Liberal World: the Resilent Order
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1 “The Insular Advantage: Geography and the Durability of American
“The Insular Advantage: Geography and the Durability of American Alliances” John M. Schuessler Bush School of Government and Public Service, Texas A&M University Joshua R. Shifrinson Frederik S. Pardee School of Global Studies, Boston University October 2018 Abstract: President Donald Trump has not been shy about playing hard-ball with close allies. This has led to concerns that Trump poses a unique threat to American alliances. Theoretically, these concerns are consistent with an influential line of argument that points to strategic restraint and reassurance – via binding institutions - as what sets American alliances apart. The fact of the matter is that Trump is not the first American president to play hard-ball with close allies, which leads to a two-part puzzle: What explains the United States’ track record of alliance coercion? And how has its alliance network remained so robust, given this track record? Our argument centers on geography, specifically the fact that the United States is the insular power par excellence. Insularity, we argue, affords the United States two strategic advantages. First, it is free to roam. Second, it is an attractive security provider for states in geopolitically crowded neighborhoods. Together, these advantages account for the United States’ track record of alliance coercion, as well as the limited damage that has been done to core alliances in the process. We demonstrate the value-added of our argument with a case study from the early Cold War, during NATO's formative period. From his election campaign onward, President Donald Trump has not been shy about playing hard-ball with even close allies. -
Review Essay
Review Essay Toward an Old New Paradigm in American International Relations by Karl Walling Karl Walling is a professor in the Strategy and Policy Department at the U.S. Naval War College in Newport, RI. He is also a FPRI Senior Scholar. Daniel H. Deudney, Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village (Princeton: University Press, 2007). ]NELID$[T David C. Hendrickson, Union, Nation, or Empire: The American Debate over International Relations, 1789–1941 (Kansas: University Press, 2009). [TD$INLE] David C. Hendrickson, Peace Pact: The Lost World of the American Founding (Kansas: University Press, 2003). [TD$INLE] # 2011 Published by Elsevier Limited on behalf of Foreign Policy Research Institute. Spring 2011 | 325 Review Essay George C. Herring, From Colony to Superpower: U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776 (Oxford: University Press, 2008). [TD$INLE] Walter L. Hixson, The Myth of American Diplomacy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008). [TD$INLE] How Americans study the history of their foreign relations is changing almost as rapidly as the international environment. In this review, we see Walter L. Hixson applying intellectually fashionable critical theory to American diplo- macy and George C. Herring inviting a host of non-state actors on to the diplomatic stage. Together, David C. Hendrickson and Daniel H. Deudney come close to (re)inventing a discipline by treating American foreign policy as a particular species of a much larger and older intellectual tradition dating back at least as far as ancient Greece. Perhaps for this reason, Deudney’s book was awarded the prize for the best book of the decade by the International Studies Association. -
Why the Liberal World Order Will Survive G
ROUNDTABLE: RISING POWERS AND THE INTERNATIONAL ORDER Why the Liberal World Order Will Survive G. John Ikenberry he international order built and led by the United States and its part- ners is in crisis. In the Middle East, East Asia, and even in Western T Europe, long-standing regional orders are in transition or breaking down. Global international agreements and institutions—across the realms of trade, arms control, environment, human rights—seem to be weakening. For seventy years the United States has stood at the center of a Western-oriented, liberal international system, organized around openness, rules, and multilateral cooperation. After the cold war this American liberal hegemonic order spread outward and seemed to offer the world a universal logic for global politics. But that unipolar moment has now passed. Today, the United States and the Western industrial democracies, roiled by nationalist and populist upheavals, have turned inward and appear less committed to their own post-war liberal international project. The crisis of the American-led international order would seem to open up new opportunities for rising states—notably China, India, and other non-Western developing countries—to reshape the global order. But in what ways are rising states seeking to reform or reorganize the rules and institutions of the post-war era? Do they seek to rise up and integrate into the existing international order or do they seek to transform it? Are they “stakeholder” or “revisionist” states? Over the past decade, these questions have stood at the center of debates about the future of the global system. Indeed, the Obama administration placed the chal- lenge of integrating rising states at the center of its foreign policy. -
ECSP Report 3
FOREWORD by P.J . Simmons, Editor ust over two years ago, then U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations Madeleine K. Albright Jargued that “environmental degradation is not simply an irritation, but a real threat to our national security.” As Secretary of State, Ms. Albright has already indicated that she intends to build upon the pathbreaking initia- tive of her predecessor, Warren Christopher, to make environmental issues “part of the mainstream of American foreign policy.” On Earth Day 1997, Albright issued the State Department’s first annual report on “Environmen- tal Diplomacy: the Environment and U.S. Foreign Policy.” In it, Secretary Albright asserted that global environ- mental damage “threatens the health of the American people and the future of our economy” and that “environ- mental problems are often at the heart of the political and economic challenges we face around the world.” Noting that “we have moved beyond the Cold War definition of the United States’ strategic interests,” Vice President Gore argued the Department’s report “documents an important turning point in U.S. foreign policy— a change the President and I strongly support.” Similar sentiments expressed by officials in the United States and abroad indicate the growing interest in the interactions among environmental degradation, natural re- source scarcities, population dynamics, national interests and security.* The breadth and diversity of views and initiatives represented in this issue of the Environmental Change and Security Project Report reflect the advances in research, contentious political debates and expanding parameters of this important field of academic and policy inquiry. As a neutral forum for discussion, the Report includes articles asserting strong connections between environment and security as well as more skeptical analyses. -
Can the World Be Governed?
Can the World Be Governed? Studies in International Governance is a research and policy analysis series from the Centre for International Governance Innovation (cigi) and WLU Press. Titles in the series provide timely consideration of emerging trends and current challenges in the broad field of international governance. Representing diverse perspectives on important global issues, the series will be of interest to students and academics while serving also as a reference tool for policy-makers and experts engaged in policy discussion. To reach the greatest possible audience and ultimately shape the policy dialogue, each volume will be made available both in print through WLU Press and, twelve months after pub- lication, accessible for free online through the igloo Network under the Creative Com- mons License. Can theWorld Be Governed? Possibilities for Effective Multilateralism *** Alan S. Alexandroff, editor Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Government of Canada through its Book Publishing Industry Development Program for its publishing activities. Wilfrid Laurier University Press acknowledges the financial support of the Centre for International Gov- ernance Innovation. The Centre for International Governance Innovation gratefully acknowl- edges support for its work program from the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Can the world be governed? : possibilities for effective multilateralism / Alan S. Alexandroff, editor. (Studies in international governance series) Co-published by: Centre for International Governance Innovation. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-55458-041-5 1. International organization. 2. International cooperation. 3. International rela- tions. 4. International economic relations. 5. Security, International. -
Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H
Reviews Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village, Daniel H. Deudney (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 384 pp., $35 cloth, $24.95 paper. With Bounding Power, Daniel Deudney Long in gestation, Bounding Power is a makes a masterly contribution to the ren- vigorously argued and sophisticated book, aissance of classical political theory in which contains a number of important contemporary thought about world poli- strands of discussion that combine to tics; in this regard he follows Michael make the case for what Deudney labels ‘‘re- Doyle and others in demonstrating how a publican security theory.’’ One important fresh reading of the historical traditions strand of the book is its reconstruction of that lie behind contemporary theoretical the concepts of anarchy (an absence of formulations can generate new per- authoritative order) and hierarchy (order spectives on both theory and practice. In established through subordination), and the case of Doyle’s work, a key theme has their reorientation around Deudney’s new been exploring the intellectual roots of formulation, ‘‘negarchy,’’ characterized by liberalism in international relations and the presence of mutual restraints with a thecontoursofliberalpeacetheory—the primary role in generating ordered rela- idea that liberal democracies are not tionships. Two of the heroes of Deudney’s disposed to go to war against each other. intellectual reconstruction are Hobbes and For Deudney, meanwhile, the central Locke. Hobbes develops his argument for subject is republicanism, and in particular sovereign power as a means by which to the idea that the republican tradition depart from anarchy, whereas Locke ar- of thought about security—with its re- gues for the need to enhance freedom cognition of the interplay of changing without jeopardizing law and order. -
Of the Conventional Wisdom
M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY M A SS A C H USE tt S I N S T I T U T E O F T EC H NOLOGY April 2008 MI T C EN T E R F O R I N T ERN at ION A L St U D IES 08-04 of the Conventional Wisdom The Audit of Wilson, Bush, and the Conventional Wisdom Evolution of Liberal Foreign Policy In this series of essays, MIT’s Center Tony Smith for International Studies tours the Tufts University horizon of conventional wisdoms that define U.S. foreign policy, and put them to the test of data and history. By subjecting particularly well-accepted he first subject to discuss in considering the future of the liberal inter- ideas to close scrutiny, our aim is Tnationalist agenda is the importance of the democratization project to re-engage policy and opinion leaders on topics that are too easily passing to the definition of Wilsonianism. The second is the meaning of multilat- such scrutiny. We hope that this will lead to further debate and inquiries, eralism. In the first case, Thomas Knock and Anne-Marie Slaughter argue with a result we can all agree on: in a forthcoming volume that democratization was never an important part better foreign policies that lead to a more peaceful and prosperous world. of Wilsonianism; that, instead, multilateralism is the key to liberal interna- Authors in this series are available to the press and policy community. -
Daniel Deudney on Mixed Ontology, Planetary Geopolitics, and Republican Greenpeace
Theory Talks Presents THEORY TALK #60 DANIEL DEUDNEY ON MIXED ONTOLOGY, PLANETARY GEOPOLITICS, AND REPUBLICAN GREENPEACE Theory Talks is an interactive forum for discussion of debates in International Relations with an emphasis of the underlying theoretical issues. By frequently inviting cutting-edge specialists in the field to elucidate their work and to explain current developments both in IR theory and real-world politics, Theory Talks aims to offer both scholars and students a comprehensive view of the field and its most important protagonists. Citation: Schouten, P. (2013) ‘Theory Talk #60: Daniel Deudney on Mixed Ontology, Planetary Geopolitics, and Republican Greenpeace’, Theory Talks, http://www.theory- talks.org/2013/11/theory-talk-60_285.html (20-11-2013) WWW.THEORY-TALKS.ORG DANIEL DEUDNEY ON MIXED ONTOLOGY, PLANETARY GEOPOLITICS, AND REPUBLICAN GREENPEACE World politics increasingly abrasions with the limits of state-centric thinking, faced as the world is with a set of issues that affect not only us collectively as mankind, but also the planet itself. While much of IR theorizing seems to shirk such realizations, the work of Daniel Deudney has consistently engaged with the complex problems engendered by the entanglements of nuclear weapons, the planetary environment, space exploration, and the kind of political associations that might help us to grapple with our fragile condition as humanity-in-the world. In this elaborate Talk, Deudney—amongst others—lays out his understanding of the fundamental forces that drive both planetary political progress and problems; discusses the kind of ontological position needed to appreciate these problems; and argues for the merits of a republican greenpeace model to political organization. -
Disease, Ecology, and National Security in the Era of Globalization
Contagion and Chaos Disease, Ecology, and National Security in the Era of Globalization Andrew T. Price-Smith The MIT Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England © 2009 Massachusetts Institute of Technology All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or informa- tion storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. For information on quantity discounts, email [email protected]. Set in Sabon by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong. Printed on recycled paper and bound in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Price-Smith, Andrew T. Contagion and chaos: disease, ecology, and national security in the era of globalization / Andrew T. Price-Smith. p. ; cm. Sequel to: The health of nations / Andrew T. Price-Smith. c 2002. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-262-16248-7 (hardcover: alk. paper)—ISBN 978-0-262-66203-1 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Communicable diseases—History. 2. Communicable diseases—Political aspects. 3. Communicable diseases—Social aspects. 4. National security. 5. Security, International. 6. Diseases and history. I. Price-Smith, Andrew T. Health of nations. II. Title. [DNLM: 1. Communicable Diseases, Emerging-prevention & control. 2. Disease Outbreaks—history. 3. Environmental Health. 4. Health Policy. 5. Security Measures. WA 100 P946c 2009] RA643.P73 2009 362.196'9—dc22 2008021363 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 1 Theory and Exegesis: On Health and the Body Politic Most of the change we think we see in life Is due to truths being in and out of favor —Robert Frost, “The Black Cottage” My analysis does not seek to explain all possible outcomes related to the effects of disease on structures of governance, but rather to generate plausible analytical relationships between variables that will permit further empirical testing and refi nement. -
What Is the Liberal International Order?
Policy Essay | Liberal International Order Project | 2017 | No.17 What is the Liberal International Order? By Hans Kundnani In the last five years or so, U.S. and European foreign policy think tanks have become increasingly preoccupied with threats to the set of norms, rules, and institutions known as the liberal international order, especially from “revisionist” rising powers and above all authoritarian powers like China and Russia. But even more recently it has also become increasingly apparent that support for the liberal international order Although Western analysts and policymakers in Europe and the United States is declining as well. often to refer to the “liberal international order,” the This has become particularly clear since the British phrase is far from self-explanatory. In particular, it is vote to the leave the European Union last June and the not obvious in what sense the liberal international U.S. presidential election last November — not least order is “liberal.” The lack of precision about what is because the United Kingdom and the United States meant by the liberal international order is a problem are two of the countries historically most associated with liberalism and were generally thought to be most because it obscures the complexities of the concept committed to it. and inhibits self-criticism by Western policymakers, especially Atlanticists and “pro-Europeans” who seek However, although the phrase “liberal international to defend the liberal international order. order” is widely used, it is far from self-explanatory. The liberal international order has evolved Theorists of the liberal international order understand since its creation after World War II and has different it as an “open and rule-based international order” that is “enshrined in institutions such as the United elements — some of which are in tension with each Nations and norms such as multilateralism.”1 But this other. -
The Presidency of George W. Bush Has Stimulated Extensive Research on the Part of Academic Scholars. the Pronouncement of A
Brooke A. Wyatt Unilateralism as a Foreign Policy Strategy: Its Application and Indoctrination The presidency of George W. Bush has stimulated extensive research on the part of academic scholars. The pronouncement of a “new doctrine” comprised of ideas like preemption, and the notion that the war on terror cannot be won on the defensive has caused many to speculate whether or not this new grand strategy for national security will dominate other areas of the United States’ policy making as well. A variety of proposed explanations and predictions have been made regarding the ostensibly new and atypical actions of the US. Scholars like John Ikenberry and Joseph Nye argue that Bush Doctrine tactics and the “show of arrogance on foreign policy” (Nye, 2002) are exclusive to the Bush administration and represent only a temporary departure from the US’s best interest approach, multilateralism. Ikenberry argues that radical neo-conservatives have pushed the US to a more unilateralist strategy, but the end of their influence on policy will allow the US to once again resume multilateralism as the optimal and seemingly only option (Ikenberry, 2004). John Ruggie defines political multilateralism as “…a form of engagement that coordinates relations among three or more states on the basis of generalized principles of conduct.” He elaborates to say that the application of multilateralism in foreign policy must include firstly: “an investment in the creation and maintenance of international institutions who serve to facilitate coordination” and secondly: “compliance with rules, norms, principles, and decision making processes of these institutions in an equal balance with all other complying states” (Ruggie, 1993). -
Harold Innis and the Empire of Speed
Review of International Studies (1999), 25, 273–289 Copyright © British International Studies Association Harold Innis and the Empire of Speed RONALD J. DEIBERT* Abstract. Increasingly, International Relations (IR) theorists are drawing inspiration from a broad range of theorists outside the discipline. One thinks of the introduction of Antonio Gramsci’s writings to IR theorists by Robert Cox, for example, and the ‘school’ that has developed in its wake. Similarly, the works of Anthony Giddens, Michel Foucault, and Jurgen Habermas are all relatively familiar to most IR theorists not because of their writings on world politics per se, but because they were imported into the field by roving theorists. Many others of varying success could be cited as well. Such cross-disciplinary excursions are important because they inject vitality into a field that—in the opinion of some at least—is in need of rejuvenation in the face of contemporary changes. In this paper, I elaborate on the work of the Canadian communications theorist Harold Innis, situating his work within contemporary IR theory while underlining his historicism, holism, and attention to time- space biases. Introduction One of the more refreshing developments in recent International Relations (IR) theorizing has been the increasing willingness among scholars to step outside of traditional boundaries to draw from theorists not usually associated with the study of international relations.1 My own expeditions in this respect have been in the communications field, where I have drawn from an approach called ‘medium theory.’ Writers generally associated with this approach, such as Harold Innis, Marshall McLuhan, Eric Havelock, and Walter Ong, have analysed how different media of communications affect communication content, cognition, and the character of societies.2 In a recent study, I modified and reformulated medium theory to help * An earlier version of this article was delivered to the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28–31, 1997, Washington, DC.