Arab Ethnicity and Diasporic Islam: a Comparative Approach to Processes of Identity Formation and Religious Codification in the Muslim Communities in Brazil

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Arab Ethnicity and Diasporic Islam: a Comparative Approach to Processes of Identity Formation and Religious Codification in the Muslim Communities in Brazil Arab Ethnicity and Diasporic Islam: A Comparative Approach to Processes of Identity Formation and Religious Codification in the Muslim Communities in Brazil Paulo G. Pinto he Muslim communities in European and American countries have received increas- ing scholarly attention in recent years. Some groundbreaking studies have shown how Islam became part of the religious landscape of the “West” through the establish- ment of transnational connections and complex processes of cultural adaptation.1 Despite the many merits of these works, they tend to generalize cultural- religious patterns to all the Muslim communities located within a particular nation- state, which is taken as the main unit of analysis, referring to general entities such as “French Islam,” “American Islam,” or “British Islam.” Some scholars, while rejecting an essentialized portrait of Muslims, have pushed the limits of generalization to the whole European context, claiming that Islam in Europe became a deterritorialized system of meaning that exists beyond cultural particularities.2 However, a closer look shows that the Muslim identities in Europe and the Americas are the result of complex relations between local sociological and cultural elements and the vari- ous constructs of the normative system of Islamic doctrines and practices that were globalized of through the circulation of people (migration, travels, pilgrimages, etc.), texts, and images. Studies Therefore, I argue in this article that one has to take the local community as the main unit of and analysis, for it is there that the relation between local and supralocal — regional, national, or Africa global — influences acquires a particular configuration. National or regional patterns can only Asia, emerge from a careful comparison between the particularities and the common points among South East the discrete Muslim communities that exist in such political and geographical spaces. Comparative Middle To demonstrate these propositions, I analyze the constitution of Muslim identities the 2011 among Arabic- speaking immigrants and their descendents in Brazil, showing how the rela- 2, No. -1264253 31, x tion between Arab ethnicity and Muslim identity is shaped by processes that connect local, Vol. Press national, and transnational realities. I rely on ethnographic data that I have gathered in my 3 10.1215/1089201University fieldwork research with the Muslim communities in Brazil since 2003. doi Duke by 2011 © Unless otherwise noted, all English translations are mine. Kepel, Allah in the West: Islamic Movements in America and Eur- ope (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997). 1. Jocelyne Cesari, L’Islam à l’épreuve de l’Occident (Islam in West- ern Contexts) (Paris: La Découverte, 2004); Yvonne Haddad and 2. Olivier Roy, L’Islam mondialisé (Globalized Islam) (Paris: Seuil, Adair Lummis, Islamic Values in the United States: A Comparative 2004). Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987); Gilles Kepel, Les 3. I gathered the ethnographic data for this article during my banlieus de l’Islam: Naissance d’une religion en France (The Sub- fieldwork with Muslim communities in Rio de Janeiro, Curitiba, urbs of Islam: The Birth of a Religion in France) (Paris: Seuil, 1991); 312 and São Paulo. I also have been doing research among the Mus- Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/cssaame/article-pdf/31/2/312/243807/CSA312_06_Pinto_fpp.pdf by UFF user on 18 June 2019 Diasporic and Local: Muslims in Brazil 1920s, but they only gained force in relation to Brazil’s large Muslim community comprises the “Syrian- Lebanese” or Palestinian associa- 313 about 1 million members and was formed since tions in the 1980s. These ethnic organizations the nineteenth century by diverse migration were largely dominated by Arab Christians, waves from the Middle East (Syria, Lebanon, and who also maintained churches and institutions Palestine) and by the conversion of non- Arab of their religious confession (Maronite, Greek Brazilians.4 The Muslim community is mostly Orthodox, Melchite, etc.).5 urban, with large concentrations in Rio de Ja- After 1960 the fall in the number of Chris- of neiro, São Paulo, Curitiba, and Foz do Iguaçu. tian immigrants from the Middle East and the Pinto Brazil Important sociological differences exist among assimilation of descendants of Arab immigrants G. in the communities in each of these sites. For ex- into mainstream Brazilian culture led to the de- Processes ample, the Muslim community in Rio de Janeiro cline in the number of Arab ethnic associations Paulo to has not received a significant influx of recent and their members. However, the growing num- immigrants, a fact that makes the process of the bers of Muslim immigrants from the Middle Communities creation and reformulation of Muslim identi- East in the 1970s fostered the creation of Islamic Approach ties more dependent on local and national cul- institutions and the public affirmation of a spe- Muslim tural dynamics. In contrast, in the other three cific Muslim identity that is associated with, but the Muslim communities the production of Islamic not submerged in, the larger Arab identity. in identities is strongly influenced by transnational Because most Muslim immigrants to Bra- Comparative A Islamic movements and by the constant contact zil came from the Arab Middle East — mainly with Islam as practiced in the Middle East. Mus- Lebanon, Syria, and Palestine — they were iden- Islam: lims in these three communities tend to work tified with the large Arab community already Codification primarily in commercial activities. However, in- existing in Brazil.6 The Arab immigrants who creasing numbers are in qualified professions came to Brazil in the first half of the twentieth Diasporic Religious such as medicine, law, and engineering. century were mostly Christians, and they man- and and The majority of Muslims in Brazil are aged to overcome or minimize the effects of the Arab immigrants and their descendants. Never- widespread racism and discrimination directed theless, there is a growing number of non- Arab against them in the 1930s and 1940s, such as Ethnicity Brazilians who have converted to Islam through their stigmatization as backward, fanatical, and Formation personal relations, that is, through work, mar- greedy “Orientals” by a large part of the Brazil- Arab riage, or friendship with Muslims. The first ian intellectual elite.7 They surmounted these Islamic institutions appeared in Brazil in the difficulties through economic success and a Identity lim communities in Foz do Iguaçu and Ciudad del man al- Baghdadi al- Dimachqi, Deleite do estrangeiro 6. There are no reliable estimates of the number of Este (Paraguay) since 2007. This research has been em tudo que é espantoso e maravilhoso / Masaliya Arabs in Brazil; of course, they would still vary accord- sponsored with grants from CNPq and FAPERJ. For al- gharib bi- kull amr ‘abib (Delight of the Foreigner ing to the definition of “Arab” used in them. The Arab previous results of this research see Paulo G. Pinto, in Everything That Is Amazing) (Algiers:, Bibliothè- institutions and some scholars advance numbers “Ritual, etnicidade e identidade religiosa nas comu- que Nationale d’Algérie; Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca that range between 3 million and 16 million Arabs nidades muçulmanas no Brasil” (“Ritual, Ethnicity América do Sul – Países Árabes, Biblioteca Nacional; and their descendants in a population of 170 million and Religious Identity in the Muslim Communities in Caracas: Fundación Biblioteca Ayacucho, 2007). How- Brazilians. The larger figures are less likely to corre- Brazil”), Revista USP—Universidade de São Paulo 67 ever, when the Arabic- speaking Muslim immigrants spond to any demographic reality, but they reflect (2005): 228 – 50. started to create the first Islamic institutions in Bra- the greater recognition and visibility that the Arab zil in the early twentieth century, the Islamic identity immigrants and their descendants have achieved in 4. The census of 2000 gives the number of Muslims of the Malês was disappearing through conversion Brazilian society. See John Tofik Karam, Another Ara- in Brazil as 27,239. Muslim religious authorities speak to Catholicism or to African Brazilian religions, such besque: Syrian- Lebanese Ethnicity in Neoliberal Brazil of 1 – 2 million Muslims. Based on my ethnographic as Candomblé and Umbanda. There was no continu- (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007), 10 – 13. experience, the estimate of 1 million Muslims seems ity between the Malês and the Muslim communities more plausible. The Muslim African slaves who were 7. Jeffrey Lesser, A negociação da identidade nacio- created by Arab immigrants in the twentieth century. collectively known as the “Malês” in the eighteenth nal: Imigrantes, minorias e a luta pela etnicidade no See João José Reis, Rebelião escrava no Brasil: A histó- and the nineteenth centuries constituted the first or- Brasil (Negotiating National Identity: Immigrants, ria do levante dos Malês em 1835 (Slave Rebellion in ganized Muslim community in Brazil. They led a slave Minorities, and the Struggle for Ethnicity in Brazil) Brazil: The History of the Revolt of the Malês in 1835) uprising in 1835 in Bahia, known as the Revolt of the (São Paulo: Universidade Estadual Paulista, 2000), (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2003). Malês (Revolta dos Malês). There is a nineteenth- 87 – 135. century firsthand account of the Muslim communi- 5. Majid Radawi, Al- hijra al- ’arabiyya ila al- Brazil ties in Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, and Recife written by 1 8 7 0 – 1 9 8 6 (The Arab Immigration to Brazil, 1870 – 1986) an Arabic- speaking imam from the Ottoman Empire (Damascus: Dar Tlas, 1989). who stayed in Brazil from 1866 to 1869. See ‘Abdurah- Downloaded from https://read.dukeupress.edu/cssaame/article-pdf/31/2/312/243807/CSA312_06_Pinto_fpp.pdf by UFF user on 18 June 2019 strong investment in the acquisition of cultural them as a security threat (in particular, the 314 capital, such as higher education for their sons Muslim community in Foz do Iguaçu).10 These and daughters, and thereby achieved impressive discourses clearly had negative effects on the upward social mobility.8 situation of Muslims in Brazil.
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