Black Phytokarst from Hell, Cayman Islands, British West Indies
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An Archaeological and Historical Study of Guana Island, British Virgin Islands
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects Summer 2018 On The Margins of Empire: An Archaeological and Historical Study of Guana Island, British Virgin Islands Mark Kostro College of William and Mary - Arts & Sciences, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Recommended Citation Kostro, Mark, "On The Margins of Empire: An Archaeological and Historical Study of Guana Island, British Virgin Islands" (2018). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1530192807. http://dx.doi.org/10.21220/s2-0wy4-3r12 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. On the Margins of Empire: An archaeological and historical study of Guana Island, British Virgin Islands. Mark Kostro Williamsburg, Virginia Master of Arts, College of William & Mary, 2003 Bachelor of Arts, Rutgers University, 1996 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of The College of William & Mary in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology College of William & Mary May 2018 © Copyright by Mark Kostro 2018 APPROVAL PAGE This Dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Approved by the Committee, March 2018 �or=--:: Arts and Sciences Distingu ed Professor Audrey Horning, Anthropology Col ege of William & Mary National Endowment for the Humanities(/{; Pr Micha I-Blakey, Anthropology e of William & Mary ssor Neil Norman, Anthropology College of William & Mary Ass!!d:..f J H:il. -
The Transition from Slavery to Other Forms of Labor in the British Caribbean, Ca
M. Craton Reshuffling the pack : the transition from slavery to other forms of labor in the British Caribbean, ca. 1790-1890 Analysis of a century of (evolutionary) socio-economic transition in the British Caribbean. According to the author, this process demonstrated aspects of a continuum, rather than sharply marked phases and abrupt changes. Before the abolition of slavery slaves behaved as proto- peasants and proto-proletarians and many aspects of slavery survived the abolition. In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 68 (1994), no: 1/2, Leiden, 23-75 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 12:54:31PM via free access MlCHAEL J. CRATON RESHUFFLING THE PACK: THE TRANSITION FROM SLAVERY TO OTHER FORMS OF LABOR IN THE BRITISH CARIBBEAN, CA. 1790-1890' PROLOGUE The separate and rival imperialisms of the mercantilist era gave the First British Empire a distinctive functional identity, and the British system passed through successive stages of commercial and industrial capitalism in advance of others. Yet there is an artificiality in separating the transition out of a slave labor system within the British colonies from later processes else- where, and this is made all the more unacceptable by the general decay of mercantilism, the progressive spread of free trade and laissez faire princi- ples, and the concurrent substitution of a world-wide and intensifying cap- italist system. The British slave trade from Africa was ended in 1808 and British slaves were formally freed in 1838, whereas both the trade and the institution of slavery lingered on in other imperial systems. -
The University of Hull an Anatomy of a Slave Society in Transition
THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL AN ANATOMY OF A SLAVE SOCIETY IN TRANSITION: THE VIRGIN ISLANDS, 1807-1864. Being a Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History In the University of Hull By Angel Smith October 2011 Abstract This study analyses the process of transition from slavery to freedom in the Virgin Islands’ slave society. It draws on a database of over 9,500 enslaved people of African descent, covering the period 1818 to 1834. Including information on gender, age, births, deaths, runaways, manumissions, and owners of the enslaved, this database allows the most intimate and comprehensive analysis of changes in the social life of the slave population and immediate descendants within any single British Caribbean territory in the age of abolitionism and its aftermath. Few studies in Caribbean history have sought to go beyond the transition from slavery to freedom and more specifically, to explore the impact of the enslaved themselves in shaping their own history during this critical transition. This thesis seeks to do both by re-examining the history of the Virgin Islands from 1807 to 1864, underpinning the argument it presents with data drawn from slave registers, Colonial Office and Parliamentary papers, and other records. It is on these grounds that this thesis makes an original contribution to existing knowledge. ii Table of Content List of Figures iv List of Tables iv Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 Chapter 1 Slave Society 18 Population Distribution 19 Lands Use 22 Slave Holders 24 The Slave Population 32 The -
Bredin·Archbold.Smithsonian Biological Survey of Dominica
BREDIN·ARCHBOLD.SMITHSONIAN BIOLOGICAL SURVEY OF DOMINICA Myxomycetes from Dominica I By MARIE L. F ARR' Introduction This paper is based mostly on the collections made during my participation in the Bredin-Archbold·Smithsonian Biological Survey of Dominica (British West Indies). Species of myxomycetes pre viously reported from this island but not found on this expedition are also included to bring the record up to date. The present report although based on a very short collecting period and, therefore, far from complete, evidently represents tbe first extensive investigation of the slime molds of Dominica. From January through March 1966, over 500 myxomycete speci mens were collected in tbe field and 63 were obtained from 187 moist chamber cultures. These efforts yielded 96 taxa (1 doubtful) of which 2, 1 of Di.aehea and 1 of Physarum, are described here as new species. Dominica, tbe largest of the Windward Islands and third largest of tbe Lesser Antilles, is located at 15°10'-15°40' N. latitude and 61°44'-61°30' W. longitude, about balfway between Guadeloupe and Martinique, and has an area of slightly more than 300 square miles; its maximum length is ca. 29 miles and its greatest width, ca. 15 miles. The highest peaks are Morne Diablotins (ca. 4,700 ft.), Morne Trois Pitons (ca. 4,500 ft.), Watt Mountain (ca. 4,000 ft.), and Morne Micotrin (ca. 3,900 ft.). Because of its relatively recent volcanic origin, the island is characterized by a much craggier topog rapby and a (conscquently) wetter climate than other major Caribbean Islands. -
Crustacea of the Cayman Islands, British West Indies. I. Records of Mysids from Shallow Water Non-Reef Habitats
Gulf and Caribbean Research Volume 14 Issue 1 January 2002 Crustacea of the Cayman Islands, British West Indies. I. Records of Mysids from Shallow Water Non-Reef Habitats W. Wayne Price University of Tampa Richard W. Heard Gulf Coast Research Laboratory, [email protected] Jason T. Harris University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Croy M.R. McCoy Natural Resources Laboratory, Cayman Islands Follow this and additional works at: https://aquila.usm.edu/gcr Part of the Marine Biology Commons Recommended Citation Price, W., R. W. Heard, J. T. Harris and C. M. McCoy. 2002. Crustacea of the Cayman Islands, British West Indies. I. Records of Mysids from Shallow Water Non-Reef Habitats. Gulf and Caribbean Research 14 (1): 35-52. Retrieved from https://aquila.usm.edu/gcr/vol14/iss1/3 DOI: https://doi.org/10.18785/gcr.1401.03 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Aquila Digital Community. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gulf and Caribbean Research by an authorized editor of The Aquila Digital Community. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Gulf and Caribbean Research Vol. 14, 35–52, 2002 Manuscript received June 20, 2001; accepted December 5, 2001 CRUSTACEA OF THE CAYMAN ISLANDS, BRITISH WEST INDIES. I. RECORDS OF MYSIDS FROM SHALLOW WATER NON-REEF HABITATS W. Wayne Price1, Richard W. Heard2, Jason T. Harris3, and Croy M.R. McCoy4 1Department of Biology, University of Tampa, Tampa, Florida 33606, USA, Phone: 813- 253-3333, E-mail: [email protected] 2The University of Southern Mississippi, College of Marine Sciences, P.O. -
British Decolonization in the Caribbean
BRITISH DECOLONIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN: THE WEST INDIES FEDERATION By SHARON C. SEWELL Bachelor of Arts Bridgewater State College Bridgewater, Massachusetts 1978 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS July, 1997 BRITISH DECOLONIZATION IN THE CARIBBEAN: THE WEST INDIES FEDERATION Thesis Approved: --- o Thesis Adviser Dean of the Graduate College 11 PREFACE In 1947 Great Britain together its Caribbean colonies to discuss the idea of a closer association among them. The British wanted the colonies to Wlite in a federation to which Britain would give independence and entry into the Commonwealth. After World War II it was an accepted view among the larger countries that small nations could not compete economically and survive politically in the modem world. Britain's belief in this theory led them to their offer of 1947. However, in their efforts to rid themselves of their economically poor colonies in the Caribbean, the British failed to take into consideration the insularity they had fostered for years in the area. Although Barbados, Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, the Leeward Islands of Antigua, Montserrat, and St. Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, and the Windward Islands of Dominica, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent shared much in common, including their agriculture-based economy and their British heritage, they had lived independently of each other for centuries. Although they agreed to explore the possibility of federation, and even embarked on the venture for four short years, their reluctance to give up their new-found political freedom brought about the collapse of their federation. -
Mapping Montserrat's Transition
MAPPING MONTSERRAT’S TRANSITION FROM SUGAR TO LIMES: A GEOSOCIAL LANDSCAPE APPROACH MAPEO DE LA TRANSICIÓN DE MONTSERRAT DEL AZÚCAR A LAS LIMES: UN ENFOQUE DE PAISAJE GEOSOCIAL CARTOGRAPHIE DE LA TRANSITION DE MONTSERRAT DU SUCRE AU LIMES: UNE APPROCHE DU PAYSAGE GEOSOCIAL Samantha Ellens Samantha Ellens Wayne State University, United States [email protected] This paper uses field-based and archival research to trace the transitions on the physical landscape between the sugar and citrus lime industries occurring on Montserrat. Maps reveal the extent to which sugar production sites and natural resources were repurposed by citrus lime processors, the shifts in land-use accompanying the new industry, and the ways in which the island’s social dynamics (settlement patterns, trade networks, transportation routes) shifted vis-a- vis the new wage-labor economy. In the intermediate years between emancipation and the introduction of limes as a cash crop, the Leeward Islands were no longer competitive in the world sugar market, leading sugar cultivation to dwindle and populations to slowly adjust to new socio-economic conditions. Approaches from landscape and historical archaeology are enlisted to explore the scope and scale of lime production, situating the industry (1852- 1928) within a larger global economy and the construction of local industry-period Montserratian life. Preliminary examination of the island-wide land holdings of The Montserrat Company, the Sturge family’s prosperous lime enterprise, aids in determining the extent to which the inhabitants re-appropriated and restructured the landscape in the post-sugar era to accommodate citrus lime production and the new wage-labor system. -
UK - Montserrat
Oil Spill Response 1 of 4 Country Profile UK - Montserrat Focal Points MINISTRY OF LEAD AGENCY Governor's Office TEL: +1 (664) 491 2409 Peebles Street FAX: Plymouth, Montserrat EMAIL: British West Indies POC: H.E. David Taylor, Governor LEAD AGENCY National Office of Disaster Preparedness TEL: +1 (664) 491 2667 P. O. Box 177 FAX: +1 (664) 491 8013 Plymouth, Montserrat EMAIL: British West Indies POC: David H. Crowther Commissioner; or Communications Officer SPILL NOTIFICATION POINT National Office of Disaster Preparedness TEL: +1 (664) 491 2667 P. O. Box 177 FAX: +1 (664) 491 8013 Plymouth, Montserrat EMAIL: British West Indies POC: David H. Crowther Commissioner; or Communications Officer RESPONSE AGENCY Public Works Department TEL: +1 (664) 491 2438 / 491-2439 Rovers Lane FAX: Montserrat EMAIL: British West Indies POC: Mr. Christopher Lee, Director NATIONAL OPERATIONAL CONTACT (under MARPOL) Royal Montserrat Police Force TEL: +1 (664) 491-2555 / 491-2556 Police Headquarters FAX: +1 (664) 491-81013 Plymouth, Montserrat EMAIL: British West Indies POC: Oil Spill Response 2 of 4 Country Profile Organization of the response Bilateral or multilateral agreements Montserrat is not a party to any sub-regional or bilateral agreements. The lead agency for government control during an oil spill is the Office of Disaster Preparedness (ODP) in the Office of the Chief Minister. The Commissioner of the Royal Montserrat Police would act as On Scene Commander (OSC), and an existing Emergency Operations Centre in Police HQ would be activated as the operations centre for response. As lead agency, the ODP would be responsible for convening a pollution committee to oversee clean up operations, comprising representatives from the Royal Montserrat Police, the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, the Department of the Environment, the Montserrat Defence Force, the Department of Public Works and local oil companies. -
Whiteness and the Redefinition of Race and Subjecthood in Jamaica in the Context of an Enlarged British Empire After the Seven Years' War
Whiteness and the Redefinition of Race and Subjecthood in Jamaica in the Context of an Enlarged British Empire after the Seven Years' War Trevor Burnard The Seven Years’ War, the first global war, in which France and Britain competed for world supremacy, partly in Europe but also in their various possessions in North America, the Caribbean, Asia and Africa was, as is well known, a crucial event in Atlantic and world history. The Duke of Newcastle, the British minister in charge of government when the conflict started with the defeat of Major-General Edward Braddock on the Monongahela in 1755, had hoped to confine the conflict to the interior provinces of North America but his hopes were in vain. Conflict spread to Europe, encompassed India, settled briefly upon Africa, and ended up involving not just Britain and France but also, to its cost, Bourbon Spain. Between 1759 and 1762 it also involved the Caribbean. British forces emulated forces elsewhere in the British Empire by seizing possessions held by both Spain and France during four years of remarkable triumph. The war was a resounding success for Britain. The strength of its military arms overwhelmed those of France and Spain, showing up major structural weaknesses in the organisation of both empires.1 The Seven Years’ War inaugurated a major expansion in the scope of European interest in their overseas empires, especially in the Atlantic World. As one recent chronicler of part of the conflict states “the scale of the war around the Atlantic, the degree of metropolitan involvement in colonial affairs brought about by the exigencies of war and the extent of Britain’s 1 For France, see John R. -
Pompeys Slave Revolt in Exuma Island, Bahamas, 1830 In
M. Craton We shall not be moved: Pompeys slave revolt in Exuma Island, Bahamas, 1830 In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 57 (1983), no: 1/2, Leiden, 19-35 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/27/2021 01:29:25PM via free access MICHAEL CRATON WE SHALL NOT BE MOVED: POMPEY'S SLAVE REVOLT IN EXUMA ISLAND, BAHAMAS, 1830 Scholarly research into slave resistance in the British West Indies during formal slavery's final phase has hitherto followed public interest and concentrated on the three major rebellions that erupted between the abolition of the British slave trade in 1808 and the emancipation of British slaves in 1834—1838: in Barbados in 1816, Demerarain 1823, and Jamaica in 1831-2. This concen- tration sterns from — and reinforces — a concern for the ways in which slave rebellion influenced the metropolitan movements first to ameliorate slave conditions and then to free the slaves. This in turn reflects and strengthens a predisposition to regard the ending ofslavery as a process determined from outside; not just the nature and pace of the campaign but also its aims and end product. I am much more concerned with what the slaves themselves wanted, what forms their resistance took other than overt rebellion, and what they achieved by and for themselves (Craton 1982).1 This new interest in the intrinsic ideology of the slaves rather than that of their metropolitan allies, has led to a belief that the slaves mainly wanted freedom to make a life of their own, to devëlop their own Afro-Caribbean culture and religion and, above all, to live as peasant farmers as independent as possible from the plantation system. -
Some Acanthocephala and Digenea of Marine Fish from Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands, British West Indies
J. Helminthol. Soc. Wash. 60(2), 1993, pp. 270-272 Research Note Some Acanthocephala and Digenea of Marine Fish from Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands, British West Indies FUAD M. NAHHAS Department of Biological Sciences, University of the Pacific, Stockton, California 95211 ABSTRACT: A survey of 17 fishes belonging to 11 spe- (USNM) parasite collection, Beltsville, Mary- cies from Grand Cayman, Cayman Islands, West In- land, and Harold W. Manter Laboratory dies, led to the recovery of 2 species of acanthoceph- (HWML), University of Nebraska, Lincoln, un- alans and 9 of digeneans. The acanthocephalans found were Acanthogyrus (Acanthosentis) acanthuri and Doll- der the listed accession numbers. fusentis ctenorhynchus. The digeneans included Mon- Even though the present study is limited in orchimacradena acanthuri in Acanthurus bahianus (new scope, it indicates the presence of a rich parasitic host record), Bucephalus varicus, Hurleytrematoides fauna of marine fishes of Grand Cayman. Fifteen chaetodoni, Hurleytrematoides curacaensis, Multitestis chaetodoni, Lecithophyllum pyriforme, Stephanosto- (88%) of 17 fishes, representing 9 (82%) of 11 mum sentum, Podocotyle oscitans, and Helicometra host species, were infected. Of those infected, 2 equilata in Holocentrus marianus (new host record). host species (22%) harbored acanthocephlans and KEY WORDS: Acanthocephala, Digenea, marine fish, 7 (78%) had digeneans. The intensity of infection Grand Cayman, West Indies. with acanthocephlans was 5 for Acanthogyrus During a short research trip in summer (19 (Acanthosentis) acanthuri and 54 for Dollfusentis July-3 August) of 1991, 17 fishes belonging to ctenorhynchus. For digenetic trematodes, the in- 11 species were captured using traps and angling tensity ranged from 1 to 25. The exact number and examined for parasites. -
C. Green a Recalcitrant Plantation Colony : Dominica, 1880-1946
C. Green A recalcitrant plantation colony : Dominica, 1880-1946 Study of the class and gender dialectics in Dominica during one of its boom-bust cycles of plantation economy. This cycle encompassed the state sponsorship and rise and decline of the lime industry and planter class; the subsequent coming into prominence on the peasantry in Dominica's political economy and in Colonial Office policy; the masculinist recoding of peasant proprietorship and production forms; and shifting roles and agency of women. In: New West Indian Guide/ Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 73 (1999), no: 3/4, Leiden, 43-71 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 08:00:11PM via free access CECILIA GREEN A RECALCITRANT PLANTATION COLONY: DOMINICA, 1880-1946 INTRODUCTION: DOMINICA'S COUNTER-PLANTATION LEGACY In multiple ways, Dominica was an anomalous British colony in the Caribbean. For one, its indigenous Carib population had successfully defended its territorial sovereignty for more than two centuries after the first contact with Europeans, forcing Britain and France, the main colonial contenders, to sign a series of treaties between 1660 and 1748 declaring Dominica (along with St. Vincent) a "neutral" island. The apparent invinci- bility of Dominica's Carib Indians was based in part on the island's formi- dable and near-impenetrable terrain. This unyielding topography would ensure further that Dominica would never sustain a significant plantation economy and would remain at best a "marginal plantation colony." Indeed, when Dominica was finally claimed and settled as a formal colonial project by the British after 1763, the attempt to establish a "normal" plantation structure and rhythm of life was interrupted over the next fifty years by chronic and unremitting Maroon insurgency against the plantations.