , , , and Kushinga-Phikelela. b) The establishment of the Management Training Bureau to co-ordinate management training in the private sector, thus ensuring harmonisation and rationalisation of training within the country. c) In order to upgrade workers, a massive trade-testing exercise has been embarked upon thus greatly rectifying the discriminatory practices of the colonial era whereby black workers performing skilled jobs were classified as unskilled or semi-skilled. To speed up the exercise and to make this accessible to the people, Government plans to establish Trade- testing Centres throughout the country. Finally, government has democratised social welfare and public assistance to include all the needy irrespective of colour, race or sex. Conclusion Since independence, the party ZANU (PF) has made the worker the centrepiece of its policies in its struggle to establish a socialist society. The party is determined to ensure that the Worker is accorded his rightful place in order for him to fulfil his historic role. Quite obviously, conscious of the fact that the Worker is the social manifestation of the character of labour, the party has embarked on a decisive course to mobilise the working class. At the same time, the party will continually struggle to improve the material, social and legal conditions of the worker.'

"i Zimbabwe News Worker's Mo Populari! Government expects labour movements to come up with programmes that will familarise workers with the new Labour Relations Act, the Deputy Minister of Labour, Manpower Planning and Social Welfare, Comrade Alexio Mudzingwa, said. Addressing a ZCTU evaluation seminar in Masvingo recently, Comrade Mudzingwa said workers had to understand not only their rights, but the channels to be followed 'for grievance articulation. Government, he said, would no longer tolerate illegitimate strikes organised without exhausting the necessary avenues of resolving workers' problems. Comrade Mudzingwa said, "I take this opportunity to congratulate the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), Education and Training Department for organising this seminar. The Government fully welcomes any educational programme organised for the benefit of the workers. It is encouraging to note that the ZCTU has endeavoured to establish an education and training fements Should ;e New Act department to ficilitate educitidnal programmes ano let me assure you that the Government has tremendous pride in your efforts. "The Government vigorously supports the launching of worker education campaigns. It is indeed through Worker education that a real transformation to socialism can be achieved and sustained. "I have every hope that at this seminar, you will come with strategic education programmes to meet the requirements of the new Labour Relations Act that is about to take effect. "The Government expects the labour movement to come up with worthwhile programmes that will seek to familiarise the workers with the new act. The workers need only not to be taught about their numerous rights enshrined in the Act, but also on the procedural channels to be followed for grievance articulation. The Government will not tolerate illegitimate strikes that are organised without exhausting all the necessary avenues of resolving workers' problems. "The Government also places responsibility on the labour movement to educate the workers on the regulations in respect of the Labour Relations Act. For indeed it is when the workers are knowledgeable about the regulations that a peaceful atmosphere can be created at various work places. "The Labour Relations Act will provide a check-off system that I have no doubt our labour movement will aiipreciate. For it will enhance the viability of the unions and make them financially self supporting. We hope that through the ZCTU, many workshops and seminars will be held with a view to educate not only the trade unions but also the workers on hpw the check-off system will operate. This will help to prevent any problems of maladministration and possible corruption. Let the coming year be a beginning of a new take off for the labour movement. We do not want to see a repetition of problems of narrow politiking, corruption and nepotism that was the order of the day in the recent past. The Government would like to see the ZCTU as a truly workers' organisation on which it will rely in its overall strategy to uplift and improve the status of the workers who constitute the most progressive element towards the attainment of socialism. The Situation. of Agricultural and Plantation Workers in Zimbabwe Article for the Zimbabwe News from the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ), December 1985. To appreciate the struggles and gains of agricultural and plantation labour since 1980, it is necessary to recall their history in the colonial development of capitalist agriculture in Zififbabwe. The imperialist occupation of Zimbabwe raised a demand for labour to work on expropriated mines and land to create the surpluses which fuelled private wealth. Violent and extensive land appropriation, imoverishment of the peasantry, labour recruitment from Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia and the imposition of taxes forced people into wage labour, dividing them from their families. Wages were kept at levels lower than that required for subsistence, with the excuse that the necessities of existence - food, shelter, retirement costs - were provided by peasant families. Peasant landlessness and impoverishment, however, meant that both workers and peasants suffered and died from malnutrition and diseases of poverty. By 1980, the 6 000 white farmers owned 51 % of agricultural land, leaving the peasants half the land area capable of supporting them. Commercial farming prior to 1980 used a low level of technology. Profits were extracted by keeping workers at the lowest wage levels possible and by not spending on housing, ,water supplies, sanitation and social services. Hence, at Independence, agricultural workers lived in the poorest environmental conditions, often overcrowded into housing they had to build themselves. Because workers were present on farms solely for exploitation of their labour, they were not given housing tenure or representation on local government structures. His Master's Property Until 1980, agricultural workers were not even recognised as formal labour in the law, but were covered by the Masters and Servants Act of 1899. This Act was described by a high court judge in 1975 as "drastic, oppressive and archaiclegislation". The worker was regarded in this law as his master's property, with harsh penalties for not obeying, or for desertion. Trade unions and collective bargaining were not permitted, so that workers continued to receive miserable wages in the sector, despite large productivity rises and despite the huge profits being extracted by foreign based agroindustries. Influx control acts, such as the Native Accommodation and Registration Act 1946, and the Compulsory Native Labour Act 1942, forced people into wage labour on farms, while controlling their residence there. During the national liberation struggle, the Rhodesian state attempted to suppress the political mobilisation of agricultural workers through the military coersion empowered by the Emergency Powers Act. However, agricultural workers recognised that the source of their oppression lay in the question of land ownership and private ac-

Nvews cunulation of wealth. The genuine commitment of ZANU (PF) to land rdistribution and to the social ownership of wealth brought agricultural workers behind the leadership of ZANU (PF) into the national liberation war, a struggle which reached its glorious climax in April 1980. For workers, nation and party, a new era of struggle has begun. Hastened by Ithe removal of racist and bourgeois domination of political structures, the struggle for liberation from the economic domination of imperialism is now being waged by the nation as a WHOLE. The most significant achievements since 1980 therefore relate to the increase in agricultural workers' participation in nationil politics. Organised party structures on each farm provide a means for workers to understand, discuss and contribute to the guiding ideology of the party, so that in its vanguard form, it arises from and leads the revolutionary force of working classes. The recent commitment of the commissariat of the party towards the training of political cadres is a progressive step which, it is hoped, will rapidly penetrate to workers on the large private landholdings. Workers have also now exercised the right to vote for their representatives in the democratic elections of 1980 and 1985. Co-operative Development Progress has been slower in the field of local government. While government has been brought to the. people in District Council Areas, through the village, ward, district and provincial development committees established in 1984, the democratisation of Rural Councils is still to be done. The lack of representation on structures which plan for and decide on allocation of funds for local development is an obstacle to equity in social service distribution. In addition, the Rural Counpil Act allocates locally collected taxes to road and bridge maintenance only, which also acts as a barrier to more rational allocation of funds. Popular participation in social change through mass organisations, such as the Youth and Women's Leagues, has also increased in many rural and urban areas. Fheir active encouragement and con;olidation in farm labour communities is still needed to develop literacy, skills training, youth employment activities and co- operative development. Collective Bargaining Mass organisation and mobilisation of agricultural workers in Workers' Committees and Trade Union structures has /perhaps been one of the greatest steps taken since 1980. Finally recognised as "workers" in terms of the Industrial Concilliation Act, agricultural labour was given the right to free association. The establishment of Workers' Committees at each workplace to represent4he workers Some commercial farmers use school children for cheap labour in negotiations with employers strengthened the base for collective bargaining, for worker participation in management decisions and for Trade Union organisation. The current fragmentation of worker interests by workplace is being increasingly overcome by Trade Union linkages, while agricultural workers are linked to broader working class action through the umbrella body of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions. This has begun to develop a working class consciousness and national unity of working class action in the labour movement. In its alliance -with the socialist ideology of ZANU (PF), the ZCTU is now more effectively brought into national political issues together with other national groups. GAPWUZ, the General Agricultural and Plantation Workers' Union of Zimbabwe, has faced the problems of organising in a sector where wages are lowest, labour insecure in tenure, across large geographical distances and where literacy and organisation is amongst the weakest nationally. The problem of splinter unions, encouraged by those wished to fragment the workers' strength, has only recently been overcome by the registration of GAPWUZ. It is the goal of the union in the next five years to broaden and consolidate its democratic structure to fully represent and educate workers at all agricultural workplaces so that cadres of the trade union may be effectively drawn from the agricultural working class. The Employment Act, preventing arbitrary dismissal of permanent labour, and the Minimum Wages Act, stipulating for the first time hoursof work and wage rates for permanent and contract labour, have improved working conditions. The agricultural wage of $75 per month, however, remains at 44% of minimum subsistence needs, due to price rises of consumer goods. Commodity distribution in the commercial farms is still poor, goods are expensive and retailers inaccessible. Controlled price food stores would alleviate problems of affording basic necessities for these low income groups. The increasing use of contract labour, particularly of women and even of children, is a continuing problem in the sector. Based as it often is on the piece wage system, it allows for the continued exploitation and insecurity of labour. Contract and seasonal employees are often employed throughout the year, so that reviewing their terms and conditions of service and abolishing the piece wage are priorities of the Trade Union's actions. The agro-industrial and plantation wage of $143,75, announced in July 1985, is a major step towards bringing minimum wages in line with skills and profits in these enterprises. Exemptions granted should imply regular scrutiny of the productivity and profits in such enterprises by government and unions. The Labour Relations Act, when gazetted, will provide gains for workers rights in its defence of the organisation and role of trade unions in industrial relations. Check off systems of union subscription will be of great benefit to the Agricultural Workers' Union, developing a financial base for the demands on organisation in the future. Establishment of maternity rights, protection against various forms

10 ° of discrimination and protection against termination of services when the industry changes hands are gains in workers' rights within the Act. The Act provides the means for strengthening worker organisation, although withdrawal of the right to strike has the potential of weakening union collective bargaining power. Occupational Health Protective legislation, such as the Hazardous Substances Act, has been amended since 1980 to protect workers against occupational hazards such as pesticides, while the Ministries of Labour and of Health have increased monitoring of occupational injury, workmen's compensation and worker education on safety. Improvement of enforcement of laws and of worker education requires a network of safety representatives within the labour community and government and therefore is endorsed as a future programme within the Trade Union and the State. The tasks remaining include legislating and bringing agricultural workers into a national security scheme and national health insurance scheme, as well as further improvement of wages, working and living conditions. The grading, training in and recognition of skills within the sector and the participation of workers in production decisions is a stated goal of ZANU (PF). Our task is to implement it in practice. This will not only improve current working conditions and productivity in the agricultural industry, but will also prepare workers for effective participation in socialist production. Increased mechanisation of large scale agriculture has resulted in declining permanent employment from about 300 000 in 1982 to about 260 000 in 1984. The Land Acquisition Act of 1985 is commended for its intent to take over under- utilised land, bringing it under state ownership and thereby ensuring worker participation in raising productivity through collective and co-operative production. As stated in the 'Growth with Equity' policy statement of February 1981, "The land is a common heritage, and no-one should enjoy absolute ownership of it." The developments described above in the political and legislative infrastructures underline the changes in the material conditions of agricultural workers. Employment security, minimum wages and improved working conditions have improved the lives of many workers. State expenditure on building health and educational services allied with the provisioq of free health care and free primary schooling has increased the access of agricultural workers to these facilities. The Ministry of Health has encouraged the expansion of Primary Health Care amongst agricultural workers, with the active support of the worker community. Landless workers have been included amongst the 225 000 people resettled since 1980. The inherited inequalities in social services have not yet been overcome, however. Static health facilities are still scarce in rural councils, and primary schooling often unregistered, with poor resources, untrained teachers not covered by employment regulations and with many farm schools acting as a reservoir of child -. contract labour. The provision of adequate primary and secondary schooling and of employment opportunities for farm children is essential, to reverse the historical legacy of political, economic and- cultural impoverishment within the sector. It also remains for minimum environmental standards of living conditions to be legislated. Three years of drought have mitigated against im- provements in this area, so that tlhis mains an urgent task to improve 'health, quality of life, as well productivity " Struggle to Redistribute Wealth Workers in the agricultural sector are proud of their contribution to rising output and productivity since 1980. Agriculture contributes to 15% of Gross Domestic Product, providing about 40% of export earnings and 27% of formal sector employment. Despite recession and drought, agriculture continued to show real growth. The patriotic contribution of agricultural workers to national wealth is made in the conviction that the state is guided by the policies of ZANU (PF), whose commitment to socialism implies the continous struggle to redistribute wealth to the benefit of the entire social collective. In line with the aspirations of the party, agricultural workers and their 'i rade Union, GAPWUZ, join with other progressive national forces to stregthen Zimbabwe against outside challenges to socialist transfomation. Agricultural -workers' contribution towards food security in SADCC and agricultural production strengthens national and regional security against the destabilisation of South Africa and the economic threats of Imperialist powers. The gains which have * been noted in this article, achieved in Zimbabwe to date, are recognised to have arisen from the democratic forces in ZANU (PF), after the achievement of national liberation. The tasks we have outlined for the .future depend on our developing further the socialist forces in ZANU (PF) to lead the struggle to take control of the means of production, so that national wealth will fall under the people's power, and may be distributed for the well being of the entire society. A Luta Continua! A break from Master-Servant exploitation to cooperative ownership mbabwe News ZCTU Education and Training Department When the department of Education and Training was formed, it was charged with the herculean task of .organising and orienting workers and to train leading cadres who would meaningfully and truthfully lead the workers to participate in all social and economic spheres. It was the duty of the department to mould a conscious labour movement with a far sighted objective, for history testifies to the fact that the spontaneous working class struggle predating conscious organisations ended in abysmal defeat, because of the level of consciousness which was woefully low and as such their grasp of a strategy was blurred, despite the fact that they are expected and charged with the crucial task and furthermore equipped with the infinite potentialities, ofa creative transformation of social life, and the consolidation of working class powr inspired by the mission of ushering ina socialist revolution. The level of organisation and unity was low and as a result, the department had the unstinted struggle to unite the workers of the same industry into one trade union and generally the whole workers in Zimbabwe into one national centre. The education had to engender in the working 'class the spirit of patriotism, creativity and sacrifice for the sake of building a better and democratic Zim- babwe whose people will fully partake in the shaping, and moulding of their destiny. The education designed should help in the pooling of resources for the eradicating of unemployment through greater labour productivity and the better maintenance and safeguarding of public property. It should help in the streamlining of an efficient and less wasteful production system. Leading cadres should be inspired by the education to acquire a serious and spirited defence of workers' interests in fields such as social security and welfare, material improvement, health care, housing, periodic rests, transport and paid educational leave. Mobilisation of Human Resources With the close inter-linking of trade and jobs and living standards, it has become necessary that workers and their trade unions be fully involved in the planning and development of foreign trade and inter-state economic co-operation schemes and hence our educational programme is trying to prepare and equip cadres to that effect, however our education tries to make an impression upon the workers that development cannot be achieved by external means alone. The 11 mobilisation of human resources and popular enthusiasm and involvement constitute decisive factors in the development progress. The education should show that experience of many countries show that foreign loans, credits and aid flows, no .matter how big they may/cannot replace the country's own efforts to mobilise its internal resources and that external financing can be used only as an additional factor in development, for that reason efforts are being made to involve the workers and trade union cadres in the planning process. It is hoped that the workers and trade union can play an important role in the mobilisation and rational use of internal resources, in fully utilising the reserves for development and to assure that the gains of development are distributed equitably among all strata of the population. Our educational programme caters for rank and file members, workers' committees branch officers, executive officers and national leaders. The duration of courses ranges from two days, one week and two-week courses. Resources The ZCTU does not have the infrastructures of its own, but make use of hotels, firms, farms and schools that are made available to them throughout the country. The dissemination of workers' education is carried out by four educators who are full time employees of the department. They are helped by part-time educators from sister unions who are trained to compliment the ZCTU staff. Additional expertise is obtainable within the country from such places as the ZIDS and the University and from other international organisations like the ILO. The department is at present capable of training three thousand workers per year excluding those that go through the hands of sister unions.

12 p ZCTU Article to Zimbabwe News w~v 4' 1P I Occupational Health and Safety - A ipust for workers It is about for years eight months since the establishment of one workers' umbrella body - the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions. Since the formation of the ZCTU tremendous strides have been made in areas such as education, international relations with other fraternal and friendly workers organisations etc. But within this seemingly short period invitable internal contraditions emerged and were more pronounced during the later period of the year 1984. However, notwithstanding all prevailing conditions the working people of this country became aware and rightfully took their democratic decision to correct the situation and held the second inaugural congress on 27 and 28 of July 1985 at the University of Zimbabwe. This short history with its scars, left a noticeable experience which dialectically led the working people to be conscious and vigilant. A significance of such qualitative changes in the workers' movement was manifested at the second congress of the labour movement. A number of Resolutions were passed, and most strikly is that the working class in Zimbabwe was able to trace its history from the pre-colonial period up to independence. As a result of that perspective analysis, we were able to bring concrete plans for the future. The workers representatives who converged at this congress proposed and later adopted in its constitution scientific socialism based on Marxist Leninist teachings as the guiding principles of the labour movement in Zimbabwe. Thus our polices, are now guided on these bases. This therefore, is a radical departure from trade unionism based on reformism approach of traditional economism which sought to falsify the historical role of the working class. Yes, our unions (the majority) are unexcusably affiliated to unions in the capitalist countries because of the umbilical attachment (historically) with those countries. Having adopted scientific socialism, the ZCTU believes that socialism cannot simply be talked about but that the working people should be taught about Marx ist or Leninism. In order to facilitate this ambition the Education Committee of the ZCTU is working flat out in establishing a new syllabus in which for the first time Marxist Leninist teaching is the dominant content. The ZCTU General Council has agree on certain committees, that is: (i) Department of International Relations headed by a vice president.

Ll1moabeNw (ii) Education Research and Planning headed by another vice president, and also the department of political co- ordination and co-operatives headed by a vice president. The ZCTU is represented in various bqdies likei(i) Prices Control Board (iij Manda (iii) Management Training Board (iv) Zimbabwe Occupational Council (v) Family Planning Council (vi) Retrenchment Committee (Ministry of Labour) (vii) Occupational Health and Safety Council (viii) University of Zimbabwe (ix) Labhur-elWions Board - (x) Labour Relations Tribunal Relationship between the ZCTU, Party and Government There is no slightest uniqueness in as far as the relationship between the ZCTU and the Party and Government is concerned. The ruling party declared scientific socialism as the path to be taken in developing the economic, political and social system of the country, and all the trade unions at the second congress of the ZCTU adopted the similar policies. However, the independence of the ZCTU still remains the same, because we elect our own-leaders, decide our own programmes on the basis of the Constitution. The relationship between the ZCTU and the party and government exists because of the followi-ng reasons:1) The party ZANU (PF) and Government and the ZCTU are according to their declared objective facing one and the same aim of socialist construction. 2) The party and ZCTU are driven by one and the same ideology - the socialist ideology. 3) They have one and the same supreme principles - to protect the interests of the working people and their allies, the peasants. 4) The party, government and the ZCTU have one and the same policy that of Democratic Centralism but the ZCTU recognises the party's supreme authority because they give guidance in all round development, political, social, cultural and economical policies. Because of what I mentioned earlier as traditional economism, interpretation of this relationship can be misconstrued by the reactionary forces and those ignorant of what socialism is all about as if the ZCTU has become a puppet of goverment. The ZCTU will still retain its authority to monitor, give advice and ensure that necessary basis for building socilism is made by government. -However, the ZCTU believes that for the workers education, based on these principles, the syllabus should be made with the view to interpret correctly the class forces in Zimbabwe. Firstly, we face a formidable alliance of the bourgeoisie aided by the black reformists intellectuals. The ideological class struggle in this respect need be examined. The workers education should reflect this situation. " Secondly, we need to identify the class composition of a Zimbabwean society. Workmen laying a pipe for storm water ? lmoabwe 13 Thirdly, we need to analyse the political consciousness of the working people of Zimbabwe. Fourthly, efficiency on the part of the trade unions themselves, in terms of organisational and awareness of their role in a Zimbabwean society. Having done that the syllabus will reflect the concrete realities of our situation. Despite difficulties in finding donors to build the Labour College, the ZCTU is determined to ensure that this predicament is resolved by all possible means. Besides education the ZCTU in its research programmes is sending questionnaires to major industrialists for the following reasons:(i) To find the reasons why certain goods are not processed in Zimbabwe. (ii) Whether there is meaningful black advancement. (iii) To find the number of multinational companies and their monopolistic effect to Zimbabwe. (iv) The position of industrial relations in the majority of big commercial and industrial undertakings. Areas of unemployment are also being looked into and to try and see whether cooperatives can be established in order to ease unemployment. Finally, I would on behalf of the ZCTU, thank the ZANU (PF) Party and the publicity secretary of the Party for his generous approach, of inviting the ZCTU to put accross its views through the Zimbabwe News. First Vice President - Responsible for Education, Research & Planning.

14 The Second ZANU (PF) Congress a Freedom for Women The Hon. E.J.M. Zvobgo, M.P., Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs. She does not need to resign to have Inroduction The ZANU (PF) Women's League held its first conference from the 15th to 17th of March, 1984. This conference was held in preparation for the 2nd Zanu (PF) Congress which was held a few months later. The Congress adopted resolutions that the Women's League Conference had adopted in the special field of women's emancipation. Among the resolutions was the one calling for the codification and modification of customary law to avoid misinterpretation, and for it to uphold the letter and spirit of the Legal Age of Majority Act as far as ownership of property, custody and guardianship of children, and inheritance are concerned. Another resolution urged the Government to support by concrete action all pronouncements hitherto made by it in relation to its commitment to the uplifting of the overall status of women. Among other things, this article attempts to illustrate what Government has done, what it proposes to do and what still needs to be done, in the exercise to enhance the legal status of women. Legal Status of Women (A) Before Independence Until the passing of the Legal Age of Majority Act, in December, 1982, an African woman was a minor all her life, under the tutelage of her husband or guardian, except in certain well-defined and limited areas. She could not marry without the guardian's consent, nor could she enter into contracts nor sue or be sued without the guardian's assistance. All the property in a married couple's home belonged to the husband except the umai or mavoko property which was considered to be the woman's. A woman's wages, if at all she was employed, were considered to be the property of the husband. If she got divorced or became a widow, a woman could not become legal guardian of her children, *because they belonged to the husband's family. A woman could not on her own, or through her guardian, claim maintenance for her child from its father if she was not married to the man. The father of the child had the option of paying the woman's father, in whom custody and guardianship of the child was vested, chiredwa, before formally claiming the child. As far as inheritance is concerned, a woman could inherit neither from her -father nor her husband, unless a will specially provided for her. A woman of whatever age who was seduced, could not, at customary law, sue the seducer for seduclion damages such right belonged to her father or guardian, who could sue the seducer for damages on the basis that the woman's lobola value had diminished through the fact of her seduction......

WS Women doing the same jobs as men, were automatically placed on a lower wage scale than the men, even though they might hold equal qualifications. Working women had to iesign each time thsey had to have a baby, without guarantee that the job would be waiting for them after the baby was born. Income taxation has always been, and still is, unfairon a married woman, for her income is considered an addition to the husband's income and is subject to heavy taxation. (B) After Independence Jndependence has seen the introduction of various legislative measures which have greatly enhanced the status of women. Notable among these are the following: (a) Equal pay for equal work Discriminatory wage scales were done away with in 1981, and since then, men and women of equal qualifications and doing the same job, are paid equally. (b) Maternity leave Working women no longer need to resign from'their jobs in order to have a baby. They are entitled to a maximum of three months maternity leave, with the advantage of going back to their jobs after giving birth with no loss of benefits, but with the disadvantage that the maternity leave is unpaid. (c) Legal Age-of Majority Act, 1982 This important piece of legislation has had the fundamental effect of conferring adult or majority status on African women who attain 18 years and who hitherto had been regarded as perpetual minors. The Act has had ,tar reaching consequences, one of which is the inability of the father of a girl over eighteen years to sue her lover for seduction damages, as was his right under customary law. Such a woman can on her own sue the man concerned for seduction damages under the common law and will succeed provided she has satisfied all the three requisites of seduction, sexual intercourse and virginity on .her part. Another important change was orought about by the amendment of the Customary Law and Primary Courts Act No. 6/81. Community Courts are now empowered to grant maintenance to deserted and divorced wives and the children of the union, should these be in the custody of the mother. An unmarried mother can also apply for, and be awarded maintenance for her children from the natural father, through the Maintenance Office at the Magistrates Court. Being legally a major, such a woman now has the capacity to bring such an action on her own. Proposed Legislation Although the Legal Age of Majority Act may be viewed as the logical starting point in the huge and important task of enhancing the legal status of women, there are other areas, just as important, which still need to be tackled. The Government is aware of the need for these changes and I am happy to report that through my Ministry, two important Bills are intended for introduction in Parliament. These are the Succession Bill and the Matrimonial Causes Bill. The Bills still have to pass through the relevant formalities before they can become law. What follows therefore is a brief outline of the ideas contained in the Bills and this should give indications as to Government's thinking and intention as far as the issues covered by the Bills are concerned. (a) The Succession Bill This Bill aims among other things to rectify a situation that has for a long time caused a lot of hardship and suffering to our widows. It is a well known fact that under Customary Law, a widow cannot inherit from her husband's estate in intestacy. This has resulted in victimisation of widows and deprivation of property and children at the hands of and by avaricious relatives of a deceased man. The Bill aims to codify, modify and con- 15 solidate the law of inheritance of Zimbabwe. Under its provisions, no widow will be evicted from her home in the event of her husband's death. A deceased's family residence is given immediate protection for continued occupation and use by the widow and her children. Further, the widow and her children are entitled to maintenance from the deceased's estate. The Bill proposes to make it an offence for any person to interfer with any rights conferred on any person by the provisions of the Bill. Another important provision of the Bill ensures that a surviving spouse or spouses, children and clbse relatives of a deceased person inherit, in defined proportions, from the deceased's estate. In cases of polygamy, a deceased's widows will inher;t according to seniority, with the senior wife inheriting a greater portion than the junior wives, i.e. (50076 for the former and 2507o for the latter). Close relatives of a deceased are intended to be a parent, grandparent or any descendant of a parent or grandparent who is related to the deceased by blood. In all cases specific provision is made for the widow to inherit a portion of the estate and such right includes the right to retain household belongings used by that surviving spouse during the lifetime of the deceased spouse, thus protecting the surviving spouse from victimisation by avaricious relatives. It is my hope that this Bill, when it becomes law, will afford the type of protection that surviving spouses, especially widows, have for a long time petitioned the Government to give them. (b) The Matrimonial Causes Bill Whenever women have voiced concern over certain provisions of customary law which were detrimental to themselves, the issue of ownership of matrimonial property always came up. Under the provisions of this Bill, the court is empowered, in granting a decree of divorce, judicial separation or nullity of marriage, or anytime thereafter, to make an order with regard to the division, apportionment or redistribution of the property which belongs to the spouses or to one or either of them. The court is also empowered in making the order referred to, to have regard to all the circumstances of the case including, future -income of the spouses, their financial needs, obligations and responsibilities, their standard of living, health needs, any loss, including a pension or gratuity which a spouse may sustain as a result of the dissolution of the marriage, and of particular importance to housewives, the contribution made by a spouse, including that of looking after the house and caring for the family. It is very important to note that the provisions of the Bill in this respect are intended to apply to the dissolution of all marriages, including customary marriages. Hopefully the application of the provisions of the Bill, when it becomes law, will see an end to the situation where women, almost always economically dependant on hus-

1 6 Zimbabwe News bands, are deprived of property and livelihood in the event of the dissolution of a marriage. The court is also empowered to make provisions for the maintenance of a dependant spouse and children in the event of divorce, nullity of marriage or separation. The Bill also seeks to introduce into our law the principle that henceforth a divorce may only be granted on the two grounds namely; (a) irreparable breakdown of marriage or (b) mental illness or continuous unconsciousness. The present grounds of divorce, desertion, cruelty, adultery, etc. would still be reflected in the new ,provision in the sense that they would now be factors in deciding whether or not there is irreparable breakdown of the marriage. What still requires to be done by way of legislation The Government is aware that even with newly introduced and proposed legislative measures, a lot still needs to be done by way of enhancing the legal status of women. (a) Municipal Housing Many women have voiced their concern over regulations relating to municipal housing, especially that acquired on the strength of a marriage certificate. Even though the marriage certificate is a requirement before a couple can acquire a house, the house, when granted, is in the husband's name and there appears to be no protection offered to a woman, (who in most cases was dependent on the husband) who has been divorced and is threatened with eviction proceedings by the former husband. I am informed that in the end such a woman will just have to vacate the house, which will continue to be in the husband's name. Clearly something has to be done to protect such women, who, as a result of the eviction are faced with tremendous hardship in securing alternative accommodation for themselves andJn certain cases, their children. (b) Deeds Registries Act Although they are by arid large in the Minority there are married women who are in a position financially to acquire immovable property in the form of a house. Should such a woman be merely separated from her husband or just acquire a house in her own right, she may run into problems, especially in acquiring her husband's signature or Affidayit testifying to the proprietary consequences of the marriage. In terms of the Deeds Registries Act, only the husband can swear this fact on Affidavit, and without the Affidavit, the property will not be registered in the woman's name. Should the husband for some reason (e.g. bitterness leading to separation) refuse to swear the Affidavit then the woman cannot acquire the house. To this extent it can be said that a married woman cannot acquire the immovable property in her name unless the husband gives his consent. This requirement is undesirable and discriminatory, and should be done away with. (c) Domestic Violence Acts that would normally be criminal between friends and strangers, e.g. assault and battery, are rarely prosecuted as crimes if the victim and perpetrator are spouses. This attitude takes the form of police reluctance to interfer in "domestic issues" and since women are almost always victims of domestic violence, they are left unprotected and at the mercy of cruel spouses. There is need therefore to provide for the prosecution of spouses who batter or assault their partners, in the same manner as such spouses would be prosecuted for. committing the same offence on a stranger. (d) Unpaid Maternity Leave Women workers are allowed 3 months unpaid maternity leave. This fact ignores the importance of a woman's child bearing role since it is only through this role that our nation and indeed the world, is perpetuated. Special provisions should be introduced to provide some income to women on maternity leave. A National Maternity Benefit Scheme could be worked out and introduced which would require contributions from workers so that pay-outs could be made to women on maternity leave. (e) Income Tax Women have complained long and eloquently about the unfair income taxation system, especially as it affects married women. I hope the exercise to review the system, which is already underway, will bring the long awaited relief to women. (f) Employment Women's participation in the labour market is still small. There is need to promote and provide equal opportunities for the employment and advancement of men and women. Consideration could be given to the introduction of a Presidential Directive for the advancement of women in order -to increase women's participation in all levels of employment. Another issue which may need to be considered is the introduction of a quota system to bridge the gap in employment between men and women. It is also important to introduce measures that would allow women to combine their two roles of worker and mother. This could be done by. requiring employers to provide child facilities at or near place of work. (g) The Constitution The right to be treated equally is enshrined in the Bill of Rights which is in the Zimbabwe Constitution Order (S.I. 2979/1600 Chapter Il 1 I(a), (b) and (c)). Unfortunately, either intentionally or by an oversight on the part of the draftsman, sex as a ground of discrimination is excluded from Section 23 subsections 1 and 2. Subsection 3 of the same section specifically mentions that nothing contained in any law shall be held to constitute discrimination to the extent that the.law in question relates to the application of Customary Law in any case involving Africans, or an African and one or more persons who are not Africans where such persons have consented to the application of African customary law in that case ... To the extent that the Constitution is the instrument from which all other laws, rules and regulations governing the State are drawn, it can be said that Section 23, by allowing discrimination under customary law as explained, is a source of women's suffering and oppression. One wonders if a lot of women's problems flowing from customary law cannot be solved by the mere fact of amending Section 23 of the Constitution. Serious consideration should be given to this matter. The Limits of Legislation Although legislative measures go a long way in enhancing the status including the legal status of women, they alone cannot be relied on to solve all the problems that face women. It is well known that legal guarantees of sexual equality are sometimes more cosmetic than real. While political, economic and social ideals, the most basic contractual relationships between men and women are left to archaic, vague and often contradictory mandates of custom prejudice, religion and attitudes, even when these run contrary to stated ideals of equality. The most effective cure for such attitudes and beliefs is education, and in the field of legal reforms in Zimbabwe, education is very important if the reforms are to be accepted and observed by the people. Negative attitudes towards women tend to be deep rooted and educational programmes through all the available channels like radio and the mass media should be run so that society will learn to accept and regard women not as inferior beings but as equals, morally and intellectually. Conclusion The Government is committed to the advancement of women. Women have, through various means including the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs communicated eloquently and clearly what they expect' Government to do for them. It is long past the time for discussions and conferences. The time, I believe has come for concrete action to support all the pro,nouncements that have been made as regards the need to advance women. There is no need for further dragging of feet over the issue. I urge all Ministries, Agencies and Institutions who have the power to effect positive 'change in whatever facet of women's lives, to do so as a matter of priority. Women's advancement and emancipation are crucial to all forms of development, and women need to participate if our country is to develop fully. irnilaowe News Mashonaland East Province Report from Publicity and Information Department Introduction The last Report which was provided about four months ago dealt in the main with the election campaign, the results and its aftermath. Main Activities in the Province After a number of Victory Celebrations in the Province which were discussed in the previous report, the Province organised yet another very big and successful election victory at Dendenyore Township for one of its successful candidates Comrade Joseph Jekanyika on the 20th September, 1985. Several thousands of people turned up for this occasion which was honoured with the presence of the Second Secretary of the' Party and Deputy Prime Minister, Comrade V. Muzenda who addressed the gathering and joined in the traditional dancing. He was presented with several gifts including goats and chickens. At various centres in the Province such as Mudzi, , Murewa, U.M.P. (Uzumba, Maram6a, Pfungwe) and Wedza, the reburial of former ZANLA Combatants exercise was vigorously undertaken resulting in the reburial of several hundreds of the remains of the ex-ZANLA Combatants. At Mukamba and Mount St. Mary's Centres, , a total of 80 (eighty) remains were reburied in September and October. On both occasions Comrade Jekanyika, Member of Parliament for Wedza Constituency was the main speaker. A three gun salute was fired by Comrade DzingaiMusariri who was o~erating in Wedza with the fallen Comrades. The latest group of Comrades to be laid to rest at Mutawatawa Centre numbered 41 and these were buried on the 24th November, 1985. Comrade S. Sekeramayi officiated at the ceremony. The only area not yet attended to is Goromonzi and there are plans to organize the reburial within the next few weeks. So far over 300 comrades have been reburied throughout the Province. Development Development is taking place at a reasonable pace in the Province. Marondera, the Provincial Headquarters is about 72 kilometres to the East of Harare on the Mutare Road and of all the other seven provinces it is the nearest town to Harare. It is also served by a Rail Line to Mutare. The Provincial Governor stays in the town which has Municipal status and has a population of approximately 30,000 people. It is an educational centre consisting of 9 (nine) High Schools and Colleges and 13 (thirteen) Primary Schools - including the famous R.G. Mugabe Primary School which was built three years ago on a selfhelp basis. Current developments consist of three new furniture factories and an electric and vehicle repair shop. There are also 10 (ten) vehicle cooperatives which include Consumer Carpentry, building and wood sawing. Projects worth $6,75 million are either being implemented or under consideration for the town. Elsewhere in the Province a number of projects are being undertaken. An irrigation scheme in Mudzi is nearing completion. Chitsungo Clinic costing $104.000 was completed later this year in the same area. It is hoped that the tarring of roads at Kotwa Growth Point will be undertaken soon - funds are already available. Murewa Growth Point which is growing at a very fast rate will soon have electricity. The wiring process will be completed shortly. The District Council's new offices are also nearing completion and it is hoped that they will be in use at the beginning of the new year. Mutoko Growth Point will be the next to be supplied with electricity after Murewa. It is hoped that within two years 17 all the other remaining growth points will be electrified. These are Kotwa and Mutawatawa in Mudzi and UMP respectively. On the political scene, the situation appears to be rather confused with the fate of the suspended two Provincial Officials not known - namely the Provincial Chairman and the Treasurer. Party activities are however continuing normally although a few provincial meetings are being organized. The Publicity Department continues to do its best to publish provincial events althouth it receives little cooperation from Provincial Information Officers when major events are taking place. The ZBC continues its excellent work of giving good coverage by broadcasting our news in the Province. The papers however do not appear to show much interest despite being always informed of what is taking place in the Province. The Department has not been told of the reason for this attitude. Throughout the Province people are busy ploughing their fields. Assistance continues to be provided by tillage units which plough for people in the Province. These are provided by the Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development which uses DDF to implement the programme. As at the 5th, a total of 1 171 acres of land had been ploughed throughout the Province by the use of these tillage units and a total of $457,50 had been received. The waiting list stood at 2 235. Government must therefore be complemented for this important assistance being given to people in the Province. The Department of Information and Publicity wishes everybody in the Province and all Party Members throughout the Country a Happy Christmas and Prosperous New Year. G. M. Chinengundu SECRETARY FOR INFORMATION AND PUBLICITY ZANU (PF) MASHONALAND EAST PROVINCE

Mozambique-US Relations By a Special Correspondent When President Samora Machel emerged from a two-hour long meeting with President Ronald Reagan in Washington DC in September, he must have been a happy man. The Americans had welcomed him with open arms as only the Americans know how but above all they had treated him with the seriousness he deserves as leader of one of the great nations of Southern Africa. To demonstrate the importance of the meeting firstly to Comrade Machel, and secondly to the world at large, Mr. Reagan brought his highest ranking advisers to sit in with him on the discussions. Vice President George Bush was there and so was Secretary of State George Shulzt. By way of driving home a secondary message, the message.that constructive engagement is on course and is working as planned, Mr. Reagan also brought in the man behind his African policies, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Dr. Chester Crocker. "I have just had a very positive, fruitful, and constructive meeting with President Ronald Reagan. I had the opportunity to express our appreciation for the food and development aid that the United States of America has granted us. We have come here on an official visit at the invitation of President Ronald Reagan. We say a sincere thank you for this friendly gesture." Good Neighbourliness "Our aim in this visit is to strengthen existing bilateral relations and define a basis for the long-term development of these relations. Our chief concern is to solve the basic problems of our people and to make the region where we live one of peace, stability, good neighbourliness, coopera'tion and development. In this context we signed with the Republic of South Africa the Nkomati Agreement - an essential condition for peace and development. "Mozambique is still a backward and underdeveloped country but one with vast potential and natural resources. We seek the participation of the United States and of its private sector in putting those resources at the service of our economic and social development," Comrade Machel said speaking to the world press on the lawn of Mr. Reagan's official residence soon after the meeting. "I am convinced," he concluded, "that the meeting I have just had with President Ronald Reagan has established a solid basis for long-term cooperation in all fields between Mozambique and the United States. With mutual respect and reciprocal advantages, we shall develop the friendship which we all seek." President Reagan was appreciative of the steps Mozambique's leaders have taken to foster peace in Southern Africa. He was also impressed with Comrade Machel's desire to improve the lot of his people. "Encouraging western investment and strengthening Mozambique's private sector is a formula for economic advancement and improving the quality of life," President Reagan advised. "We know you will find, President Machel, that the freer the people are in the arena of economics, the more enterprising they become and the more benefits are enjoyed by the society as a whole." Carried away by the newfound camaraderie, Mr. Reagan tried his hand at Portuguese exclaiming "Amigo", meaning friend. "We are friends" replied Comrade Machel. Other Side of the Coin A day before meeting the Mozambican leader on September 19, President Rea- gan explained why Comrade Maceh been invited to visit the United "For some time now," said Mr. Reagan, "there had been indications that President Machel who in the past had drawn close to the Communist countries, was rethinking his position. The invitation was to let him see the other side of the coin, that is, capitalism. "We think it is worth a try to let him see what our system is and see that he might be welcome in the Western world," said Mr. Reagan. During the week-long visit Cde. Machel was shown much of what is glittering about American and for a man coming from Maputo, he certainly could not have failed to be impresed by American capitalism. In Washington DC besides being treated to breakfast by Vice President George Bush, he was given a conducted tour of America's military cemetary, Arlington National Cemetary, where he was received with a 21-gun salute and the blowing of trumpets. Washington's inteliectual elite invited Comrade Machel and his delegation to discussions at Georgetown University's Centre for Strategic and International Studies, the academic base of Dr. Crocker and Mr Reagan's former ambassador to the UN, Mrs. Jeanne Kirkpatrick. From Washington, Comrade Maclid visited another American city, Atlanta, where he was received by the political eite of black America. His hosts in Atlanta were the city's mayor, former US ambassador to the UN, Mr. Andrew Young and Mrs. Coretta King, widow of slai black civil rights leader, Dr. Martin Luther King. The message could not have been lost on the Mozambicans that if th play ball with America, there are pleny of rewards to be had - the charminglife style of Atlanta's black middle class being testimony to that. The next leg of the tour took Comrade Machel to Houston in Texas where he met some fo the leading oil executives whose companies are presently exploring foroil in Mozambique. Finally, late on September 24, President Machel's plane touched down in New York, the city of skyscrappers and super highways. Anyone who has driven into the blazing lights of Manhattan's bridges and monumental buildings could not fail but be impressed with America, and no doubt President Machel was 'also impressed. Early the following day, he was treated to another breakfact at the New York Hilton this time by the editorial board of the New York Times newspaper and that evening he dined with Mr. 'David Rockefeller, former chairman of Chase Manhattan Bank and surely one of the richest men in the world; The following day Comrade Machel addressed the General Assembly of the United Nation before heading back. There is a limit of course to what anyone can absorb in any one week but Mr. Reagan had kept i word and had shown Comrade MacheIi American capitalism - "the other sid of the coin" - and what it can do by

ZLnoaowe News of development. What was more, tne Americans did not hide from the Mozambicans the unpalatable side of capitalism; they showed them the graves of American solders; killed in Korea and Vietnam fighting to stem the sweep of socialism into Asia. I But have the Mozambicans accepted that capitalism must be the way forward for their country from now on as Mr. Reagan would like, and that they must scale down their past close associations with Communist countries? The answer must be on the affirmative. Non Alignment This point was made clear by Mozambique's Foreign Minister Comrade Joaquim Chissano who when asked at Georgetown University what had made possible the a greater repprochement between Mozambique and the United Statis over issues of ideology and economic philosophy there is an even deeper understanding between the two countries over South Africa and what should be done to resolve problems in that troubled country. The US position over a partheid is that it must go. Comrade Machel told his audience at Georgetown University that in their talks he and Mr. Reagan had "both vigorously condemned racial discrimination. We condemned apartheid," he emphasized. As an African leader Comrade Machel subscribes to the Organisation of African Unity's position that apartheid must be dismantled -by all means possible including armed struggle. This he probably told the Americans. That armed struggle however must be conducted inside South Africa and not from bases or transit ahj~i c improvement in Mozambique-US relations he said Mozambique had given the US many signs since 1982 of "the meaning of our non-alignment". These signs, he said, included signing the Nkomati Accord with South Africa, joining the Lome Convention, the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank. Comrade Chissano said he found it paradoxical that western companies are more reluctant to invest in Mozambique than in South Africa where there is "violence everyday and everywhere." The real reason of the reluctance to invest is that "investors do not trust us yet", he said pointing out that in Mozambique's view one purpose of Comrade Machel's visit to the US was to foster better understanding between Mozambique and the American private sector. If there is now routes in Mozambique - that afterall is the meaning of Nkomati. Armed Struggle The Americans will have listened sympathetically to this view. Their own position is that armed struggle is not justifiable in the struggle against apartheid. The American government, in fact, has never actively supported armed struggle in Africa against colonialism and settler regimes though it has repeatedly declared itself in support of the principle of majority rule. The Americans have however used their economic might to cultivate elements in African nationalist movements that were sympathetic to the US. America's position on South Africa is, that the Pretoria regime must be per- "Renamo represents a number of different interests," said a senior Reagan administration official briefing the Washington press corp a day before President Machel arrived. "It includes some indigenous, black Mozambican interests some of them disaffected from Frelimo earlier. It also represents very clearly the interests of Portuguese who were displaced by the decolonisation process, many of whom see that struggle as a way to get their properties back." What then are the implications for the region of the new special relationship between Mozambique and the Reagan administration? These are of course early days yet but clearly Mozambique is more and more going to be standing on the sideline in the struggle against the Pretoria regime. '19 suaded into seeing the long-term advantages that democracy would bring to the country and to capitalism in the region. There is therefore continuing disagreement between Mozambique and the US over tactics to bring down apartheid but this disagreement is not now a substantive issue in relations between the two countries. Finally, there was the issue of the MNR. There was already agreement between the two governments even before the visit that this was essentially an internal matter for Mozambique. It was agreed that the pr6blem of the MNR had been aggravated by support from South Africa and from former Portuguese settlers but since the signing of Nkomati the US had concluded that the MNR had outlived its usefulness. The Reagan administration was therefore willing, and still is, to assist the Mozambique government militarily in its drive against the, MNR.

2 0 Zimbabwe News The South African WorkerAn Explosion under Apartheid The African masses have come to the rescue in South Africa. They have upset by their massive intervention in the struggle, elaborate plans designed to silence them under perpetual subjugation. This workers' upsurge of resistance is an equation that had been omitted by the racists in South Africa and in those centres abroad where pawns are moved on the international chessboard to decide areas of maximum exploitation for maximum profits. For years the South African black leaders and others in Africa have warned that an explosion would occur in South Africa and that the people could not indefinitely endure the strings and arrows of outrageous oppression. Those for whom the warnings were intended paid little heed if any because they placed all their confidence in the ability of the South African brutal police force to check and suppress any signs of open resistance against Pretoria. They believed that whatever workers and peasants resistance that erupted was bound to be of a sporadic nature and a one day wonder, the South African repressive forces would instantly quell and ruthlessly too, leaving Africans bleeding and licking their wounds, too chastened to begin another immediate round. Although slavery was abolished centuries ago, the rulers of South Africa are still guided to a large extent by the mentality 6f slave ownership - a fact which should embarass the West. The . allis., of. Pretoria accept wholeheartedly the principle of exploita"tion which underlies the apartheid system. But they would rather this were tempered by a pretense at reform to give apartheid a "human face". This would entail removing its pinpricks, like repealing the Immorality Act that prohibits sex or marriage across the colour'line. The tragedy is that the apartneid regime can only make a few of such changes and nothing more. This has placed the Western allies of South Africa in a dilemma. Neo-Colonialist Settlement They want a settlement to this conflict that will ensure that South Africa with all its strategic resources should remain within the orbit of the Western hemisphere, in other words they want a neo-colonialist settlement guaranteeing western exploitation of South Africa's labour and natural resources for all time. The apartheid regime is also for a s4lution that would guarantee the ascendancy of capitalism for ever, but this must be done within the framework of a racial structure in which not only capitalism but also the whiteman as at present would reign supreme. One of the most interesting developments in this drama as it unfolds in full force is whether the West will change sides as the struggle intensifies. Permanent support for the aparthel regime is not in the best interest of capitalism and in the long run capitalists will not entertain the racist antics of the Bothas if capitalism stands seriously threatened as a result. In North America when the South failed to realise the folly of continuing with slavery and refused to end it in order to give full reign to and ieled"e the forces of- . capitalist production, the North "nobly" declared that slavery was inhuman and unleashed a civil war. The borgeoisie in the North produced a good man for the job. . . Abraham Lincoln who rallied both black and white with the rhetoric that no man could be free if he oppressed another. The emerging bourgeoisie in Britain had produced a similar character in Wilberforce when slavery had ceased tW/ be profitable. He preached about its evils and ungodliness so eloquently those whor heard him cried and slavery was abolished. One is tempted to see in the South African conflict a situation arising whereby the ruling racist clique could stand isolated a's to become the lost white tribe of Africa, crushed between the forces of liberation and the desperate need for the West to save. and preserve capitalism threatened by the .racial conflict. The great trek by the businessmen and opposition parties and clergymen to Lusaka to confer with the leadership of the ANC could be the prelude to a historic defection by the business community throughout tie world from the broaderbond ruling clique. But that day is not yet at hand and the West appears to be undecided and is twiddling its fingers like Nero while South Africa catches fire. The West has no "guarantee" yet that abandoning the racists altogether would achieve favourable goals.. Dismantle Apartheid Now But as far as the Africans are concerned the die is cast and all appearances are that there will be no turning back. There is no longer any hesitation as to what they want. They want apartheid dismantled now, peacefully if possible or forcefully if not. The body count is mounting-and their blood is flowing. Whether they admit it or not, the magnitude of such a massive workers sustained opposition in the face of a formidableIrray of weaponry, is something the racists in South Africa had not made any contingent plans for. Having been caught unawares due to policies based on arrogance, the only response of the regime is to kill. But even that is being turned by the African masses to advantage. They have turned the frequent funeral services into platforms from which to rally the majority of the people against the regime. Thus the killings have not introduced an element of fear among the people but have instead helped to mobilise them for further acts of resistance determined thatthe apetite of a regime so brutal, should not be appeased by submission. In other words it'is not the apartheid regime which has proved invincible, it is instead, the African masses who are emerging from this 'conflict as a for'midable force for whom it is only i question of time before apartheid crumbles. But the regime is by no means witfiout' other resources at its disposal to weigh in-, to the balance. As killing has proved insufficient to. quell the rising tide of mass resistance, it is to the tactic of divide and rule the

Social Conflict in SA regime will now resort in a drive to weaken the resistance. Hence people like Chief Gatsha Buthelezi and his tribal grouping are likely to be used by the Pretoria regime as the struggle intensifies to cause divisions through acts of provocation. With the backing of the regime, Buthelezi will be armed to outflank the patriotic resistance. This brings to mind the question of arming the patriotic and democratic forces in South Africa. The idea of the Nkomati Accord on the part of South Africa was to deny outside assistance to the South African liberation movement. In the event the accord only helped the Pretoria regime partially in that while Mozambique honoured the accord, South Africa did nothing of the kind but stepped up its assistance to the MNR instead. Yet that advantage has been upset completely by the internal uprising of the workers inside South Africa keeping their plight constantly before world opinion and exposing the apartheid regime as a descredited and anachronistic political entity with which it does not pay to enter into any agreement. During the days of armed struggle against Portuguese colonialism, in Guinea Bissau, Angola and Mozambique, when the liberation movements of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa were still struggling to establish a military presence* in their countries and facing problems of logistics, two schools of thought regarding the strategy to adopt against the common enemy contended. On the one hand the. OAU together with the liberation movements fighting against Portugal held that Lisbon was the weak link in the imperialist chain and that since the struggles in the Portuguese colonies were at an advanced stage anyway, international aid should be increased to those fighting Portugal and so bring about an early end to Portuguese colonialism. Rearguard Bases Once that was achieved, the liberation movements in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa would then be assured of secure rearguard bases to pursue their struggle, using Angol1 and Mozambique as liberated zones. But the Zimbabwean, Namibian and South African liberation movements held a different viewpoint. They argued that a strategy that seemed to suggest that the liberation struggles in their countries should wait until the Portuguese colonies were liberated was wrong in that it left Rhodesia and South Africa unoccupied at home and thus free to intervene against the liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies. The best strategy, they said was to strive inspite of the difficulties for simultaneous operations so that the South Africans and the Rhodesians would be too busy at home to come to the aid of their Portuguese allies. The debate which was low key at the time was later Overshadowed by dramatic political and military achievements in the Portuguese colonies and Zimbabwe. But against the background of the Nkomati Accords and the stalemate over Namibia, the debate was significant. As it turned out, those who felt the Portuguese colonies had to go first and then help the others can claim to have been correct when the liberation of Zimbabwe is taken into account. Yet even then the grim taste of things to come was made visible by the bombing raids Rhodesia carried out against Mozambique, Zambia and even Angola seeking guerrilla bases of the Patriotic Front. With the mass uprisings inside South Africa new favourable conditions for the struggle have been created which did not prevail in the Portuguese colonies or Zimbabwe.

22 The Social Conflict in South Africa Zimbabwe News While in the Bahamas, the Prime Minister, Comrade Mugabe sounded a sober note when he pointed out that economic sanctions against Pretoria would not by themselves bring down the apartheid regime. He said it was armed struggle that would be the principal form of struggle to topple the racist Government. In the absence of rear bases, it is the people of South Africa themselves who' will provide the bases. On the occasion of the first anniversary of the 1984 black resistance to BOTHA's trircameral constitutional dispensation and in the escalating gravity in national relations in racist South Africa, it is encumbent upon us to take a fresh and positive look at the liberation struggle and the resistance movement of the people of South Africa in their own right and relationship. The issues involved are very clear. The African people everywhere demand a number of definite and specific things. They want an end to national oppression from foreign domination and colpnial bondage; they are in frantic search for a liberating ideology which is capable of fulfilling that aspiration and a liberating programme in which they must take full part in determining its strategy and tactics, and which must recognise them as the starting-point of its organisational activities in which they demand to be assigned responsible tasks which will enable them to mould and shape their destiny in accordance with their own material interests and strategic aims by all feasible means within their own experience and competence. The problems of the oppressed masses are universally known. They live under alien domination in which they are denied basic human rights and fundamental freedoms deriving from their exclusion from the seat of political power they continue to live on their protein-staived slave food. They still wear the tattered clothes that the rich feel disposed to discard from time to time. They live in their slave 'hovels even though some twig-and-mud structures may have been replaced with concrete walls while their grass roofs are now adorned with galvanised tin-plate. They are still largely unlearned and little learned even though their children have better prospects in respect of reading, writing and Arithmetic. They are still chronically sick, with available medical and nursingservices few and far between. In short they are poor and are forced, by the conditions and circumstances of their lives, to remain poor and backward. But above all, in racist South Africa, these conditions a4ly to them in the very.midst of plenty which is brought about by the cheapness of their labour and life. This is the social conflict in their lives. Who will talk, To whom, About what? The whole of mankind talks of, and about talks but it is not talking about one and the same thing. Thus in order to find adequate answers to the above series of questions we are forced to remove the illusions that surround current events in that political situation. There are ordinarily two sides to the issue of revolution; we have reality on one side and acting or pretending on the other and therefore relative truth is the first and most vulnerable casualty. In other words, how do the oppressed in that country view their political world, and consequently, how should they react, relate and respond to it? After saying and doing all the morally accepted and expected things they I finally said to themselves: BLACK MAN, YOU'RE ON YOUR OWN! And in September; 1984, they concluded that revolution was not a game of chance to be played with carefree gaiety but is a serious activity involving millions of similarly placed persons who must engage in conscious, programmed nationwide encounters with the (common) enemy and that these must involve revolutionary rules and conventions, on chosen occasions and within defined strategies and tactics. It is common knowledge that the nature of every revolution is determined by both its major tasks and motive forces. The people decided that a distinction has tb be made as to the real forces of revolution and fellow-travellers, romanticists and agent provocateurs. The national liberation movement provided them with the criterion of judgement: Who will make revolution in Azania? Against Whom? For what Reason? And who is. to lead that revolution and will actually do so? The distinction had to be made because it had become clear that a protest movement was not the same as a resistance movement and that a liberal democratic movement was not the same as a liberation movement. It became essential also to show that results of the encounters with the enemy, could not be wished for but had to be worked for and that they had, of necessity, to correspond' with the acts of resistance or protest behind them. Nothing in the world, nuclear weapons included, can rob the oppressed people of that invaluable experience. Who will wear the JR hat? The imperialist world is looking for a head that will fit into the JR, Dallas cowboy hat. In his anticipated speech at the' Natal National Party Congress, racist President Botha said he was going to talk to black leaders- about the place of URBAN BLACKS in an ethnic confederation in racist South Africa. No clear candidate has emerged for the JR CROWN. The imperial kingmakers are furtively at work. The name of Nelson MANDELA came out foremost but the candidate, speaks in a vernacular of the kind that the moneybags don't want to hear, It is reported that many American banks and businesses are sending a strong message to the racist regime in South Africa that "its policies are creating an economic climate that is unconducive for conducting business". The Foreign Ministers of, the European Community Market issued a statement "calling on South Africa to end apartheid, release the anti-apartheid leader, Nelson Mandela, and open real negotiations with the true representatives of the South African people, including those currently in prison". A group of white businessmen from South Africa travelled to Zambia to speak to the African National Congress (ANC) with whom "the' real common ground is that we are all concerned thatthe next generation should inherit a viable economic and political system". The leader of the white delegation said there is little community of interest between them and the ANC, "our positions are very far apart". The SOWETAN of December 28, 1984, editorially told its readers that "those who are encouraging this dialogue are either politically suspect or are straight forward rightwingers", and took the position that "all this business rings hollow in our ears". Emancipate Flow of Information It is clear to us that imperialism is determined to dictate to us the kind of Southern Africa it wants for the continued exploitation of the human and material resources of our continent. The manner in which people try to liberate themselves accurately tells us who is and who is not for revolution. We cannot expect the enemy to act as our information officers. It is thus encumbent upon us to find ways and means of emancipating the flow of news about information relating to the situation in racist South Africa. The commercial mass media and foreign newsmen are heavily censured by the martial law regime of Pieter BOTHA and Magnus MALAN. Already they have appointed Louis NEL, former deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, to head a new information bureau to counter what they call "foreign media coverage of South Africa". It is inconceivable that the destabilization of Frontline and neighbouring states in Southern Africa can be countered by highlighting reports by the imperialist mass media. We all know that the liberation struggle in racist South Africa was forced to divide into the protest movement on one side and the resistance movement on the other. The news and information that comes out of South Africa is couched in protest rather than resistance language with the clear objective of removing the struggle from the militant resistance leadership and handing it over to the moderate protest leadership. We have the social experience that history does not move that way. The course of events may be delayed or diverted for some time but final victory is in line with the laws of social development. Three issues of outstanding political magnitude have taken place in the past two years. The divisive sterile rhetoric that brought about our ideological divisioi) is slowly but surely bowing out of our ranks with its tail between its legs. The call for the solution of the national question in South Africa was, for a long time, regarded in certain quarters as reverse racialism. The tactic of armed propaganda was once regarded as the core of armed struggle. The land question was regarded as nonexistent. There are still some questions that remain hazy in the minds of some of our self-expressed progressives and revolutionaries, But historic events are fast catching up with us and we can look forward to concrete ideological unity in the national liberation struggle in the near future.

Nation'al rewM ......