Fighting HIV with Clubs An Introduction to Ethiopia’s

Leah Niederstadt ircus performances were unknown to most Ethio- pians when the first troupe was established in the All photos by the author except where otherwise noted early 1990s by two expatriate residents of Addis Ababa. Today, dozens of circuses can be found throughout the country and Ethiopian acrobats, jugglers, and musicians have performed on nearly every continent (Fig. 1). From the beginning, expatri- ateC and Ethiopian administrative and artistic staff combined cir- cus skills such as juggling and contortion with indigenous forms of dance, song, and costumes and with didactic messages about social issues such as HIV/AIDS. They actively drew upon indig- enous performance practices—secular and, to a lesser extent, religious—to create a form of circus that was uniquely and posi- tively Ethiopian. They conceived of the country’s circus move- ment as a moral endeavor, one that allowed them to celebrate Ethiopia’s national identity with its emphasis on ethnic diversity and to educate the public about a variety of social challenges. Circus also became a means of empowering the country’s young- est citizens, as the performers in Ethiopian troupes are children and youth, not adults. Ethiopian circus performances provide two types of educa- tional messages. First, they reinforce federal and regional state government rhetoric about the importance of ethnic diversity in the construction of a national Ethiopian identity. In doing so, they help teach Ethiopians about their country’s diversity, recognizing and celebrating it as a key component of national identity. Sec- ond, circus shows provide information about health and devel- opment issues and suggest how these challenges can be resolved. Several factors have combined to render circus performance a particularly popular mode of communication and entertain- ment, especially for addressing many of the challenges Ethio- pia faces as one of Africa’s newest post-Socialist nation-states. These factors include the circus movement’s role in addressing a lacuna in leisure activities for one of the continent’s fastest grow- ing young populations and the joining of familiar indigenous performance practices in music, song, and dance with gymnas- tics and the martial arts, sports with which many urban Ethio- pians are familiar. The combination of free entertainment with didactic messages has also contributed to growth in the number of Ethiopian circus troupes as numerous NGOs and government 1 Posters from the 1998 Circus in Ethiopia-sponsored tour to agencies have proven willing to fund projects that reach large Europe displayed on the wall of Circus Jimma’s amphitheatre. audiences with educational information about HIV/AIDS, the Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003.

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 76 11/21/2008 11:03:53 AM 2 Members of Circus Dire Dawa performing a pyramid-building routine. Jijiga, Ethiopia. 2003.

rights of women and children, and the numerous other issues addressed by the circuses in their performances. Each year, tens of thousands of Ethiopians either attend circus shows or watch televised performances (Fig. 2). Circuses are thus a prominent part of contemporary urban Ethiopian culture and one that remains vibrant, even in the face of limited funding, con- flicting donor demands, high staff turnover, and the numerous asylum claims made by performers when touring overseas. Dur- ing the past nine years, I have witnessed dozens of performances and watched as the circus movement has struggled to adapt to rapid growth and to the changing priorities of its donor agencies (cp. Askew 2002 on Tanzania and the case studies in Parkin et al. 1996). Many of the children and youth with whom I first worked are now adults and many no longer live and work in Ethiopia, having claimed asylum during tours. Several times in the past North America and Great Britain to this day (Kwint 1995:viii, decade it seemed possible that the circus movement would col- 2002:86-87; Stroud 1999). lapse, yet troupes continue to operate throughout the country Third, Ethiopian circuses do not use high wire or tightrope and new circuses are regularly founded. Although it is difficult acts or the flying , and although two troupes train with to estimate how many currently operate, given how quickly new a stationary trapeze, they rarely perform on it due to trans- troupes may shut down due to lack of funding, approximately port and safety issues. In addition, performances have rarely, if twenty-five circuses currently exist in Ethiopia. Thirteen of these ever, incorporated what Westerners might think of as , are members of an umbrella organization called Circus in Ethio- although clowning or joking behavior is common, often incor- pia (CIE), which I shall discuss further below. Given the chal- porated into performances by stock characters, such as an ibd lenges faced so far by the circus movement, it is remarkable that sew (lit. ‘crazy person’), an old man or woman who exemplifies troupes continue to operate in Ethiopia. I would argue that the the “old ways” of traditional culture or an uneducated individ- fact that the movement has endured suggests the central role it ual.3 It is important to note that Ethiopian circus shows typically now holds as a form of theater for development in Ethiopia.1 occur out of doors, not within a circus hall or tent. They are also free of charge to the public. Both factors are key to the popular- Creating an Ethiopian Circus ity of circus throughout Ethiopia, as free admission encourages Perhaps surprisingly, circuses can be found elsewhere in large audiences, which enables the didactic messages to reach Africa. Circus troupes—in a wide range of forms and with many more people, while performing in publicly accessible varying objectives—operate in Mali, Kenya, South Africa, and spaces allows for numerous spectators to gather. Uganda. Via its Cirque du Monde project, sup- Like many other troupes around the world, Ethiopian circus ports circus programs throughout Francophone West Africa and artistic directors utilize indigenous folktales, music, song, dance, in Ethiopia, while indigenous acrobatic troupes have long per- and clothing as a means of making their circus “authentically formed throughout North Africa. Prior to the founding of the Ethiopian.” In doing so, they have much in common with the first circus troupe in 1991, what little most Ethiopians knew about Moscow and the Chinese State Circuses, which use their national circus performance came from watching televised performances identity as a marketing tool and a means of providing thematic of Russian and Chinese circuses during the Socialist period cohesion within performances. In Ethiopia, however, circuses known as the Derg (1974–1991). Although they are unmistakably also use costumes, dance, music, song, and props to celebrate and circuses, Ethiopian troupes differ from those with which most highlight ethnic identity for their Ethiopian spectators (although people are familiar. First, with very few exceptions, e.g., when these nuances are often missed by foreign spectators). A fur- an adult trainer performs as part of a particular act (see Fig. 9), ther difference involves the educational component of Ethiopian Ethiopian circus performers are all children and youth who were, circus performance. When performed within Ethiopia, circus until recently, compensated for their participation.2 shows are didactic, although this element may be downplayed on Second, animals are not part of their performances, although international tours. Educational messages about HIV/AIDS pre- not due to concern for animal rights, as several troupes have vention or land mine safety, for example, are woven into a show’s tried and failed to train monkeys, but rather because training and overall storyline, thus becoming a full-length circus play, or they feeding animals is too expensive. This is a significant departure are presented as short skits, a kind of public service announce- from the form of circus codified by Phillip Astley in eighteenth- ment, either before or after the performance of circus skills. century London. Animals, particularly horses, were critical to In this, circus performances in Ethiopia are similar to other performances by Astley’s troupes and by many of his competi- forms of theater for development elsewhere on the African con- tors and they remain a key element of circus performance in tinent. Scholars who have explored other case studies include

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 77 11/21/2008 11:03:59 AM (clockwise from top left) 3 Circus Jimma jugglers performing with clubs. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2005.

U4 nicycle riders during the T enth Anniversary circus parade for Circus Tigrai. Mekelle, Ethiopia. 2005.

5 Circus Addis Ababa pyramid-building act. Addis Ababa, Ethio- pia. 2001-2002.

David Kerr’s study of social theater in Malawi (2002), Stepha- nie Marlin-Curiel’s article on post-Apartheid theater in South Africa (2004), Oga Steve Abah’s study of the Zaria Project in Nigeria (2006), and the numerous examples explored by Louise M. Bourgault (2003), among others. Similar work by Jane Plas- tow and her collaborators has focused on the use of theater (and dance) in Ethiopia during the Imperial, Derg, and post-Socialist periods (1996, 1998, 1999, 2004). These case studies share a focus focused on addressing key social challenges facing the country on exploring how performative practices, whether indigenous or and on promoting a nationalist agenda through characters that imported, are utilized to address social, economic, and/or politi- represent the multi-ethnic reality of the Ethiopian population. cal issues of importance to local, regional, and in some instances, national communities. In Ethiopia, circus is clearly a form of History of the Circus in Ethiopia Movement theater for development, and perhaps even more so, a “theater Circus Addis Ababa,4 Ethiopia’s first circus troupe, was of necessity” (Irobi 2006:34), a term that Esiaba Irobi takes from founded in the final months of the Derg regime by Andy Gold- theater practitioner Werewere Liking, who uses it as a means of man, an American working for the National Association for the contextualizing “contemporary practice on the continent which Care of Ethiopian Jews, and Marc LaChance, a French-Cana- deploys indigenous African performance forms … to address dian working for the International Community School. Through the vicissitudes of the present which include the cultural schizo- expatriate channels, Goldman asked LaChance, an amateur jug- phrenia created by globalization and the HIV/AIDS pandemic” gler, to perform for the many children under his care early in (ibid.). In the Ethiopian context, however, circus performance as 1991. So successful was LaChance’s performance that he began a form of “theater of necessity” extends beyond a focus on HIV/ teaching the Jewish children basic circus skills and developing a AIDs to encompass a variety of social challenges, particularly show for their families. After the Ethiopian Jews were airlifted to those that are of most relevance to the communities in which Israel that May, LaChance began again, teaching neighborhood circus troupes are based or in which they perform. children how to juggle, broomsticks, and walk across a Aside from these differences, as in other circuses, Ethiopian low balance beam. performers juggle with clubs, balls, and fire sticks, walk on stilts, Originally, LaChance and Goldman conceived of the circus as ride unicycles, and perform contortion, tumbling, and pyramid- a means of engaging children and youth in what amounted to building routines (Figs. 3–5). Anyone attending a performance an after-school activity. Elmar Brunner, a German circus teacher would unmistakably be at a circus, although not in the style of and performer and one of the few people also to research Ethi- the Ringling Brothers or Cirque du Soleil, as the Ethiopian circus opia’s circuses, argues that this was a key factor in the growth of movement has its own look and platform, one that is increasingly the circus movement, as circus met the “desire of many children

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 78 11/21/2008 11:04:29 AM 7 stage set for a circus show highlighting land-mine safety. Sherkole 6 Circus Jimma rehearsal of full-length circus play featuring street UNHCR Refugee Camp, Sherkole, Ethiopia. Rosa Verhoeve. 2005. Led by children as primary characters. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2005. a team from Debub Negat Circus, which is based in the city of Awassa, Photo: Rosa Verhoeve twenty-eight refugee children and youth participated in a six-week long circus workshop that culminated in several public performances. … to be occupied in a useful manner” (Brunner 1998:61). Com- Photo: Rosa Verhoeve ments I received from circus performers throughout Ethiopia support Brunner’s argument, with which I agree. This is much as are Ethiopians, but the preponderance of men in the organiza- Goldman and LaChance had hoped, as they believed that teach- tion—as staff and as performers—means that troupes struggle to ing children to juggle, build pyramids, or turn a cartwheel would meet a common request from international donors that at least build participants’ self-esteem and their hope for the future. one-third of their participants be female. Main Branch troupes … By far the greatest success can be seen in the lives of the children. receive most of their funding and training through CIE, as well They have enormous talent and have reached surprising levels of as technical support and materials, such as professional gymnas- expertise. Every day they are setting new and higher standards for tics mats and computers. Finally, performers and staff from all their peers, the next generation (LaChance and Soler 1995:2). five troupes have travelled internationally on tours and training sessions organized through CIE. Fairly quickly, Circus Addis Ababa received donations from Former members of Main Branch circuses established most of a range of funding agencies and organizations including UNI- the Associate Member troupes, as is the case for many of Ethio- CEF, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Ethio- pia’s independent circus troupes. Support for Associate Mem- pian Committee of the Red Cross and NOVIB (The Dutch Red ber circuses is limited and only in the past few years have they Cross). Many of these organizations have continued to spon- received significant assistance—mostly training and administra- sor the circus movement with funding and in-kind support. tive support—from CIE. As of May 2005, the organization rec- LaChance’s status as a French-Canadian helped them garner ognized eight Associate Member troupes, most named after the support from the Montréal-based Cirque du Soleil, which pro- cities in which they are based.7 In addition, independent circuses vided costumes, equipment, funding and, eventually, training. are scattered throughout Ethiopia.8 However, in response to early interest from international NGOs, Ethiopian circus performers and staff members claim affilia- LaChance and Goldman and their Ethiopian colleagues soon tion to various ethnic groups, although most identify as Amhara, began involving godana tedadari, or street children5 (LaChance Gurage, Oromo, or Tigrai. They range in age from 5 to 25 years, and Soler 1995). Circus training was considered a means of pro- with most in their teens. The large majority of performers and viding street children with skills that could be used to entertain staff identify with the culture of Ethiopia’s northern Christian passersby, thus moving them away from begging for coins to highlands and as practicing Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, earning coins by performing. The circuses have always retained although a number of current performers in Circuses Dire a link—albeit a nominal one—to godana tedadari, as public per- Dawa, Jimma, and Tigrai are Muslim. The overwhelming major- formances regularly feature storylines centered on the lives of ity come from socio-economically poor families. They thus live street children (Fig. 6). in low-income neighborhoods, often in compounds shared with By 1993, the circus movement became officially recognized people from a variety of ethnic groups, usually the working by the Ethiopian government when an umbrella organiza- urban poor and new migrants from the countryside. Therefore, tion known as Circus in Ethiopia (CIE) began functioning as although Ethiopian circus performers themselves may not iden- a legally registered NGO. The organization provides funding, tify as members of many of the ethnic groups they represent in training, and administrative support for troupes throughout the their shows, they often have a basic understanding of the lan- country, particularly those that are members. Of these circuses, guage, clothing, and cultural markers that distinguish one group five are considered Main Branch troupes, as they were the first from another, due to the environment in which they live. The to be established; another eight are known as Associate Mem- circuses also make an effort to train performers in various Ethio- bers.6 Today, all staff members of CIE and individual troupes pian dance traditions, usually by employing a professional tra-

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 79 11/21/2008 11:04:49 AM ditional dance instructor. In addition, a few artistic directors try to conduct first-hand research in order to accurately represent ethnic groups with which they are less familiar. (both pages, clockwise from top left) 8 Circus Dire Dawa’s band wearing kaba Aside from sharing a similar socio-economic background, performers and local troupe (capes) and bahelawi libs (cultural clothing). staff participate in urban youth culture, with its emphasis on Ethiopian and western hip- Dire Dawa, Ethiopia. 2001. Throughout the hop and pop music and conspicuous consumption of the latest fashions and hairstyles. course of one performance, most Ethiopian circus bands will change from the latest con- The fashionable clothes and hairstyles and other forms of material wealth displayed by temporary fashions to bahelawi libs (in this circus directors and artistic directors are another factor that explains why circus became case, from the Tigrai ethnic group), depend- so popular in Ethiopia, as children and youth in cities and small towns throughout the ing on the type of music and song being performed. (See circus band member in the country want to emulate and be associated with these individuals. Joining the local cir- background of Fig. 10.) cus troupe enables them to do so.

T9 wo members of Circus Dire Dawa at the start of a hand-to-hand balance act. Dire The Circus Model in Ethiopia Dawa, Ethiopia. 2001. In the early 1990s, Early on, CIE established a three-level model for member troupes: , B- Cirque du Soleil donated dozens of old cos- tumes to Circus in Ethiopia, many of which Group, and Main Group. This model has been followed by every circus of which I am were skin-tight bodysuits. These were distrib- aware, with the exception of very small independent troupes. All new members begin in uted among the various circus troupes and Circus School, where they learn basic circus skills. If children are particularly talented or a a few were still in use in 2000 when I began my fieldwork. Many troupes have chosen to place becomes available, they progress to the B-Group. B-Group members rarely perform reproduce similar costumes, usually for acts publicly, but they rehearse regularly and are the pool from which Main Group perform- that incorporate non-Ethiopian instrumental ers are selected. Main Group members perform publicly, and until late 2004 or early 2005, music, such as this act, which used “space- age music”, or for characters representing they were paid. Although never officially recognized as employees, the circus was, in effect, the HIV/AIDS virus (see Fig. 17). a job for these young Ethiopians and they considered the stipend and/or transport money they received their demoz (salary). From 2000–2005, the income earned by Main Group 10 Members of Circus Jimma wearing “Afri- can” costumes. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003. The performers was approximately $10 to $20 per month and it made many of them primary label “African” usually refers to costumes breadwinners for their families. Not long ago, the provision of stipends was ended and worn by female performers during acts that circus members now only receive transport money unless they are also employed by the incorporate West African music and dance moves. These costumes normally consist of circus in a staff position. Main Group performers also receive other benefits, which can shorts worn under a miniskirt and a midriff- include educational support, food and/or milk, and health care. baring top, made from fabric containing col- By 1997, organizational objectives for CIE were formally established and they remained orful geometric and abstract designs that are referred to as “African” by circus performers consistent until early 2003. These objectives included efforts and staff and by the shop owners who sell the fabric. to introduce and promote [the] circus arts to Ethiopia … to serve as a medium for conveying messages on health matters, social issues and the Principles of the Red Cross [and Red Cres- 11 Circus Dire Dawa performers wearing cent] … to promote Ethiopia and its culture in Ethiopia and overseas; and to generate income Oromo costumes. Jijiga, Ethiopia. 2003. through international performances to support Circus In Ethiopia’s activities in Ethiopia (Cir- The three performers dancing around the cus in Ethiopia 1997).9 juggler are wearing replicas of lion’s mane headdresses and embroidered cloaks made from saddle blankets, both traditionally All Main Branch troupes and many Associate Member circuses prominently displayed used by Oromo men. these objectives in their offices, usually as hand-written posters on the wall. CIE also 12 Circus Jimma pyramid act incorporating established goals for the artistic side of the circus. As of 1997, the organization’s artistic Hamar costumes. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003. objectives were This act utilizes costumes based on the beaded leather skirts traditionally worn by to research a unique expression for Ethiopian style and culture and to discourage copy of for- women from the Hamar ethnic group. eign artistic productions, to maintain regular contacts between artistic directors of Circus in

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 80 11/21/2008 11:05:05 AM Ethiopia to develop unique Ethiopian directing style for circus per- formance and the development of health messages … and to promote positive issues of the Ethiopian reality (ibid.).10

Many of these objectives remain in place, with new goals such as representing “a positive image of Ethiopian cultures” occa- sionally added (Circus in Ethiopia 2003). The plural “cultures” is intentional as, in its present manifestation, the Ethiopian nation- state operates under a policy of ethnic federalism. Ethiopia’s cir- cuses see themselves upholding the political agenda by working to positively represent Ethiopian national identity as a united but ethnically diverse nation. For example, in 2001, Circus Dire Dawa mounted a show titled Selam (Peace), which appeared to be about a conflict between two families: one rich and of noble birth; the other, peasant farmers. When I asked about the meaning of the show, I was told that while it appeared to be about two families, in reality, it was about Ethiopia and Eritrea and the need for the two countries to be reunited. All Main Branch troupes believe their performances at home and abroad combat the “Feed the World” or “Band Aid” image of Ethiopia as an impoverished, famine-rid- den, war-torn nation that remains persistent to this day. In order to emphasize the idea of national unity during international tours, Circus Dire Dawa, based in one of two federally controlled city performances are usually promoted under the name of Circus administrations, is expected to promote the culture of the Somali, Ethiopia (the original name of Circus Addis Ababa) or Culture Harari, and Oromo ethnic groups, whose regional states surround Ethiopia, even if members come from different troupes. the city. Each troupe also represents the Amhara and Tigrai eth- In addition to promoting a positive image of Ethiopia, the cir- nic groups of the northern Christian highlands, as these have long cuses work to educate their audiences about a number of social dominated Ethiopia politically and socioeconomically. All circuses issues. These include HIV/AIDS-related issues, messages about also include costumes, songs, and dances from numerous ethnic land mine safety, particularly in shows held near the borders groups found in southern Ethiopia, e.g., Konso, Hamar, Wolaita. with Eritrea, Somalia/Somaliland, and the Sudan (Fig. 7), mar- Almost without exception, Main Branch circus directors and artis- riage by abduction/early marriage, economic development and tic directors refer to these groups as “exotic,” “not Ethiopian,” or disparity (including the obligation of the rich to help the poor), “our [Ethiopia’s] African cultures.” Thus, while ostensibly working and the importance of and the right to education, particularly at to dispel stereotypes, the northern highland Christian identity of the primary level and for girls. many senior administrative and artistic staff causes them to rein- force the longstanding dominance of the Amhara and Tigrai peo- Representing Ethiopia through Circus Performance ples over smaller, less politically or economically powerful ethnic Ideally, each CIE-affiliated troupe should positively represent groups, which have been socially marginalized for centuries. and promote the ethnic groups living in the regional state in That said, circus directors and artistic directors are concerned which it is based. So, Circus Tigrai represents the major ethnic with accurately representing Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. As Aweke groups living within the Tigrai Regional State while Circus Jimma Emiru, former director of Circus Addis Ababa, once pointed out represents the Oromo people in whose regional state it is located. to me,

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 81 11/21/2008 11:05:36 AM What you see in the theaters, in the cultural halls, is far away from Konso, and Wolaita, as well as the Amhara, Gurage, Oromo, and the original cultures. They [Addis Ababa-based dance and theater Tigrai (Figs. 11–12). groups] take it and change it. So, I go south to the original cultures to see them and I film them so I remember.11 As a key marker of ethnic identity, language also plays a role in Ethiopian circus performances. Circuses often use several By “original” cultures, Aweke is referring to the numerous eth- languages to advertise upcoming circus performances, both in nic groups found in southern Ethiopia, particularly in the South print, as illustrated by a sign in Afaan Oromo and Amharic (Fig. Omo Valley, the same peoples labeled “exotic” or “not Ethio- 13), and in public announcements that are made using a pick-up pian.” In part, efforts to accurately represent such ethnic groups truck, portable generator, and sound-system the day before a per- can be interpreted as “buy-in” to the nationalist agenda and the formance. Language differences are also highlighted in the short rhetoric of valuing and celebrating the country’s ethnic diversity. educational skits performed before a circus show, in the pre- and In addition, many senior staff members think carefully about post-show musical performances, and occasionally in full-length which social issues may be of particular concern to which ethnic circus plays, during which performers representing characters groups, as certain issues concern some groups more than others. from different ethnic groups might have a short conversation in a For example, the semi-nomadic Somali and Oromo populations language other than Amharic, the national language of Ethiopia. living in the regions surrounding Dire Dawa are in greater dan- Circus shows are usually held in the open air, with the perfor- ger from land mines, thus Circus Dire Dawa often incorporates mance space demarcated by a rope barrier that is patrolled by de land mine safety into performances with characters in Somali or facto security guards or the local police who control the crowds. Oromo clothing speaking in Somali and Afaan Oromo. Circus Jimma performs in an outdoor amphitheater that opened Costuming is one of the key ways in which ethnic difference is in 2003 (Fig. 14) while Circus Tigrai uses its own performance made visible in circus performance as dress is among the primary hall, which was inaugurated in 2005 (Fig. 15). The musical perfor- markers of ethnic identity in Ethiopia (see Klemm, this issue). mances that bracket the circus shows are a means of attracting and While musicians either wear contemporary imported fashin entertaining an audience and are a familiar type of performance, (fashion) or traditional clothing associated with the Amhara and one with which most Ethiopians are comfortable. This is not Tigrai ethnic groups of the northern Christian highlands (Fig. always the case with the performance of circus acts, which contain 8), other circus performers—acrobats, jugglers, contortionists— skills that are unfamiliar to many spectators and thus scary. Early wear a variety of costumes that are immediately identifiable, on in the history of the circus movement, the performance of cir- at least to Ethiopian spectators, as belonging to specific ethnic cus skills such as juggling or walking a slack rope were considered groups. The two exceptions are costumes modeled on those orig- to be the work of buda (the evil eye). During pre- and post-show inally donated by Cirque du Soleil—these resemble skin-tight musical interludes, audience members can participate in the per- body suits in neon colors (Fig. 9)—and a nebulous category of formance by presenting gifts (money or personal items) or non- costumes labeled “African” (Fig. 10). material recognition in the form of hugs and kisses, or by dancing Circus groups spend a great deal of time and money sourc- alongside the singer or musician they favor, typical in many forms ing costumes. Troupes make special trips, when funding is avail- of African performance (see Askew 2002). In 2001, when Cir- able, to the Merkato and Shiromeda neighborhoods of Addis cus Dire Dawa performed in Melka Jebedu, a small town in the Ababa, where the latest styles in bahelawi libs (cultural cloth- Somali Regional State, singer Tesfaye Dessalegn performed a song ing) can be found. Most circus performances feature costumes in Somalinya. Tesfaye, who is not Somali, had learned several pop- from several ethnic groups and, barring a lack of costumes or ular Somali songs because the troupe often performed for Somali short transitions from one act to another, every effort is made to audiences, due to its proximity to three regional states. A local ensure that the performers are wearing costumes that match the Somali man was so pleased with Tesfaye’s effort that while he was ethnic music style being played and sung. The ethnic music and singing, the man made a public show of removing his watch and costume ensembles most often represented include the Hamar, placing it around Tesfaye’s wrist, raising the singer’s arm after he

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 82 11/21/2008 11:05:47 AM (opposite) 13 Circus Jimma show announcement in Amharic and Afaan Oromo. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2003.

14 Circus Jimma’s amphitheatre. Jimma, Ethio- pia. 2003. The troupe’s amphitheatre is the first purpose built circus space in Ethiopia. It was inaugurated during a weeklong celebration in May 2003.

(this page) 15 Circus Tigrai’s performance hall. Mekelle, Ethiopia. 2005. The hall was built on land donated to Circus Tigrai by the Tigrai regional state government. It is used for public and pri- vate performances, as well as rehearsals, and the compound in which it is located also contains an outdoor amphitheater and café.

did so. Similarly, at another performance, Tesfaye received a gift of 100 birr ($12) for singing in Somalinya.12 The incorporation of musical perfor- mance into circus shows is another factor in explaining the spread and continued popularity of Ethiopia’s circuses. When singers sing current pop music or the traditional songs associ- by a female Circus Dire Dawa performer who was not Somali ated with the ethnic make-up of their audience, spectators can but who knew a few Somali phrases having grown up in a multi- easily sing along with the performer, and they can participate ethnic neighbourhood in Dire Dawa. The young woman acting by singing or dancing next to the singer or presenting gifts. as the “mother” wore the clothing of a married Somali woman Although not didactic, the music interludes are an entertaining, and as she walked out into the performance space, the crowd familiar, and free form of performance. They also enable the cir- roared its approval—delighted to see the Somali costume. The cuses to establish an easily demarcated physical and temporal mother received a visit from a young man who worked for the space for celebrating ethnic diversity and the urban youth cul- Red Cross; he delivered a letter from her son, causing her to ulu- ture with which most performers and staff, and many members late and utter a few phrases in Arabic and Somali, which, again, of their audiences, identify. resulted in huge roars from the crowd. The scene then shifted Following the opening interlude of musical performances, to two rows of “prisoners” herded into “cells” by guards/soldiers spectators are then presented with either a full-length circus carrying “guns.” At times, several of the prisoners were “beaten” play, which incorporates didactic messages into its storyline, or by their captors. The Red Cross representative then arrived and by the performance of circus skills that are preceded or followed was told by the prisoners of their treatment, which caused him by didactic skits. For example, as part of a 2001 performance at a to confront the guards, who apologized, having now recognized private Christian school in Dire Dawa, a Circus Dire Dawa acro- and accepted the principles of the Red Cross. The skit was sim- bat performed an HIV/AIDS education message dressed as an plistic, as many educational messages in circus performances Ethiopian Orthodox monk. When I asked why he was dressed as are. The Red Cross representative quickly resolved the “crisis” a monk, I was told that the audience, which was made up of pri- of the abusing prison guards, who, in the end, did not retaliate mary schoolchildren, would listen to and understand the mes- against their inmates for having reported them. Yet, as intended, sage because of the role played by religious leaders in prescribing the didactic skit illustrated several ways in which the Red Cross moral behavior and advising people how to live Christian lives. helps people. Moreover, positive images of Somali ethnic iden- Circus Dire Dawa: Principles of the Red Cross/Red Crescent. In tity were presented and reinforced, underpinned by songs in the February 2003, Circus Dire Dawa traveled to Jijiga, capital of the Somali language performed by the Circus Dire Dawa band. Somali Regional State, to present a show. As part of the perfor- In the second skit, a schoolteacher lectures to his students, mance, the band sang several songs in the Amharic and Somali although few pay attention. One of the students shows another languages, and a number of the costumes worn by performers something he has found; it turns out to be a hand grenade that were based on traditional Somali clothes. Following the musi- “explodes” and injures the students and teacher. The Red Cross cal opening, the circus performed two public service announce- rushes in with stretchers and medical staff who care for the ments, each promoting the work of the Red Cross/Red Crescent. injured and explain why one should never play with or near gre- The skits were performed because the show itself was not focused nades or land mines (Fig. 16).14 Both skits resonated with the on social education; it was “only for entertainment.”13 In the first, Somali audience. Not only had the performers employed Somali a Somali mother is seen cleaning her house and talking to herself language and clothing, but the topics featured in the educational in Somali when a knock comes at her door. The role was played skits related closely to some of the challenges facing the Somali

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 83 11/21/2008 11:05:57 AM regional state, one of the least economically developed and least politically stable areas in Ethiopia. Circus Debre Birhan: Girls’ Education/Early Marriage. The domestic work required of girls and women and its impact on their educational attainment are just two manifestations of their lower social status in the urban environments in which my field- work was conducted. In rural areas, however, girls and young women face a number of threats unique to the more conserva- tive environment in which they live, including early marriage, marriage by abduction, and other traditional practices that have been labeled harmful by the Ethiopian federal government and by numerous international NGOs, which actively campaign against these practices. Ethiopia’s circuses address many of these in their performances. In 2005, troupes in Addis Ababa, Debre Birhan, and Dire Dawa all mounted shows that addressed the theme of early marriage or marriage by abduction. Depending on funding, these performances took place at least six to eight times over the course of the year and were viewed by thousands of Ethiopians in cities, towns, and small villages throughout the country. ers met their goal of educating their audience about the rights of In February 2005, Circus Debre Birhan, an Associate Member girls and women and about the problems of marriage by abduc- of CIE, performed a full-length circus play for an audience that tion, while also entertaining them. This combination of educa- included senior CIE administrators, other circus directors, local tion and entertainment is a key factor in the popularity of circus community members, and, most importantly to Circus Debre performance in Ethiopia, as is the fact that most shows are free Birhan’s director Henok Teklu Asheger, leaders from several kebele of charge, for few other forms of entertainment are. (neighborhood associations) from nearby rural farming commu- Circus performances in other troupes follow a similar pattern nities. The play combined several of the challenges facing rural to those I have mentioned above: musical interlude followed by Ethiopia, including the importance of girls’ education, problems full-length circus play or by didactic skits preceding and follow- associated with early marriage or marriage by abduction, and HIV/ ing the performance of circus skills. In many instances, when a AIDS. The storyline was as follows: a young girl leaves her home social issue is presented to the audience, circus skills are used to to attend school after having a conversation with her mother about highlight aspects of the challenge, for example, violence against how much she enjoys her studies. During a break from class, she street children is illustrated through an acrobatic routine or a and her friends sit and talk; while the girl’s friends braid each other’s fight over money becomes an routine, a traditional circus hair, she studies and comments on how important it is for girls to act in which two performers balance off of one another when be educated. Later, while collecting water, the girl is kidnapped by standing, kneeling, or sitting (Fig. 18). In other instances, a cir- two farmers, one of whom wants to marry her.15 She is not, how- cus skill may not be directly related to the social challenge pre- ever, immediately raped, as the farmer who kidnaps the girl does sented and instead serves to catch and hold the attention of the not want to hurt her, despite his nefarious friend’s encouragement to audience. Such was the case with a hat-juggling act performed make her “fully” his wife. by Circus Jimma in 2003. This circus play incorporates stock characters of an azmeri (a Circus Jimma: Condom Use. In May 2003, Circus Jimma inau- traditional musician) and an elderly couple, whose confusion over gurated its outdoor amphitheater, the first space in Ethiopia built HIV/AIDS causes great laughter among the audience. HIV/AIDS for circus performance. As part of the weeklong festivities, Cir- is portrayed as something monstrous and unfamiliar and the play cus Jimma held several public performances that incorporated makes it clear that HIV can lead to AIDS (Fig. 17). Thanks to the help different educational messages. A hat-juggling act involving of the azmeri, the girl is freed before she has been sexually assaulted three jugglers, a flute-playing acrobat, and the stock character of and returns home to her mother, who dries her tears. Shockingly to a rich person—in this case a older teenage boy wearing the latest me, as the foreign observer who expected the girl’s family to report fashin—incorporated a message about the importance of con- the abduction to the police, the play concludes with the girl and her dom use. The performance made it clear exactly where one was parents reuniting with the two farmers who abducted her, all nod- to use the condom, although not how to put one on, as a per- ding in agreement that: a) marriage by abduction is wrong; b) it can former held a packet of condoms in one hand and, with a ques- lead to HIV; and c) girls should be educated. In commenting about tioning look on his face, pointed at his groin with the other. The this circus play, Henok Teklu Asheger deemed it a huge success: trendily attired older character nodded in agreement (Fig. 19). It was really good for them to see the show. I was watching their faces This act, which incorporated an educational message, was part and they were like this [He then made a serious, but interested face while of a broader show that placed children and youth in positions of nodding] so they understood the show. They are farmers; they are our power as educators and the voice of reason in what is portrayed target audience for this show. So it was really a good performance.16 as a contemporary urban society focused on the accumulation of wealth and its trappings. Such themes—youth empowerment, Through this performance, Circus Debre Birhan’s perform- disparagement of the rich, and the need for a unified effort to

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 84 11/21/2008 11:06:04 AM combat social challenges and to develop Ethiopia—resonate in circus performances throughout the country. Circus Addis Ababa and Circus Dire Dawa: HIV/AIDS. In 2002, Circus Addis Ababa premiered a full-length circus play titled Mek- abir Kofari, or ‘The Grave Diggers’; it focused on HIV/AIDS educa- tion. In the show, two grave diggers become rich because so many people are dying from AIDS. The performed behaviors leading to HIV/AIDS include: re-using razorblades, engaging in unpro- tected sex, and contact with a used hypodermic needle. The pro- tagonists of Mekabir Kofari are street children and the challenges they face are graphically depicted, again through acrobatic rou- tines. Although clearly poor and ignored or abused by the wealthy people who walk by them, the girls selling eggs and peanuts, the older boys acting as “brokers,” and the listro (shoeshine boys) are not portrayed as marginal to urban Ethiopian society but rather as integral actors within it: street-wise, hard-working children and youth who form makeshift families and forge strong alliances to protect themselves. Circus in Ethiopia recognizes them—literally and figuratively—as the future of the country. In Mekabir Kofari, in order to encourage condom use, the lis- tro tell their customers that if they buy condoms, they can get a shoeshine for half-price. Meanwhile, as the listro and their friends worry about their futures and the future of their coun- try, the gravediggers become visibly wealthy. They carry mobile phones (at a time when the wait for a SIM card was more than (opposite) a year), wear expensive, ready-made suits, and refer to their 16 Circus Dire Dawa Red Cross skit. Jijiga, Ethiopia. 2003. In the second didac- brand-new Land Cruisers. While most Ethiopians live in one- tic skit of a show held in the capital of the Somali regional state, members of the Red Cross help schoolchildren injured when one of their classmates plays with a or two-room homes, the gravediggers brag that their houses are hand grenade. so big that they have a spare room for each leg and arm, plus a (this page) fifth room in which to rest their head.Mekabir Kofari was a huge 17 Circus Debre Birhan performers demonstrating that HIV becomes AIDS. success. The public response was extremely positive and a Dutch Debre Birhan, Ethiopia. 2005. Acrobats holding signs spelling out H-I-V turn the NGO awarded CIE funding to create similar HIV/AIDS circus cards around to spell out A-I-D-S in Amharic. plays to be performed by each Main Branch troupe. Circus Addis Ababa’s second version was called The Hero. Writ- ten by Aweke Emiru, the play told the story of a listro who tries to prevent his sister from becoming the mistress of a rich man. tus. He must also face the fact that he has “killed” his wife and Throughout the show, characters referred to neighborhoods his mistress, the listro’s sister, who laments that if only she had lis- within Addis Ababa, where the troupe is based, as well as to the tened to her brother she would not be dying. A similar version of rapid growth in private colleges and universities, which few circus this storyline was incorporated into several performances held by performers can afford to attend, and the latest fashin in the capi- Circus Jimma during the aforementioned celebration to inaugu- tal. These references to places and practices that resonated with rate its amphitheater. In one performance, the duriyay (gangster) the local audience were intentional and caused exclamations of struts around as if his life is wonderful while the stock character of surprise and much laughter among the spectators. Aweke Emiru an ibd sew comments on how the duriyay’s lifestyle will lead to an then travelled to Dire Dawa where he rewrote the script to reflect early death from HIV/AIDS. Again, clothing, language, and ges- places, practices, and trends associated with Ethiopia’s second larg- tures are used to indicate differences in the social and moral sta- est city. The Circus Dire Dawa version was called I’m a Rich Man. tus of characters, as well as ethnic variations in the latest fashions, How Can I Die? The play soundly answered this question through slang, and even economic aspirations. its depiction of the rich man’s activities, which included bribery, infidelity, public drunkenness, and the seduction of the listro’s sis- Conclusion ter. The couple’s increasing wealth was demonstrated through a Numerous factors are responsible for the rapid growth and con- series of costume changes that mirrored the latest fashin arriving tinued existence of the circus movement in Ethiopia. CIE provides in the city’s market, called Taiwan. Although rudimentary, the set urban children and youth with a leisure activity that challenges echoed the places community members might see as they walked and empowers them and that increases their status within their through Dire Dawa, including a café, a suq (small roadside shop), local communities. Until recently, it also provided many of them and a bunna bait, or brothel, above which a sign reads YeAIDS with an income, enabling them to help support their families. As mirt (‘best quality AIDS’).17 Eventually, the rich man realizes he a form of free entertainment that combines indigenous performa- is HIV positive. He develops AIDS and loses his wealth and sta- tive practices with , juggling, and other circus skills, cir-

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 85 11/21/2008 11:06:12 AM 18 Circus Jimma rehearsal of adagio act. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2005. Often cus performances reach large audiences that can then be targeted begun as a fight between tuncha wendotch (strong men), performers in an with the didactic messages for which troupes receive support from adagio act lift and balance off of one another, demonstrating their physical strength and balance. NGOs and Ethiopian government agencies. Finally, Ethiopia’s cir- Photo: Rosa Verhoeve cuses represent the country’s diverse composition through the incorporation of music, songs, dance, costumes, props, and even 19 Circus Jimma hat juggling act. Jimma, Ethiopia. 2005. A trendy older teenager explains the use of condoms to three jugglers. The act closes with folktales from many of its ethnic groups. In doing so, they support one performer holding up a condom while pointing at his groin and asking if the nationalist agenda of the Ethiopian federal government and, in that is where he puts the condom. Much to the amusement of the audience, many instances, similar agendas held by the regional state govern- the older character vigorously nods “Yes.” ments in which they are based. Combined, these factors help to explain why a small show held nearly two decades ago in a soccer field in Addis Ababa (see Stage 1996:44) has grown into a circus a permanent way out of Ethiopia (for performers and staff). Cir- movement that has toured worldwide, reaching hundreds of thou- cus in Ethiopia is now working to reframe participation in circus sands of spectators at home and abroad. as an empowering after-school activity for socially and economi- Given the recent spate of natural disasters impacting the cally marginalized urban children and youth. Yet circus perfor- global community and the US government’s recent conservative mances remain didactic. They are still conceived of as a means of policies, international donor agencies working in Ethiopia have educating fellow Ethiopians and presenting—to borrow a phrase increasingly demanded proof in the past few years that their from a review of a circus performance in Australia—“an other funds are used to bring about demonstrable, positive change. Ethiopia,” one in which people see, hear, and speak about issues They have also begun to require that organizations using these that concern them (Bishop 1998). The challenges Ethiopia faces funds are above reproach and, for circuses, that the funds are are significant, but so too are the talent and determination of its used solely for public performances, leaving circus administra- young population. tors struggling to meet their operating costs. In part driven by this trend, fundamental changes have occurred to the ways in Leah Niederstadt is Assistant Professor of Museum Studies/Art History and Curator of the Permanent Collection at Wheaton College in Norton, which Ethiopian circus troupes operate. The most significant of MA. [email protected] these is move away from circus as a career (for performers) or as

Notes to this research. I am also thankful for the support of my see Banham, Gibbs, and Osofisan 1999; Boon and Plas- mentors and colleagues at Oxford and the University of tow 1998, 2004; Etherton 2006; and Kerr 2008. My ongoing research into Ethiopian circus perfor- Michigan, and to the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at 2 In Ethiopia, wetatoch, or youths, comprise a mance began in 2000 as part of a project that examined Addis Ababa University where I was a Visiting Scholar social and legal category that differs from those of chil- contemporary expressive culture in Ethiopia’s urban cen- from 2001–2007. Finally, my thanks to Peri Klemm for her dren and adults. The Federal Democratic Republic of ters while a doctoral candidate at the Institute of Social constructive criticism on drafts of this article. Ethiopia defines “youth” as an age-based category that and Cultural Anthropology at the University of Oxford. 1 In this article, I use the term “theater for devel- extends from 15 to 27 years of age. Few Ethiopian circus This article is based on fieldwork conducted in the opment” to refer to forms of performance—however performers in their early twenties live as adults as most country’s two largest cities, Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa, diverse—that address issues of social, economic, or of them are still engaged in secondary schooling, live at as well as visits to other cities and towns that are home to political importance for the community either creat- home with the parents and siblings, and do not func- circuses. I am grateful to the innumerable circus perform- ing or witnessing the performance. In doing so, I am tion socially as gorumsewotch, or adults. It is important ers, administrators, and fans, both Ethiopian and foreign, subscribing to a definition of the term broader than that to note that in the rural countryside, girls and young whose ideas and opinions about circus have contributed normally abbreviated as “TfD”. For more on the topic, women take on the social responsibilities of adulthood

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10A17_AMM401_p76-87.indd 86 11/21/2008 11:06:29 AM when they are married off, often around 11 or 12 years of to ongoing conflicts in Somalia/Somaliland, land mines pretation of Modern Civilisation’: Popular Theatre and age, usually to much older men. are still scattered along the border regions of Ethiopia and the Social Imaginary in Ghana, 1946–66.” Africa: Jour- 3 In 2007, an Israeli clowning troup called Dream hand grenades can often be found for sale in local markets. nal of the International African Institute 67 (3):363–88. Doctor led a clowning workshop in Addis Ababa for In 2005, an incident similar to that depicted in the skit ______. 2001. Ghana’s Concert Party Theater. Bloom- members of five circus troupes. I have only witnessed occurred at a school in my neighborhood of Addis Ababa. ington: Indiana University Press. one circus performance since that time so I do not yet A student brought to class a hand grenade he had pur- know what, if any, impact the workshop had on public chased at a local market. It exploded during a mathematics Etherton, Michael, ed. 2006. African Theatre Youth. circus shows (Capital 2007). lesson, injuring several students and permanently disfigur- Oxford: James Currey. 4 Circus Addis Ababa was founded as Circus Ethio- ing the student who held it. Irobi, Esiaba. 2006. “African Youth, Performance and pia, the original name reflecting both the troup’s status 15 Marriage by abduction, followed by rape, is still the HIV/AIDS Epidemic: Theatre of Necessity.” In Afri- as the first to be established and its location in Ethiopia’s common in many parts of Ethiopia. Rural men who can Theatre Youth, ed. M. Etherton, pp. 31–41.Oxford: capital. Sometime in 2004, the name was changed to cannot afford to pay for a wedding will kidnap a girl or James Currey. Circus Addis Ababa to correspond with most of the other young woman and rape her. Once she is assaulted, it is major troupes in the country, which are named for the cit- nearly impossible for her family to marry her to anyone Kasule, Samuel. 1998. “Popular Performance and the ies in which they are based. I shall use Circus Addis Ababa else, due to the strict necessity of virginity at marriage, Construction of Social Reality in Post-Amin Uganda.” throughout this article, although it is important to note so she is often forced to marry her kidnapper. While Journal of Popular Culture 32 (2):39–58. that many people still refer to the troup as Circus Ethiopia. some women run away and return to their families, Kerr, David. 2002. “Theater and Social Issues in Malawi: Circus Tigrai has not changed its name to Circus Mekelle, many others stay, as they have few other socially or eco- Performers, Audiences, Aesthetics.” In The Performance after the city in which it is based, nor do I expect it to do so nomically acceptable options. Marriage by abduction or Arts in Africa: A Reader, ed. F. Harding, pp. 311–20. New given the troup’s name recognition and economic security, marriage to a girl below the age of consent is illegal in York: Routledge. which free it from having to cooperate fully with CIE on Ethiopia but the law is rarely enforced except in cases certain issues, e.g., the effort to rename troups. where foreign institutions bring cases to the attention Kerr, David, ed. 2008. African Theater: Southern Africa. 5 Throughout this article, I use the terms “street of the Ethiopian judicial system. Several documentary Trenton: Africa World Press. children” and godana tedadari to refer to children who films related to the problem of child marriage have been Kwint, Marius S. 1995. Astley’s Amphitheatre and the both live and work on the streets, not children who produced; these include A Walk to Beautiful (WGBH Early Circus in England, 1768–1830. DPhil Thesis, Fac- work on the streets to help support their families, with Educational Foundation and Engel Entertainment, ulty of Modern History, University of Oxford. which they live. For a thorough analysis of the situation 2008) and The Child Brides (BBC Channel Four, 1999). of street children in Addis Ababa, see Heinonen 2000. 16 Henok Teklu Asheger. Personal communication. ______. 2002. “The Circus and Nature in Late Geor- 6 Circus Jimma was established in western Ethiopia February 27, 2005. gian England.” In Histories of Leisure, ed. R. Koshar, pp. in 1992 by Bereket Tizazu, followed by Circus Nazaret, 17 This play on words reflected the sign often hung 45–60. Oxford: Berg. which was founded in 1995 by Ephrem Haile. Tesfaye over the door of a kitfo bait, a restaurant that sells kitfo LaChance, Marc, and Sigfrid Soler. 1995. “Reach for the Gebreyohannes founded Circus Tigrai in the northern (spiced mincemeat) a delicacy that is associated with Stars.” The Magazine of the International Red Cross and city of Mekelle in 1993, while Circus Dire Dawa was celebrations and wealth, as meat is quite expensive. Red Crescent Movement 3:22–23. established in eastern Ethiopia in 1996 by Meseret Manni and Deresse Lakew. Although technically an Associate References Marlin-Curiel, Stephanie. 2004. “Wielding the Cultural Member circus until 2003/2004, Circus Dire Dawa func- Weapon after Apartheid: Bongani Linda’s Victory Son- Abah, Oga Steve with Faith, Mahmud and Nuhu. 2006. tioned as a Main Branch circus long before then. qoba Theatre Company, South Africa.” In Theatre and “Young People’s Drama & Social Action in Northern 7 These troupes include: Circus Arsi; Circus Empowerment: Community Drama on the World Stage, Nigeria: A Case Study of the Zaria ‘For Tomorrow…’ Moliere in the southern city of Hawassa; Circus ADA eds. R. Boon and J. Plastow, pp. 94–124. Cambridge: Project.” In African Theatre Youth, ed. M. Etherton, pp. (Amhara Development Association) in the northern city Cambridge University Press. 42–60. Oxford: James Currey. of Bahir Dar; Circus Debre Birhan; Circus Dessie; Circus Mooneeram, Roshni. 1999. “Theatre in Development Gondar; and Circus Hargeisa, located in Somaliland. 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Oxford: Hope’), the only circus managed by a woman. http://www.lefourneau.com/artistes/circus/monde/ Berghahn Books. 9 By May 2003, several objectives had been cut, no presse/presse_tour_98.htm. Accessed 7/7/08. Plastow, Jane. 1996. African Theatre and Politics: The doubt due to repeated defections by performers while on Boon, Richard, and Jane Plastow, eds. 1998. Theatre Evolution of Theatre in Ethiopia, Tanzania and Zimba- tour and the failure of the street children project (Circus Matters: Performance and Culture on the World Stage. bwe, a Comparative Study. Amsterdam: Rodopi. in Ethiopia 2003). Other objectives established in 1997 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. were to provide recreational and educational opportuni- ______. 1998. With Solomon Tsehaye. “Making The- ties to disadvantaged children, to perform circus shows ______. 2004. Theatre and Empowerment: Commu- atre for Change: Two Plays of the Eritrean Liberation free of charge in Ethiopia, and to rehabilitate street chil- nity Drama on the World Stage. Cambridge: Cambridge Struggle.” In Theatre Matters: Performance and Culture dren through their involvement with the circus. University Press. on the World Stage, eds. R. Boon and J. Plastow, pp. 36–54. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 10 Other artistic objectives were established to Bourgault, Louise. 2003. Playing for Life: Performance in encourage cooperation between Ethiopian and foreign Africa in the Age od AIDS. Durham: Carolina Academic ______. 1999. “Alemseged Tesfai: A Playwright in circuses, to encourage exchange between performers of Press. Service to Eritrean Liberation.” In African Theatre in different circuses, to identify outstanding talent in per- Development, eds. M. Banham, J. Gibb, and F. Osofisan, formers and provide resources for their development, to Brunner, Elmar. 1998. Circus Ethiopia: ein kleines pp. 54–60. Oxford: James Currey. create a yearly circus festival, and to develop the artistic afrikanisches Wunder. Eine sozialpädagogische Studie ______. 2004. “Dance and Transformation: The dimension of the circus schools. (Circus Ethiopia: a small African marvel. A Socio- Adugna Community Dance Theatre, Ethiopia.” In 11 Aweke Emiru. Personal communication. pedagogical Study). BA Thesis, Department of Special Theatre and Empowerment: Community Drama on the November 19, 2000. Education, University of Cologne. Translated from the World Stage, eds. R. Boon and J. Plastow, pp. 125–54. 12 See Catherine Cole’s work on Ghanaian concert German by Tobias Sperlich. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. party (1997:367–69, 380–82, 2001:8–9) and Roshni Capital. 2007. “’Dream Doctor’ in Addis”. August 12. Mooneeram’s study of theater in Mauritius (1999) for Stage Magazine. 1996. Translated from the German by further discussion on the important role language plays Circus in Ethiopia. 1997. Letter of Understanding. June. Tobias Sperlich. Pp. 42-44. in African performance. ______. 2000. Project Profile. June. Stroud, Nell. 1999. Josser: Days and Nights in the Circus. 13 Birak Tadesse. Personal communication. Febru- London: Virago. ary 2003. ______. 2003. Newsletter. 14 Due to the armed uprising against the Derg and Cole, Catherine M. 1997. “‘This is Actually a Good Inter-

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