Nazarene Jewish Christianity

NAZARENE JEWISH CHRISTIANITY Chapter !ree - Epiphanius Chapter Four - Jerome From the End of the New Testament Period Until Chapter Five - Patristic Evidence a"er Jerome Its Disappearance in the Fourth Century Chapter Six - !e Gospel According to the Hebrews Chapter Seven - Jewish Sources Summary and Conclusions Appendixes I - Epiphanius, panarion 29 by II - Geography III - !e Historicity of the Pella Tradition Ray A. Pritz List of Abbreviations Bibliography Indices Scripture References Jewish Sources Christian Sources Modern Authors Subjects

THE MAGNES PRESS, THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY, JERUSALEM

PREFACE

!is book arose out of a fascination with that elusive First Edition, 1988 enigma called Jewish Christianity. I first encountered it Reprinted, 1992 under other names as a modern phenomenon. Many of its adherents would claim a continuity of community over the centuries in various places and forms. While ISBN 965-223-798-1 this may prove to be a less-than-tenable position, it is clear that sca#ered across the pages of relations © between Judaism and Christianity are numerous Jews Copyright 1992 by !e Magnes Press who, for a wide spectrum of reasons, have a#ached !e Hebrew University, Jerusalem themselves to the Christian faith. !ese too range wide- ly, from the self-hating Donins and Pfefferkorns of the All rights reserved. No part of this book may be later middle ages to the Edersheims and Chwolsons of reproduced or translated in any form, by print, more recent times, men proud of their Jewish heritage photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other and whose scholarly contributions le" no small mark on means without wri"en permission from the publisher. the search for Christian origins. A comprehensive study of both phenomena is still desirable. !e subject of this book was suggested to me over Christmas dinner by Randall Buth. While I was sur- CONTENTS prised to find that no comprehensive monograph had been done on the Nazarenes, the present study is only a Preface small step in that direction. Introduction Chapter One - !e Name of the Sect I would like to thank Prof. David Rokeah of the Hebrew Chapter Two - Christian Sources before Epiphanius University for his faithful advice and assistance both

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 1 during and a"er the completion of this work. I am also that of some free-thinking individual. It has been the grateful to Dr. Wesley Brown for pu#ing at my disposal interest of the present writer for the past few years to both the equipment and a quiet place to use it while I trace whatever remains can be found of the heirs of that was preparing the final manuscripts. And finally, none first Jewish church in Jerusalem, those who “continued of the work would have been accomplished without the in the apostles’ doctrine.” One event which would seem generous financial assistance of the Memorial Founda- to provide the first link between that Jerusalem congre- tion for Jewish Studies and the Warburg Foundation. gation and the Jewish Christianity of patristic writings is the reported flight to Pella of the Decapolis.3 !is move Jerusalem, 1987 to Pella was undertaken, according to Epiphanius, by the sect known as the Nazoraioi (Nazarenes). Or, as Epiphanius would rather express it, the Nazarenes were the descendants of those Jerusalem believers who fled to 4 Introduction Pella. If this notice of the Bishop of Salamis is correct, then we have the desired link and identity of the Jewish In the course of the last century there has grown an Christian sect which we should investigate. ever-increasing interest among Church historians in Curiously enough, investigative scholarship has dealt 5 the phenomenon known as Jewish Christianity.1 !e rel- almost entirely with Ebionism, and to date no compre- ative newness of interest and complexity of the problem hensive monographic work has been dedicated to the 6 is shown by the large number of articles and chapters Nazarenes, nor even to such later “Jewish Christian” which have been wri#en just a#empting to establish a sects as the Symmachians or Elkesaites. It is the aim of definition of Jewish Christianity.2 In the end it may the present work to start filling these lacunae. prove fruitless to define it because it is so varied, but all should agree that needless argument over the differing concepts of “Jewish Christianity” can be avoided. To the student of Early Christianity one thing becomes quickly Chapter One apparent: in the early centuries there were many off- !e Name of the Sect shoot sects having some connection both to New Testa- ment and to Jewish thought. !e earliest documentary reference to “Nazarene” as Even in the writings of some of the Church Fathers applied to a person is in the New Testament, and refers from the third and fourth centuries and later, this pro- to Jesus.1 We do not find it in Paul’s writings, which are liferation of “Jewish Christian” sects led to confusion commonly acknowledged to be the earliest of the New and to the confounding of different sects under the Testament canon, just as we do not find there the name name “Ebionite.” So convenient (and subtle) was this “Christian,” (which is found only in Acts 11:26, 26:28, and that it has caused not a few modern scholars to make the 1 Pet. 4:16). Likewise, the earliest reference to a sect of mistake of thinking that if we can box in the phe- Nazarenes occurs in Acts 24:5, when it is used by Tertul- nomenon known as Ebionism we will have defined lus, Paul’s “prosecutor.” While it can be argued that the Jewish Christianity. But Ebionism was not the direct heir lawyer Tertullus invented the name for the occasion,2 of the Jewish apostolic church; it was at best only third there is a tradition as early as Tertullian3 that an early generation, and to reconcile its doctrines with those of name for Christians was Nazarenes, and his claim is the New Testament requires no small amount of mental borne out by the earliest name in the various semitic gymnastics. languages. Obviously the name of the sect came from the All of the first Christians were Jews, either by birth or title NAZORAIOS/-NAZARENOS, evidently applied to by conversion, and yet within a hundred years of the Jesus from the beginning of his public ministry. report that tens of thousands “from the circumcision” had believed in Jesus as Messiah, there remained only Ma!hew 2:23 small, despised pockets of Jewish Christians, and of these a large percentage seem to have been adherents to var- While it is not central to the theme of this study, it will ious late-blooming hybrids of Christian teaching with prove worthwhile to take a look at the origins of this name. !e key verse is Ma#hew 2:23, in which it is stat-

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 2 ed that Joseph brought Jesus to live in Nazareth that it first—without any explanation—that the name came might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophets “He from Jesse, the father of David. !en he wavers, and con- shall be called a Nazarene.” !e difficulty is, of course, cedes that it might have come from the name of Jesus, that no particular prophet says any such thing. It is a giving the impression that he has only the fact of the ear- commonplace of scriptural criticism that Ma#hew ly name before him without anything but his own con- quotes “the prophets,”4 which may mean the general jectures to explain it.11 Now if it is true that Nazarenes is sense of prophecy rather than one particular reference. an earlier name than Christians, as we are told by sever- While this may be true, the general sense itself is based al Church fathers,12 we must assume that the two on specific prophetic statements. What passage or pas- pre-“Christian” names were in use simultaneously, if sages of the Old Testament are both messianic in con- Epiphanius is correct. !e Greek name, Christian, was tent and somehow connected to the name of Nazareth? first applied in Antioch, probably the earliest mission to !e solutions which have been proffered are legion, non-Jews, and it is well known that “Christian” was orig- and it is happily not necessary to go through them all inally used by non-Christians to designate believers here,5 since this has been done recently by R.H. Gundry6 among the Gentiles, while “Nazarenes” was already used who deals with the various solutions in their natural in Palestine to describe Jewish adherents to the new groupings. A%er treating several minor suggestions and messianic sect. noting their failings, he considers two major theories. Few passages in the Old Testament are more mes- First, the references in Judges 13:5, 7, and 16:17 to the sianic—even in their early interpretation by Jewish naziriteship of Samson; and secondly, the recent idea exegetes13—than Isa. 11:1–10. !e phrase in question .ויצא חטר מגזע ישי ונצר משרשיו יפרה that the name came from an earlier Mandaean name reads perhaps through John the Baptist. !e first possibility One immediately notices the juxtaposition of the words was already noted and rejected by Epiphanius (pan. 29 yišaî (Jesse) and neẕer (branch). !is, I believe, can sup- 5,7),7 who sought a connection to the name Nazareth. As port Epiphanius’ statement that the two names were Gundry rightly notes, the most serious objection to this both used before Christian. New Testament references theory is that Jesus was not in fact a nazirite: “!e Son of are not lacking to indicate that this verse occupied a posi- Man has come eating and drinking; and you say ‘Behold, tion of some importance in the early Church. Acts a glu#onous man, and a drunkard’ ” (Luke 7:34). 13:22–23 reads: “He raised up David to be their king, con- Gundry raises several serious objections to the second cerning whom He also testified and said, ‘I have found suggestion, of which we need mention only a few. Nei- David the son of Jesse, a man a%er My own heart, who ther the disciples of Jesus nor those of John the Baptist will do all My will.’ From the offspring of this man, are called Nazarenes in the gospels. John himself occu- according to promise, God has brought to Israel a Savior, pies a relatively small place in Mandaean literature, and Jesus.”14 It is not difficult to imagine that Isa. 11:1 formed a all that it does tell us could easily have been taken from central part of the earliest Jewish Christian polemic,15 New Testament tradition. And finally, at the very root of and that its centrally important words gave the follow- the question, a close look at Mandaean practices shows ers their first name or names. Neither one of these that they were probably not even a Jewish sect at all,8 and words in itself would have any meaning for the Gentile therefore not valid candidates for the forebears of Chris- world, but since Paul decided early to “preach Christ cru- tianity. cified” (1 Cor. 1:23, 2:2), the name Christ provided ready As a solution to the origin of the name and the quote material from which the Greeks could give a name. And in Ma#. 2:23, Gundry, like the present author, returns to of course the name Christos—messiah—for those who the old but still valid reference to Isaiah 11:1, although knew anything of Jewish thought (and the LXX) embod- he—like not a few ancient writers before him—prefers ied the essence of Isa. 11:1. to see the verse as referring more to the sense of the 9 prophets than exclusively to one prophecy. Acts 24:5 Epiphanius provides an interesting area for speculation, in writing about the Nazarenes, saying that before About the year 57 Paul was brought to Caesarea and tried the Christians were called Christians they were, for a before Felix, then governor of Judaea. !e lawyer for the short time, also called Iessaioi.10 He suggests at prosecution was one Tertullus, who spoke on behalf of Ananias the high priest and certain “elders.” According

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 3 to the record in Acts 24, as Tertullus began to state his name is so universally ignored. !e easy answer to this, accusations against Paul, he said, “We have found this of course, is to say that there is no recollection of the man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all name (and sect) of the Nazarenes because there was no the Jews throughout the world, and a ringleader of the such sect until a later one was described by Epiphanius sect of the Nazarenes.” !is is the first time that we read and visited by Jerome (if indeed these two fathers were the name Nazoraioi in reference to Christians as a group. not simply exercising their fantasies). But such an As mentioned above, it is not impossible that Tertullus is answer is too easy and is precluded by the accumulated in fact the author of the title. But this seems unlikely. For weight of evidence. one thing, in his reply Paul seems to accept the title In searching for a more profound explanation, one is without hesitation and even to equate it with the hon- tempted to fall back on the lost notices of antiquity. If ored term, “the Way”16 (v. 14, ὁμολογῶ δε τοῦτό σοι ὅτι only we had the lost works of Papias or Hegesippus or κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν λέγουσιν αἵρεσιν οὕτως λατρεύω τῷ Ariston of Pella or even Origen, two or three of whom πατρῴῳ θεῷ). Also, Tertullus probably would not use a lived in the right area and had some knowledge of term before Felix which was unknown or meaningless. It Hebrew … !is line of wishful thinking is not wholly is more likely that the a"orney for the prosecution without validity, but it is weakened by its vulnerability would choose a somewhat derogatory term, which, like to the counter-reply that those writers whose works are most sect names, has been given from the outside. It extant (and voluminously) and who did still have access would seem, then, that the earliest Jewish Christians to now-lost treatises, should be expected to know of the called themselves something like “disciples (or follower- name of the Nazarene sect. Of course, Tertullian and s) of the Way,” while their opponents called them Eusebius did know the name, and as I have stated above, Nazarenes, most likely on the basis of some generally the single notice in Acts 24 is too flimsy to serve as the known (and despised) characteristic, such as their insis- sole source for their assertions. tence on the fulfillment of a particular verse of But perhaps the solution is simpler than this. Perhaps prophecy.17 it is linguistic. If any early Church father wrote in It is important to note that the name Nazarenes was at Hebrew, the work is unknown to us. It is true that Euse- first applied to all Jewish followers of Jesus. Until the bius tells us of Hegesippus that he knew Hebrew and name Christian became a"ached to Antiochian non- even used it,20 but as far as we know his Hypomnemata Jews,18 this meant that the name signified the entire were wri"en only in Greek. !e difficulty is that Church, not just a sect. So also in Acts 24:5 the reference Hebrew, Aramaic, or any other Semitic language would is not to a sect of Christianity but rather to the entire have had the potential of preserving naturally the early primitive Church as a sect of Judaism. Only when the name (as, in fact, the Talmud does),21 but for someone Gentile Church overtook and overshadowed the Jewish writing in Greek it was more natural, upon finding the one could there be any possibility of sectarian stigma name Nazarenes referring to the (early) catholic adhering to the name Nazarene within the Church itself. Church, to change its form to the known and accepted !is should be borne in mind when considering the total Christianoi. Of course the lamentable fact that precious absence of the name from extant Christian literature few of those Greek fathers would have been able to read between the composition of Acts and 376, when the a document in a semitic language only decreases the panarion was wri"en. Even a#er the name Christianoi likelihood that the name Nazarene could have been pre- had been commonly accepted by Christians as the name served in their writings. they called themselves,19 it would require some passage So on the one hand it seems likely that the name was of time until the earlier name would be forgo"en and preserved somewhere between Acts and Tertullian, but those who carried it condemned as heretics. on the other it is equally likely that it was infrequently It might be objected at this point that if it is true that mentioned in non-Semitic script, which may be Nazarenes was the earliest name for Christians, then we accounted for by the predominance of Greek in early should expect to find the name more frequently in patris- Church writing. It is no less important to keep in mind tic literature before Epiphanius, more o#en certainly that any sect that did persist a#er the year 70 would than the isolated notices of Tertullian and Eusebius. To almost certainly have been small, and given its basic be sure, it is strange (not to say frustrating) that the orthodoxy of theology (including its acceptance of Paul),

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 4 it posed li"le threat. Since it also preserved one of the unknown. Dussaud further suggested30 that the writer several names a"ested to in the New Testament at a time Greg. Aboulfaradj (Chron. Syr. I 173) in the year 891 con- נּאצוראייא) when the greater Church itself had not se"led on its own fused the Nuṣairi with the Mandaeans name, there would have been small reason to a"ack it; Natzoraia) and was followed by others. no more reason, at least, than an essentially orthodox Can Pliny’s Nazerini be early Christians? !e answer small group known as “brethren” or “disciples of the depends very much on the identification of his sources, Way.” and on this basis the answer must be an unequivocal No. It is generally acknowledged that Pliny drew heavily on Pliny’s Nazerini official records and most likely on those drawn up for While treating the name of the sect, we may deal here Augustus by Marcus Agrippa (d. 12 B.C.).31 Jones has with a short notice by Pliny the Elder which has caused shown that this survey was accomplished between 30 some confusion among scholars. In his Historia and 20 B.C.32 Any connection between the Nazerini and 22 Naturalis, Book V, he says: Nunc interiora dicantur. Coele the Nazareni must, therefore, be ruled out, and we must 23 habet Apameam Marysa amne divisam a Nazerinorum not a"empt to line this up with Epiphanius’ Nazoraioi.33 tetrarchia, Bambycen quae alio nomino Hierapolis vocatur, One may, however, be allowed to see the Nazerini as the 24 Syris vero Mabog. !is was wri"en before 77 A.D., when ancestors of today’s Nuṣairi, the inhabitants of the eth- the work was dedicated to Titus. !e similarity of the nic region captured some seven centuries later by the name with the Nazareni has led many to conclude, erro- Moslems. neously, that this is an early (perhaps the earliest) wit- ness to Christians (or Nazarenes) by a pagan writer. Other than this, be it noted, there is no pagan notice of Nazarenes. Chapter Two !e area described is quite specifically located by Pliny. It is south of Antioch and east of Laodicea Christian Sources before Epiphanius (Latakiya) on the River Marysas (Orontes) below the mountains known today as Jebel el Ansariye (a name In se"ing the literary background for the notices of which may preserve a memory of this sect). !e town of Epiphanius and Jerome by determining earlier patristic Apamea25 was a bishopric in the time of Sozomen and an knowledge of the Nazarene sect, we must first note that archbishopric in the medieval period. A fortress was no source mentions the Nazarenes by name as a distinct erected there during the first Crusade.26 Today the group. Necessarily, then, any evidence will be derived or region is inhabited by the Nuṣairi Moslem sect (which inferred and not obtained from direct testimony. In light believes that women will not be resurrected, since they of this, it is best to state at the outset that the aim of this do not have souls). chapter is to establish the fact of the Nazarenes’ contin- If to the Nazerini and Nuṣairi and ued existence into or near the fourth century. We shall Nazoraioi/Nazareni we add the Nasaraioi of Epiphanius be able to work from two directions: Firstly, from refer- and the Nazorei of Filaster, we have all the ingredients ences where a Jewish Christian sect is described but not for a scholastic free-for-all. named, we can compare the description with what is !e confusions may have started quite early. At the known to us of Nazarene doctrine, and then try to identi- turn of this century, R. Dussaud27 noted a passage in the fy a Nazarene presence. Secondly, we can find use or Ecclesiastical History of Sozomen (VII 15) in which he tells knowledge of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. !is of some “Galileans” who helped the pagans of Apamea la"er path, of course, depends on a positive identifica- against the local bishop and the Christians.28 Dussaud tion of the Gospel according to the Hebrews with the rightly called into question the likelihood that the Nazarene sect and is taken up separately in Chapter Six. Galileans—that is, Jewish Christians—would side with the pagans in a dispute over the keeping of idols, and he suggested that the people referred to were “certainly either Nuṣairi or Nazerini, whom Sozomen has con- fused with the Nazarenes.”29 Sozomen’s source here is

Epiphanius was born about 315 near Eleutheropolis (Beit Guvrin) in Judea and died in 402 or 403 at sea.1 His native language was Syrian, and besides Greek and Latin he also had limited knowledge of Coptic and Hebrew.2 He studied in Egypt and then returned home where, in about 335, he set up a monastery which he governed for 30 years. In 367 the bishops of Cyprus elected him Bishop of Constantia (Salamis), which made him effectively the metropolitan of the island. His life was dedicated to the fighting of heresy, particularly Origenism, and in 374 he began writing the panarion (generally known as the Refu- tation of All Heresies), which he completed in just over two years. It included some eighty heresies, twenty of them pre-Christian. While the panarion preserves for us many traditions that would have otherwise been lost, the work as a whole is tendentious in its use of its sources, citing only what supports his own unbending orthodoxy. !is quality, of course, presents the investi- gator with frequent difficulties and demands extra cau- tion in approaching the facts proffered by Epiphanius. Before the year 4283 there appeared a kind of summary of the panarion, known as the anacephalaiosis. !is work is almost certainly not by Epiphanius himself, but it is not impossible that it was compiled by someone not far removed from him.4 In 382 Epiphanius met Jerome in Rome and from that time the two joined forces against Origenism.5 !e question of Epiphanius’ sources for the panarion is an important one in our investigation.6 Generally he was dependent on earlier heresiological lists, notably those of Irenaeus and Hippolytus. However, when we come specifically to his chapter on the Nazarenes, we must start from scratch: the Nazarenes are named in no extant work before Epiphanius. First let us bring the chapter in full.7

At least as important for our study as Epiphanius is his younger contemporary Jerome.1 !is most learned and proliﬁc of the Church Fathers has le" us fully a third of our testimonies and fragments of the Gospel according to the Hebrews as well as other information about the Nazarenes in some detail and valuable excerpts from one of their own works. However, more than any other of our sources, Jerome is surrounded by controversy. For this reason it will be useful to set the chronology of his life and writings insofar as it touches on the subject of the Nazarenes.

While it is true that Epiphanius and Jerome form the core of our study, useful information about the Nazare- nes, and particularly about their place in early Church thought, can be gained from a consideration of their treatment by later Christian writers. We shall be led into a valuable path of investigation if we move chronologi- cally and ﬁrst consider a heresiogragher who made no mention of the sect.

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 8 Chapter Six Although Eusebius does mention GH by name, it is a moot point whether he actually saw the gospel.6 Epipha- !e Gospel According to the Hebrews nius only once (pan. 30 3,7) gives us the name κατὰ Ἑβραίους !ere can be no doubt that the story of Jesus was early (“according to the Hebrews”), as does Didymus 7 commited to writing in the Semitic language of his fol- the Blind. !is takes us up to Jerome, who mentions GH 8 lowers. First of all, the nature of the case makes this like- (secundum or juxta Hebraeos) frequently. If he saw it, he ly. Secondly, we have numerous testimonies to the exis- was the only Latin writer to have done so. tence of such a gospel and a few fragments from it, albeit We have focused here on specific mentions of the not in the original language. In the preceding chapters “Gospel according to the Hebrews” for two reasons we saw that the Nazarenes themselves were reported to which will serve to highlight the complications be in possession of a gospel wri"en in Hebrew. !is involved. First of all, let us note that while the gospel Hebrew gospel is generally said to be the Gospel of may have been recorded in a Semitic language even Ma"hew but with some differences. It is clear that such before the end of the first century, we do not find the a gospel, were it to come into our possession, would be a name “Gospel according to the Hebrews” until the third valuable tool in gaining additional knowledge of the century, and before Jerome at the end of the fourth cen- Nazarene sect. Unfortunately, no Hebrew gospel exists tury it is mentioned by name less than ten times. Else- today for scholars to examine, although archeologists where we find references to a nameless gospel wri"en in could conceivably discover one in some place such as Pel- Hebrew characters. !e general impression is that this la, Jerusalem, Galilee, or Aleppo. gospel did not have a specific, known name until fairly Until that awaited find occurs, we must content our- late, and that this name designated its users rather than selves with examining existing fragments of the gospel its author. However—and this is our second point—the used by the Nazarenes and gleaning what information period during which the designation appeared was a we may from them. !is is not as easy as it may seem, time, as we have seen, when there was general unfamil- because there are many complications and uncertain- iarity in the Gentile Church with the finer distinctions ties. It must be stated at the outset that it is not our existing in Jewish Christianity. !e name “Ebionite” was intent in this chapter to make another exhaustive study used for Nazarenes as well as for Ebionites, and more of all fragments of the Jewish Christian gospels nor even generally, they were all thought of as those Christians of the “Gospel according to the Hebrews.”1 !e scope of from among the Jews or Hebrews who still adhered to the present chapter remains within the limits of the the Law and read the Bible in Hebrew. If there were few overall study: to extract whatever information is possi- Christians from among the Gentiles who had actually ble on the history and doctrines of the Nazarene sect. seen a gospel wri"en in Hebrew le"ers, they were even !e extremely complex problem of the Jewish Christian fewer who would have been able to tell if it was in gospels has been so complicated by the speculations of Hebrew or Aramaic much less to discern textual and investigators that it is difficult to cut one’s way through doctrinal differences between two such gospels. the jungle of suggestions and proofs. !is chapter deals For indeed it is clear that there was not just one “au- only with those fragments where doubt as to provenance thorized version” of GH. !e fragments which have is at a minimum. come to us ascribed to some Hebrew gospel will not all fit !e earliest indication we have of the existence of a neatly into one consistent, contiguous work. All of this Hebrew wri"en account for some of Jesus’ life comes to is significant for our study of the Nazarenes and their us from Papias.2 He speaks of a collection of logia of doctrines. No writer before Epiphanius mentions the Jesus made by Ma"hew in the “Hebrew language.” He Nazarenes by name, but Epiphanius, by his own admis- also knew of a story of a woman accused of many sins, sion (pan. 29 9,4), never saw a copy of their gospel, and so which, Eusebius tells us, was to be found in the Gospel could not have compared it with that used by the Ebion- according to the Hebrews. Hegesippus also knew the ites, from which he quotes. !ere is, therefore, no rea- Gospel according to the Hebrews (GH), this again from son for us to assume that every patristic reference to a Eusebius.3 !e first writer in whose extant works we gospel wri"en in Hebrew le"ers speaks of the same actually have mention of the name of the gospel is Cle- gospel. Nor should we be too quick to take all such refer- ment of Alexandria4 and soon a%er him Origen.5 ences and use them as pieces in the Nazarene puzzle.

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 9 It is our position, then, that the one earliest Urschri! way, let us be clear that we are doing so and not think (if there was only one) or collection of logia was various- that we are speaking of two works independent of each ly adapted, expanded, edited, and used by the different other, composed separately and in different languages. streams of Jewish Christianity.9 By this view there was only one so-called GH, but it made its appearance as the GH of the Ebionites, the GH of the Nazarenes, and perhaps the GH used by Egyptian Jewish Christians, called “the Gospel according to the Egyptians.” From the earliest times the name assigned to the basic writing was Ma#hew’s, and it was probably by that name that each group knew its own recension of GH, if they did not simply call it “the gospel.” Some groups had their gospel in a Greek translation, and it would seem that additions to the basic translation may have been made in Greek. Here we must make some observations on the name “!e Gospel of the Nazarenes.” In most dictionaries and encyclopedias of Christianity, as well as in other scholarly work, this gospel is presented as an a#ested title for a known ancient work. !e fact is that the eariest appear- ances of the name “Gospel of the Nazarenes” are in the ninth century, within a very few years of each other. Haimo of Auxerre (d. 855) in his commentary on Isaiah10 makes an indirect quotation from an evangelium Nazarenorum. Whether he actually saw a manuscript with that title we cannot say for sure, but it seems most likely that he was influenced in his use of the name by Jerome.11 As we have noted, Jerome repeatedly mentions the Gospel of (or according to) the Hebrews “which is read by the Nazarenes.” While he himself never uses the title evangelium Nazarenorum, it is a natural step from his words, a step that Haimo evidently took. !e other ninth-century appearance of this derived name we have already seen in the previous chapter. It is by Paschasius Radbertus around the year 860.12 We have already noted his dependence on Jerome. !ere is no reason to look for any connection between these two medieval authors in this ma#er; the derivation of the name “Gospel of the Nazarenes” from Jerome’s words is so natural that many have done it and are doing it even until today.13 !e name “Gospel of the Nazarenes” (GN), then, is a later hybrid, derived from Jerome. Jerome himself only knew the name “Gospel according to the Hebrews” or “Ma#hew.” However, as Vielhauer has observed, Jerome had only one work in mind when he wrote of this Hebrew gospel.14 !e designations GH and GN may be only a convenient way of differentiating recensions of the same basic work. But if we are to use them in that

No investigation of the history of a phenomenon as Jewish as early Jewish Christianity can safely ignore the wealth of potential data available in Jewish wri"en sources. Any wide study of Jewish Christianity will find much that is useful there, and indeed the renewed interest in the field in the last generation of scholarship has only lately begun to tap this well. In a work as narrowly defined as the present one, however, we shall find the talmudic material of only small help. We have chosen to restrict this study to that which can be identified as “Nazarene” with a minimum of speculation, because a structure built on a foundation of speculation and guesswork will be easily undermined. Hence we have kept our focus only on those places where the name Nazarene specifically appears, or where the sect can with reasonable certainty be identified from descrip- tions of its peculiar doctrines. With this limitation, we may note that the name nôẕrî, nôẕrîm) appears only נוצרים ,נוצרי) (Nazarene(s some dozen times in all extant talmudic literature.1 In all ישו but two of these cases it is found in the name of yešû ha-nôẕrî), Jesus the Nazarene. It must be) הנוצרי noted that half of these passages were censored during the Middle Ages, either by Christian censors or by Jewish editors in fear of them.2 Almost certainly, numerous other mentions of yešû ha-nôẕrî or nôẕrîm were cut out of our extant texts and remain unrestorable, ʾepiqôṟ sîn) or) אפיקורסין replaced in centuries past by ẕdûqîm) or similar harmless substitutes, or) צדוקים simply omi"ed altogether. To take up an earlier ma"er, in the few appearences there are no etymological data given. !e ,נוצרי(ם) of town of Nazareth never appears in Talmudic literature, and Jewish sources have nothing to tell us of the provenance of the name Nazarene.

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 11 Summary and Conclusions that of the greater Church at a comparable stage. Con- trary to other Jewish Christian groups of the time (and !ere emerges from our considerations an entity, a also to current scholarly opinion) they did not reject the viable entity of Law-keeping Christians of Jewish back- apostleship of Paul. !ey recognized his commission ground. !ese were direct descendants of the first from God to preach to the gentiles, and they seem fully to Jewish believers in Jesus. !ey survived the destruction have accepted the fruit of his labors: the “Church from of Jerusalem in part because they fled successfully to Pel- the Gentiles.” !ose fathers of the fourth century who la of the Decapolis, and in part because they had roots wrote against them could find nothing in their beliefs to also in the Galilee. !ese Jewish Christians were called condemn; their objections were to ma#ers of praxis. !e Nazarenes a"er Jesus, and probably received the title on Nazarenes, as Jews, continued to observe certain aspects the basis of early Christian interpretation of certain Old of Mosaic Law, including circumcision and the Sabbath, Testament passages (e.g. Isa. 11:1) as referring to the Mes- and it was this which brought about their exclusion siah and specifically to Jesus himself. !e Nazarenes from the Church. !is rejection and exclusion was, how- were distinct from the Ebionites and prior to them. In ever, gradual. For this reason—and because Nazarene fact, we have found that it is possible that there was a numbers remained small throughout—Church writers split in Nazarene ranks around the turn of the first cen- do not mention Nazarenes by name until such a time as tury. !is split was either over a ma#er of christological the Church was free from persecution and began to doctrine or over leadership of the community. Out of refine its own narrowed orthodoxy. !e Nazarenes were this split came the Ebionites, who can scarcely be sepa- not included in the earlier heresy lists because they were rated from the Nazarenes on the basis of geography, but simply not considered heretical enough or a threat to who can be easily distinguished from the standpoint of “orthodoxy.” While there may have been very li#le Christology. intercommunal contact, individual Nazarenes seem to !e continued existence of this Nazarene entity can have had sporadic visits with certain Church leaders. be traced with reasonable certainty through the fourth We have found it unlikely that either Epiphanius or century, contingent upon the credence we give to the Jerome had any direct contact with the community of evidence of Epiphanius and Jerome at the end of that the Nazarenes, although the la#er may just possibly century. While their corroborating testimonies cannot have met individuals from the sect. fairly be dismissed, even without them we must allow On the Jewish side, the exclusion of the Nazarenes for the continuation of the Nazarenes at least to the was not nearly so gradual. At the end of the first century, third century. !e sect numbered only a few members, the birkat ha-mînîm was formulated with the sect specifi- no doubt. Geographically they were limited to pockets of cally named. !is is recorded in both patristic and se#lement along the eastern shore of the Mediter- Jewish sources. Nonetheless, we have found it possible ranean, mostly just east of the Jordan ri". !ey were to that there was some limited synagogue a#endance by be found in the Galilee and probably in Jerusalem until Nazarenes into the early decades of the second century. 135, when all Jews were expelled from the city. It would In addition to this, we find continued contact between seem that members of the sect moved northward at a the two communities in the form of a polemic or dia- somewhat later date and were to be found also in the logue. Such contact should not surprise us, since the area of Beroea of Coele Syria near the end of the fourth Nazarenes lived in the same geographical areas with century. !ere is no firm evidence of any Nazarene pres- predominantly Jewish communities. However, as the ence in the West, in Africa, or even further to the East. polemic and distrust grew, the separation and isolation !eir numbers stayed as limited as their geographical from the Jewish community were increased. Different presence. steps along the way effected this separation: the flight to What we have seen of their doctrines lines up well Pella, the birkat ha-mînîm, the refusal of the Nazarenes with the developing christological doctrines of the to recognize and support Bar Kochba. By the middle of greater catholic Church. !e sect seems to have been the second century, the ri" was probably complete. basically trinitarian. !ey accepted the virgin birth and !e sectarians themselves kept up their knowledge of affirmed the deity of Jesus. !ey also seem to have had Hebrew, and in this we may perhaps see an indication an embryonic, developing doctrine of the Holy Spirit, that they maintained (as one would expect) some inter- one which was no more nor indeed less developed than

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 12 nal system of education. !ey read the Old Testament and at least one gospel in Hebrew. What we can clearly isolate from this gospel as being appropriate to the Nazarene sect confirms what we find elsewhere about their doctrines, although the inherently uncertain nature of fragment isolation and gospel exegesis yields relatively li"le by way of fresh information about the group. Of particular interest is the Nazarene commentary on Isaiah. !is work shows clearly that the rejection was not solely from the Jewish side. !e Nazarenes refused to accept the authority established by the Pharisaic camp a#er the destruction of Jerusalem, and in so refusing they adjudicated their own isolation from the converg- ing flow of what we call Judaism. Just as they rejected the Church’s se"ing aside of the Law of Moses, so also they refused the rabbis’ expansive interpretations of it. In other words, they rejected halaḵah as it was developing in rabbinic Judaism. It is not far wrong to say that the demise of the Nazarenes resulted from their own restrictive approach to the Law. Such a spurning of rabbinic authority could not, of course, be tolerated by that authority. !ere is another factor in this separation from Judaism, one of perhaps greater importance than the rejection of halaḵah. It is the person of Jesus. With their acceptance and proclamation of the deity of Jesus, the Nazarenes went beyond allowable limits for a Judaism of ever stricter monotheism. Either one of these—their non-acceptance of rabbinic halaḵah and even more their belief in Jesus—would have been sufficient to consign them to the category of apostates. From talmudic sources we have seen that the Nazarenes may have con- ducted an active program of evangelism among Jews. !e Isaiah commentary confirms that they never relin- quished hope that Jews would one day turn away from tradition and towards Jesus: “O Sons of Israel, who deny the Son of God with such hurtful resolution, return to him and to his apostles.”

APPENDIXES

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 13 List of Abbreviations PL J.P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Latina RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum Altaner B. Altaner and A. Stuiber, Patrologie (1966) RB Révue Biblique ANCL Ante-Nicene Christian Library REJ Révue des Études Juives Av. Zar. Avodah Zarah RGG Die Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart BardenhewerO. Bardenhewer, Geschichte RSR Recherches de Science Religieuse der altkirchlichen Literatur (1913–1932) Sanh. Sanhedrin BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Shabb. Shabbat Brach. Brachot T Tose$a BZ Biblische Zeitschri! "DNT "eological Dictionary of the New Testament Cath. Enc. Catholic Encyclopedia (1967) "Z "eologische Zeitschri! CC Corpus Christianorum TLZ "eologische Literaturzeitung CSEL Corpus Scriptorum TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur DTC Dictionnaire de "éologie Catholique VC Vigiliae Christianae ep. epistula ZATW Zeitschri! für die Epiph. Epiphanius al#estamentliche Wissenscha! ERE Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics ZNTW Zeitschri! für die (Hastings) neutestamentliche Wissenscha! und Eus. Eusebius die Kunde des Urchristentums GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schri!steller GenR Midrash Genesis GH Gospel according to the Hebrews GN Gospel according to the Nazarenes Bibliography HE Historia Ecclesiastica H-S E. Hennecke (W. Schneemelcher) Abbo#, E.A. "e Fourfold Gospel II (“!e New Testament Apocrypha (1963) Beginning”). Cambridge: University Press, 1914. HTR Harvard "eological Review Albright, W.F. “!e Names ‘Nazareth’ and ‘Nazarene’.” HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual JBL 65 (1946), 397–401. Ḥull. Ḥullin Alon, G. Studies in Jewish History. Tel Aviv: j Palestinian (Jerusalem) Talmud Hakibutz Hameuchad, 1957. In Hebrew. JBL Journal of Biblical Literature ——. "e Jews in their Land in the JJS Journal of Jewish Studies Talmudic Age. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1980. JQR Jewish Quarterly Review Altaner, B. “Augustinus und Epiphanius von Salamis.” JTS Journal of "eological Studies TU 83 (1967), 286–296. K-R A.F.J. Klijn & G.J. Reinink, Aspects du Judéo-Christianisme. Travaux du Patristic Evidence for Jewish Christian Sects centre d’études supérieurs spécialisé d’histoire (1973) des religions de Strasbourg, 1964. LA Liber Annuus Bacher, W. “Le mot ‘Minim’ dans le Talmud designe-t- Liddell-Sco# H.G. Liddell, R. Sco#, H.S. Jones, il quelquefois des Chrétiens?” REJ 38 (1899) 38–46. Greek-English Lexicon (1968) Bacon, B.W. Studies in Ma#hew. London: Constable, 1930. M Mishnah Baga#i, B. "e Church from the Circumcision. NovTest Novum Testamentum Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1971. NT New Testament ——. “Richerche su alcuni antichi siti NTS New Testament Studies Giudeo-Cristiani.” LA 11 (1960/61), 289–314. ODCC Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church Bardy, G. “Saint Jérôme et ses Maitres hébreux.” OT Old Testament Révue Bénédictine 46 (1934), 145–164. pan. panarion ——. “Philastre de Brescia.” DTC 12 (1935), c. 1398–1399. PG J.P. Migne, ed., Patrologia Graeca

Pritz, R. A. (1992). Nazarene Jewish Christianity: from the end of the New Testament period until its disappearance in the fourth century. Jerusalem: !e Magnes Press. Exported from Logos Bible Software, 9:53 PM January 12, 2016. 14 ——. “St. Jérôme et l’Évangile selon les Hébreux.” la Apostolorum and the Gospel to the Hebrews.” Mélange de Science Religieuse 3 (1946), 5–36. Studia Evangelica (=TU 85) (1964), 360–382. Barr, J. “St. Jerome’s Appreciation of Hebrew.” BJRL Elliot-Binns, L.E. Galilean Christianity. London: 49 (1966/7), 281–302. SCM, 1956. Basset, R. “Nusairis.” ERE IX (1917). Enslin, M.S. “Nazarenes, Gospel of the.” Bauer, J.B. “Sermo peccati / Hieronymous u. Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible. Ed. das Nazaräerevangelium.” BZ 4 (1960), 122–128. G.A. Bu#rick. 1962. Bickerman, E.J. “!e Name of Christians.” HTR 42 Finkel, A. “Yavneh’s Liturgy and Early Christianity.” (1949), 109–124. Jour. of Ecumenical Studies 18 (1981), 231–250. Black, M. “!e Patristic Accounts of Finkelstein, L. “!e Development of the Amidah.” JQR Jewish Sectarianism,” BJRL 41 (1958/9), 285–303. 16 (1925/6), 127–170. ——. An Aramaic Approach to the Gospels and Acts. Fortesque, A. “Apollinarism.” ERE I (1908). Oxford: Clarendon, 1967. Friedländer, M. “Encore un mot sur Minim, Minout Bousset, W. “Noch einmal der ‘vorchristliche Jesus’.” et Guilionim dans le Talmud.” REJ 38 (1899), !eologischer Rundschau 14 (1911), 373–385. 194–203. Brandon, S.G.F. !e Fall of Jerusalem and the Christian Church. London: SPCK, 1951. Gärtner, B. “Die rätselha$en Termini Nazoräer ——. Jesus and the Zealots. New York: Scribner, 1967. u. Iskariot.” Horae Soederblomianae 4 (1957), 5–36. Brandt, W. Elchasai, ein Religionsti"er und Gevaryahu, C.M.Y. “Birkat ha-mînîm.” Sinai 44 sein Werk. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1912. (1958/9), 367–376. In Hebrew. Broydé, I. “Min.” Jewish Encyclopedia VIII (1904), 594–596. Ginzberg, L. “Die Haggada bei den Kirchenvätern VI. Der Büchler, A. “!e Minim of Sepphoris and Tiberias in the Kommentar des Hieronymus zu Jesaja.” Jewish Second and !ird Centuries.” Studies in Jewish His- Studies in Memory of George A. Kohut. New York: A. tory, Memorial Volume. London: Oxford, 1956, pp. Kohut Memorial Foundation, 1935, pp. 279–314. 245–274. First published in Festschri" für Hermann Goldstein, M. Jesus in the Jewish Tradition. New Cohen. Berlin, 1912, pp. 271–295. York: Macmillan, 1950. Bugge, C. “Zum Essäerproblem.” ZNTW 14 (1913), 147–174. Grabius, J.E. Spicilegium SS. Patrum, ut Burki#, F.C. Christian Beginnings. London: University et Haereticorum. Oxford: 1698. of London, 1924. Graetz, H. !e History of the Jews. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1956 [1893]. Cameron, R., ed. !e Other Gospels: Non-Canonical Grant, F.C. !e Earliest Gospel. New York: Gospel Texts. 1982. Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1943. Carroll, K.L. “!e Fourth Gospel and the Exclusion Grant, R.M. “!e Problem of !eophilus.” HTR 43 of Christians from the Synagogues.” BJRL (1950), 179–196. 40 (1957/8), 19–32. Grego, I. La reazione ai Giudeo-Cristiani nel IV secolo negli Caspari, W. “Ναζωραῖος Mt 2:23 nach scri#i patristici e nei canom conciliari. Jerusalem: al#est’n Voraussetzungen.” ZNTW 21 (1922), Franciscan Printing Press, 1973. 122–127. Gressmann, H. “Die Aufgaben der Wissenscha$ Cullmann, O. !e Christology of the des nachbiblischen Judentums.” ZATW 43 (1925), New Testament. London: SCM, 1959. 1–32. Daniélou, J. !e !eology of Jewish-Christianity. Grotius, H. Annotationes in quatuor Evangelia et London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1964. Acta Apostolorum. Opera !eologica, Tomi II, vol. Davies, W.D. !e Se#ing of the Sermon on I. London: Pi#, 1679. the Mount. Cambridge: University Press, 1964. Grützmacher, G. “Jerome” ERE VII (1914), 497–500. Dodd, J.T. !e Gospel According to the Hebrews. Guignebert, C. Jesus. London: Paul, Trench, London: Search, 1933. Trubner, 1935. Dussaud, R. Histoire et religion des Nosairis. Gundry, R.H. !e Use of the Old Testament in St. Paris: Bouillon, 1900. Ma#hew’s Gospel. Suppl. to NovTest 18. Leiden: Ehrhardt, A.A.T. “Judaeo-Christians in Egypt, the Epistu- Brill, 1967.

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