The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education Stanford Law Review Volume 70 March 2018 ARTICLE The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education Derek W. Black* Abstract. Although the U.S. Supreme Court refused to recognize education as a fundamental right in San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez, the Court in several other cases has emphasized the possibility that the Constitution might afford some protection for education. New litigation is attempting to fill that void. This litigation comes at a perfect time. Segregation, poverty, and achievement gaps are all rising, while state courts and federal agencies have recently retreated from enforcing educational equity. New litigation, however, has yet to offer a theory of why the Constitution should protect students’ educational rights, relying instead on the fact that the Court has consistently emphasized the importance of education. Prompting a significant doctrinal shift to protect education will require more than laudatory dicta. It will require a compelling affirmative constitutional theory. This Article offers that theory. It demonstrates that the Framers of the Fourteenth Amendment specifically intended to guarantee education as a right of state citizenship. This simple concept was obscured by the unusually complex ratification of the Amendment. First, the Amendment required the assent of Confederate states that were no longer part of the Union. Second, Congress expressly indicated that it would not readmit those states to the Union until they ratified the Fourteenth Amendment and rewrote their state constitutions. Third, education was part of the deal: Congress permitted states to retain discretion over education but expected state constitutions to affirmatively guarantee education. Through this process, education became an implicit right of the Fourteenth Amendment’s Citizenship Clause. As a right of state citizenship and consistent with historical practices * Professor of Law, University of South Carolina School of Law. I would like to thank Josh Eagle, Ben Means, Ned Snow, Josh Weishart, and my anonymous peer reviewers for their thoughtful comments and suggestions. I would also like to thank Susan DeJarnatt for allowing me to present my arguments to two different audiences at Temple University. The feedback I received was invaluable to both this project and a future one. Additionally, I would like to thank Daniel Farbman for suggestions on source materials. And I would like to thank Robert Wilcox for supporting my research and all the editors of the Stanford Law Review for their careful attention to detail and substance. 735 The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education 70 STAN. L. REV. 735 (2018) and goals, this Article argues that the Fourteenth Amendment prohibits states from partisan and other illegitimate manipulations of educational opportunity. 736 The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education 70 STAN. L. REV. 735 (2018) Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................ 738 I. Modern Dilemmas: Localism, Privilege, and Entrenchment ........................................... 748 A. The Danger of Localism .............................................................................................................. 749 B. Privileging the Majority ............................................................................................................. 752 C. Entrenching Power and Advantage ..................................................................................... 753 II. The Promises and Pitfalls of Prior Theories and Litigation .............................................. 755 A. Scholarly Attempts to Rework Rodriguez ......................................................................... 756 B. Scholarly Theories to Move Beyond Rodriguez ............................................................. 757 C. New Litigation Claims ................................................................................................................. 761 D. Limits of Current Strategies ..................................................................................................... 764 III. The Fourteenth Amendment’s Guarantee: Educated Citizens in a Republican Form of Government .............................................................................................................................. 765 A. Constitutionalizing Full Citizenship ................................................................................... 768 B. The Meaning of Full Citizenship: Status, Voting, and Education ....................... 772 C. Education, Readmission, and the Ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment........................................................................................................................................ 775 1. The educational imperative in the South ................................................................ 777 2. Conditions on Southern readmission to the Union .......................................... 778 3. Education as inherent in a republican form of government ........................ 781 4. The uniform inclusion of education clauses in Southern constitutions ............................................................................................................................ 783 5. A new nationwide consensus of the states emerges .......................................... 790 6. The constitutional, structural, and political virtues of an education compromise ............................................................................................................................. 794 7. Why the right has been overlooked .......................................................................... 797 IV. Protecting Citizens’ Education in a Republican Form of Government ............................. 800 A. Education as a Process-Based Constitutional Right .................................................... 802 B. State Constitutional Efforts to Shield Education from Manipulation ............. 808 1. Common school funds ....................................................................................................... 810 2. Isolating education from localized decisionmaking ......................................... 812 3. Uniform systems of education ...................................................................................... 813 C. Identifying Procedural Principles and Protections ...................................................... 816 1. Unstable funding ................................................................................................................... 816 2. Political manipulation and targeted disadvantage ............................................. 819 3. Systemic disadvantage ....................................................................................................... 824 D. Causes of Action and Congressional Power ..................................................................... 829 E. A Response to Doctrinal and Political Reservations ................................................... 833 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................................... 836 737 The Constitutional Compromise to Guarantee Education 70 STAN. L. REV. 735 (2018) Introduction While desegregation,1 school funding litigation,2 and federal policy3 significantly reduced educational inequality during the second half of the twentieth century, that inequality has steadily increased ever since. The percentage of intensely racially segregated nonwhite schools, for instance, has more than tripled over the last twenty-five years.4 In 2013, low-income students became a majority in public schools for the first time in history.5 The average black student now attends a school where nearly 70% of her peers are poor—almost double the percentage from 1993.6 To make matters worse, in the past decade, states have drastically cut education funding—by more than 20% in some states.7 State supreme courts that previously intervened to block egregious cuts of this sort have largely disengaged in recent years.8 Even the 1. See Rucker C. Johnson, Long-Run Impacts of School Desegregation & School Quality on Adult Attainments 2, 15-33 (Nat’l Bureau of Econ. Research, Working Paper No. 16664, 2011), https://perma.cc/QWV7-36TY (identifying the positive effects of school desegrega- tion). 2. See C. Kirabo Jackson et al., The Effect of School Finance Reforms on the Distribution of Spending, Academic Achievement, and Adult Outcomes 15-17 (Nat’l Bureau of Econ. Research, Working Paper No. 20118, 2014), https://perma.cc/2DWF-V5QF (finding that school funding litigation resulting in court-mandated reforms reduced school funding inequity). 3. See Derek W. Black, The Congressional Failure to Enforce Equal Protection Through the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, 90 B.U. L. REV. 313, 336-40 (2010) (recounting how the federal government originally used the Elementary and Secondary Education Act to promote additional resources for low-income students, school funding equity, and school desegregation); see also Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, Pub. L. No. 89-10, 79 Stat. 27 (codified as amended in scattered sections of 20 U.S.C.). 4. See, e.g., Gary Orfield et al., Civil Rights Project, UCLA, Brown at 62: School Segregation by Race, Poverty and State 3 & fig.2 (2016),
Recommended publications
  • Clauses of the Constitution
    Short-hand references to some of the important clauses of the Constitution Article I • The three-fifths clause (slaves count as 3/5 of a citizen for purposes of representation in the House and “direct taxation” of the states) Par. 2, clause 3 • Speech and debate clause (Members of Congress “shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place.”) Par. 6, clause 1 • Origination clause (revenue bills originate in the House) Par. 7, clause 1 • Presentment clause (bills that pass the House and Senate are to be presented to the President for his signature) Par. 7, clause 2 • General welfare clause (Congress has the power to provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States) Par. 8, clause 1 • Commerce clause (“The Congress shall have power . To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes”) Par. 8, clause 3 • Necessary and proper (a/k/a elastic) clause (Congress has the power to make all laws that shall be necessary and proper for executing the powers that are enumerated elsewhere in the Constitution) Par. 8, clause 18 • Contracts clause (States may not pass any law that impairs the obligation of any contract) Par. 10, clause 1 Article II • Natural born citizen clause (must be a natural born citizen of the United States to be President) Par.
    [Show full text]
  • Redeeming the Welshed Guarantee: a Scheme for Achieving Justiciability Ethan J
    Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 2002 Redeeming the Welshed Guarantee: A Scheme for Achieving Justiciability Ethan J. Leib Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Ethan J. Leib, Redeeming the Welshed Guarantee: A Scheme for Achieving Justiciability, 24 Whittier L. Rev. 143 (2002-2003) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/91 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REDEEMING THE WELSHED GUARANTEE: A SCHEME FOR ACHIEVING JUSTICIABILITY ETHAN J. LEIB I. INTRODUCTION I am scavenging here.1 The feast of the republican revival in the law reviews is long over, 2 and one is more likely to encounter a commemorative symposium upon the anniversary of its death than a celebration of its continued vitality in legal scholarship. But I have * Law Clerk designate, the Honorable John M. Walker, Jr., Chief Judge, United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. B.A., Yale; M. Phil, Cambridge; M.A., Yale; J.D./Ph.D Candidate, Yale. I wish to thank Bruce Ackerman, David Mayhew, David Cameron, and Daniel Doherty for their comments on earlier drafts. 1. See Kathryn Abrams, Law's Republicanism, 97 Yale L.
    [Show full text]
  • How the Guarantee Clause Can Address State Political Lockup
    REFEREES OF REPUBLICANISM: HOW THE GUARANTEE CLAUSE CAN ADDRESS STATE POLITICAL LOCKUP JARRET A. ZAFRAN* Our Government derives its legitimacy from the consent of the governed, generally measured through our elections. When incumbent powers create structures and rules for our politics that entrench the status quo and limit voter control, however, the legitimacy of that consent is tested. For more than fifty years, and in spite of the “political question doctrine,” the Supreme Court has adjudicated challenges to franchise restrictions, gerrymandering, ballot access provisions, and more. In doing so, the Court utilizes doctrinal frameworks that focus on harms to individual rights and not on structural harms to the competitiveness, accountability, and responsive- ness of our politics. This myopic view leaves systemic entrenchment and political lockup largely untouched. Scholars have identified these doctrinal deficiencies, but have not suggested an alternative textual basis for judicial intervention in these cases. This Note offers a potential solution in the Guarantee Clause. It argues that the Clause embodies a promise of popular sovereignty in the states. I contend that the Guarantee Clause can and should be revived to unburden the courts from the deficiencies of existing doctrine and provide a textual basis for addressing the problems of political malfunction. INTRODUCTION ................................................. 1419 I. POLITICAL ENTRENCHMENT AND DOCTRINAL DEFICIENCIES .............................. 1422 A. How Supreme Court Doctrine Enables Entrenchment .............................. 1423 B. Scholars Identify the Doctrinal Problem, but Do Not Offer a Textual Solution ................ 1429 II. THE FALL AND POTENTIAL RISE OF THE GUARANTEE CLAUSE ........................... 1434 A. The Unfortunate Abandonment of the Guarantee Clause and the Switch in Baker ..................... 1434 B.
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Program Bribery, New Federalism, and the Missing Federal Interest
    LINCOLN MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW __________________________________ VOLUME 4 FALL 2016 ISSUE 1 _____________________________________ FEDERAL PROGRAM BRIBERY, NEW FEDERALISM, AND THE MISSING FEDERAL INTEREST Jacob Baggett1 I. INTRODUCTION In October of 1983, Donald V. Morano stood before the United States Supreme Court and argued his position in Dixson v. United States.2 In his thick New England accent, he argued that his clients, city officers responsible for the management and expenditure of federal funds, were not “public officials” within the definition of a federal bribery statute, 18 U.S.C. § 201, which prohibits offering something of value to a public official with the illicit intent of influencing an 1 Jacob Baggett, Juris Doctor (2015) and former Editor-in-Chief of the Lincoln Memorial University Law Review. The author would like to thank Assistant Professors Akram Faizer and Melanie Reid for their substantive knowledge, valuable criticism, and unwavering encouragement. 2 465 U.S. 482 (1984) (holding that executives of private, nonprofit corporation having operational responsibility for administration of federal housing grant program within city under terms of subgrant from city were “public officials” within meaning of federal bribery statute, and thus were subject to prosecution under statute). 112 4 LMU LAW REVIEW (2016) official act. If his clients were not public officials within the meaning of the statute, then they could not be convicted under the statute. At a superficial glance, a question of this nature would appear immaterial. The defendants were criminals who misappropriated funds for an amount of personal gain. Why care whether federal or state law pursued them? They were malefactors; they deserved punishment; (seemingly) end of story.
    [Show full text]
  • Supreme Court of the United States ______
    No. ______ In the Supreme Court of the United States ________________ ROBERT A. RUCHO, et al., Appellants, v. COMMON CAUSE, et al., Appellees. ________________ On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina ________________ JURISDICTIONAL STATEMENT ________________ PHILLIP J. STRACH PAUL D. CLEMENT MICHAEL D. MCKNIGHT Counsel of Record OGLETREE, DEAKINS, ERIN E. MURPHY NASH, SMOAK & ANDREW C. LAWRENCE STEWART, P.C. KIRKLAND & ELLIS LLP 4208 Six Forks Road 655 Fifteenth Street, NW Suite 1100 Washington, DC 20005 Raleigh, NC 27609 (202) 879-5000 [email protected] Counsel for Appellants Robert A. Rucho, David R. Lewis, Timothy K. Moore, and Philip E. Berger October 1, 2018 QUESTIONS PRESENTED Earlier this year, while Gill v. Whitford was pending before this Court, a three-judge district court invalidated North Carolina’s 2016 congressional districting map as a partisan gerrymander. After Gill was handed down, this Court vacated that decision and remanded for further consideration in light of Gill. That period of reconsideration did not last long. In the decision below, the district court largely readopted its previous reasoning and became the first post-Gill court to divine a justiciable test—in fact, four tests—and invalidate a legislatively enacted map as a partisan gerrymander. Although plaintiffs here, like those in Gill, sought to vindicate only generalized partisan preferences, the court concluded they had standing. The court then found justiciable standards for partisan gerrymandering claims under the Equal Protection Clause, the First Amendment, and (uniquely in the history of redistricting litigation) the Elections Clauses of Article I.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dynamic Incorporation of Foreign Law and the Constitutional Regulation of Federal Lawmaking
    THE DYNAMIC INCORPORATION OF FOREIGN LAW AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL REGULATION OF FEDERAL LAWMAKING PAUL J. LARKIN, JR.* INTRODUCTION ............................................................ 338 I. THE LACEY ACT AND THE INCORPORATION OF FOREIGN LAW .................................................. 347 II. THE FEDERAL LAWMAKING PROCESS .................. 354 A. The Vesting of Legislative Authority in Congress: The Article I Bicameralism and Presentment Clauses ............................. 354 B. The Delegation of Legislative Authority to the Executive Branch: The Article II Appointments Clause ................................... 358 1. “Static” vs. “Dynamic” Delegation ...... 359 2. Delegating Federal Lawmaking Authority to Federal Agencies .............. 361 a. The Conventional Theory ............... 361 b. Two Unconventional Theories ....... 366 c. The Common Denominator ............ 369 3. Delegating Federal Lawmaking Authority to State Officers ..................... 372 III. THE CONSTITUTIONAL ISSUES RAISED BY THE LACEY ACT’S DELEGATION OF FEDERAL LAWMAKING AUTHORITY .................... 377 A. Article I Problems With the Lacey Act ....... 379 * Senior Legal Research Fellow, The Heritage Foundation; M.P.P., George Wash- ington University, 2010; J.D., Stanford Law School, 1980; B.A., Washington & Lee University, 1977. This article is an expanded version of the author’s 2013 testimo- ny before Congress. See infra note 28. The views expressed in this Article are the author’s own and should not be construed as representing any official
    [Show full text]
  • State Courts and Republican Government Hans A
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Santa Clara University School of Law Santa Clara Law Review Volume 41 | Number 4 Article 2 1-1-2001 State Courts and Republican Government Hans A. Linde Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Hans A. Linde, Symposium, State Courts and Republican Government, 41 Santa Clara L. Rev. 951 (2001). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.scu.edu/lawreview/vol41/iss4/2 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Santa Clara Law Review by an authorized administrator of Santa Clara Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STATE COURTS AND REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT Hans A. Linde* I. THE CONSTITUTION'S CHARGE TO STATE JUDGES AND OFFICIALS Do California judges and officials have any obligation to maintain a republican form of government? And is this obligation relevant to California's initiative system? The answer is yes to both questions. The legal reasons, as a matter of constitutional text and history, are quite straightforward. Readiness to act on them is another matter. A. MaintainingRepublican Governance as the "Supreme Law of the Land" The Constitution assumes that each state enters the union with a republican form of government, and it directs the United States to guarantee that state governments remain republican. The 1787 Northwest Ordinance required it for new states, and it was axiomatic for the Philadelphia Convention.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fundamental Right to Education
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NDL\94-3\NDL302.txt unknown Seq: 1 12-FEB-19 9:04 THE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT TO EDUCATION Derek W. Black* New litigation has revived one of the most important questions of constitutional law: Is education a fundamental right? The Court’s previous answers have been disappointing. While the Court has hinted that it might recognize some minimal right to education, it has thus far refused to do so. To recognize a fundamental right to education, the Court would have to overcome two basic problems. First, the Court needs an originalist theory for why our Constitution protects educa- tion, particularly since the word education does not even appear in the Constitution. Second, the right to education implicates complex questions regarding its scope. Those questions would require the Court to determine the quality of education the Constitution requires. Neither liti- gants nor scholars have seriously grappled with these problems, which explains why the Court has yet to recognize a right to education. This Article cures both problems. Not only is this Article the first to offer a compelling originalist argument for a fundamental right to education, it demonstrates that the right falls squarely within the Court’s existing prece- dent. It traces the fundamental importance of education from the nation’s founding principles through the years immediately following the Fourteenth Amendment. Most importantly, it details how, in the years surrounding the final ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment, Congress demanded that states guarantee access to public education in their state constitutions and linked these demands to the Fourteenth Amendment itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Case 2:17-Cv-04392-MMB Document 211 Filed 01/10/18 Page 1 of 73
    Case 2:17-cv-04392-MMB Document 211 Filed 01/10/18 Page 1 of 73 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF PENNSYLVANIA LOUIS AGRE, et al. CIVIL ACTION v. NO. 17-4392 THOMAS W. WOLF, Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, JONATHAN MARKS, Commissioner of the Pennsylvania Bureau of Commissions, Elections, and Legislation, ROBERT TORRES, Acting Secretary of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, JOSEPH B. SCARNATI, III, President Pro Tempore of the Pennsylvania Senate, and MICHAEL C. TURZAI, Speaker of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, in their official capacities. BEFORE: Smith, Chief Circuit Judge; Shwartz, Circuit Judge; Baylson, District Judge. MEMORANDUM Smith, Chief Circuit Judge January 10, 2018 I. Introduction Plaintiffs seek a declaratory judgment that the Pennsylvania General Assembly exceeded its authority under the United States Constitution when it enacted a congressional redistricting plan that was intended to favor candidates from the Republican Party. Amended Complaint, ECF No. 88 at 1, 6, 11. Invoking 42 U.S.C. § 1983, Plaintiffs allege a direct violation of the “Elections Clause.” Id. at 2. The Elections Clause, Article 1, Section 4, Clause 1 of the Constitution, provides state legislatures with authority to prescribe “[t]he Times, Places and Manner of holding 1 Case 2:17-cv-04392-MMB Document 211 Filed 01/10/18 Page 2 of 73 Elections for Senators and Representatives.” U.S. Const. art. I, § 4, cl. 1.1 Under Plaintiffs’ theory, the Clause gives States very limited power: to promulgate procedural rules, and to do so in a neutral fashion. ECF No. 88 at 2.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 22O155 in the SUPREME COURT of the UNITED
    No. 22O155 IN THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES ______________________________________________________ STATE OF TEXAS, Plaintiff, v. COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, STATE OF GEORGIA, STATE OF MICHIGAN, AND STATE OF WISCONSIN, Defendants. ______________________________________________________ MOTION FOR LEAVE (1) TO FILE BRIEF OF LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR JANICE MCGEACHIN, SENATOR LORA REINBOLD, REPRESENTATIVE DAVID EASTMAN, ET AL (ELECTED STATE OFFICIALS) AS AMICI CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFF, AND (2) TO DO SO IN AN UNBOUND FORMAT ON 81⁄2-BY-11-INCH PAPER, AND (3) TO DO SO WITHOUT TEN DAYS’ ADVANCE NOTICE TO THE PARTIES _________________________________________ RICHARD H. SEAMON NATHANIEL K. MACPHERSON* 106 East 3rd Street *Counsel of Record Moscow, ID 83843 The MacPherson Group, LLC Phone: (208) 310-1584 24654 N. Lake Pleasant Parkway [email protected] Suite 103-551 Peoria, AZ 85383-1359 DONALD W. MACPHERSON Phone: (623) 209-2003 The Macpherson Group, P.C. [email protected] 24654 N. Lake Pleasant Parkway Suite 103-551 BRADLEY SCOTT MACPHERSON Peoria, AZ 85383-1359 MacPherson Law, PLLC Phone: (623) 209-2003 24654 N. Lake Pleasant Parkway [email protected] Suite 103-551 Peoria, AZ 85383-1359 D. COLTON BOYLES Phone: (623) 209-2003 Boyles Law, PLLC [email protected] 217 Cedar Street, Suite 330 Sandpoint, ID 83864 Phone: (208) 304-6852 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae Movants, who are elected and sitting Senators and Representatives of the State of Alaska, State of Arizona, and State of Idaho, and the sitting Lieutenant Governor of the State of Idaho, and who share a commitment to preserving (1) the constitutional promise of a republican form of government and (2) honest elections, respectfully request leave of the Court (1) to file the attached Amici Curiae brief in support of Plaintiff State of Texas, (2) to file the brief in an unbound format on 81⁄2- by-11-inch paper, and (3) to file the brief without ten days’ advance notice to the parties as ordinarily required by Sup.
    [Show full text]
  • Time for the Federal Courts to Enforce the Guarantee Clause? 65 U
    Ann Althouse, Time For the Federal Courts to Enforce the Guarantee Clause? 65 U. Colo. L. Rev. 881 (1994) TIME FOR THE FEDERAL COURTS TO ENFORCE THE GUARANTEE CLAUSE? A RESPONSE TO PROFESSOR CHEMERINSKY Ann Althouse* 65 U. Colo. L. Rev. 881 (1994)† Professor Chemerinsky wants us to see the Guarantee Clause as a protection for individual rights. This perspective accords with his position that the “preeminent … mission” of the federal courts is to enforce individual rights.1 His theory of the political question doctrine follows accordingly: a presumption of justiciability attaches to individual rights, rebuttable only when there is reason to believe that the judiciary is substantially less able than other branches of the federal government to interpret and enforce a constitutional provision.2 Thus, if the Guarantee Clause really does exist to protect individual rights, then, given no basis to rebut the presumption in favor of federal court enforcement, the political question doctrine should not apply. In syllogism form: federal courts should enforce individual rights; the Guarantee Clause embodies individual rights; therefore the federal courts should enforce the Guarantee Clause. Professor Chemerinsky must work hard to coax the Guarantee Clause out of the category of constitutional provisions relating to the structure of government and into the individual rights category, in order to harmonize judicial enforcement of the Clause with his view of the role of the federal courts. Yet he concedes that the distinction between rights and governmental
    [Show full text]
  • “Republican Form of Government”?
    Are Initiatives and Referenda Contrary to the Constitution’s “Republican Form of Government”? by Robert G. Natelson Independence Institute July 9, 1999 Executive Summary Citizens increasingly have used initiatives and referenda to circumvent or check unresponsive legislatures. For example, through initiatives, citizens adopted reforms such as term limits and tax and expenditure limitations. Those who oppose reform frequently challenge initiatives and referenda in court in order to prevent or overturn public votes. Increasingly, they have been resurrecting an old argument that initiatives and referenda violate the U.S. Constitution’s “Guarantee Clause” (Article IV, Section 4), by which the United States guarantees each state a “republican form of government.” They argue that such methods of direct democracy are inconsistent with the republican form because that form must be a government in which decisions are made wholly by the people’s representatives, not by the people themselves. In support, they cite a handful of statements by a few of the Constitution’s Framers. In this paper, Professor Natelson examines the historical record and shows that opponents of initiative and referendum are clearly wrong on this point. He shows that although one of the Framers—Madison—had a personal preference for a wholly representative form, all of the Framers who spoke on the issue, including Madison, acknowledged that direct democracy could be major, even a dominant, part of a “republican” government. Finally, Professor Natelson shows that a principal reason modern writers have so misunderstood the Framers’ views on this subject has been the failure of modern schools to properly impart the precious Greco-Roman tradition so central to the thought of the Founders.
    [Show full text]