Social World Sensing Via Social Image Analysis from Social Media

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Social World Sensing Via Social Image Analysis from Social Media PART IV PART 4: POLITICAL EXPRESSION 325 55 IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES IN GLOBAL AND TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS FROM A SOCIAL IMAGESET Shalin Hai-Jew 327 328 IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... Abstract The popularization of the Internet, the WWW, and social media, has enabled various populations around the world to be politically “woke” together, with varying levels of agreements and disagreements around a variety of issues, with conservatism around some and radi- calism around others (generically speaking). In social imagery, there are visuals of various protest effigies, depictions of public figures rep- resenting certain values, ideologies, platforms, policies, attitudes, styles, stances on issues, and other aspects of the political space. In some cases, the political figures are stand-ins and stereotypes that may represent undesirable change and a sense of threat. The study of physical “effigy” in social imagery from Google Images may shed some light on the state of global and transnational protest politics in real space and the practice of using physical protest effigies to publi- cize social messages, attract allies, change conversations in the macro political space, to foment social change. Key Words Physical Protest Effigy, Political Protest, Global Politics, Transnational Politics, Social Imageset IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... 329 Introduction Generally, an “effigy” is a model of a person, something created from the human form, “artfully” or not. In a political sense, it is “a roughly made model of a particular person, made in order to be damaged or destroyed as a protest or expression of anger” (“effigy,” 2019). In a pop culture sense, such as in video games, an effigy may be imbued with magical or other powers. On social media, there are a number of images of various physical effigies used in socio-political demonstrations, with public messaging. (These, while in digital form at the point of analysis, originated as physical objects, not digitally born ones.) The public-facing aspects of demonstrations mean that these are often captured in visuals shared on mass media sites and on social media ones. Based on a social imageset of “effigies,” with the political set sep- arated out from others (like photos of historical relics and effigy mounds, like pop-culture ones related to games and music), a number of questions were explored to better understand the uses of physical effigies in global and transnational protest and 330 IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... demonstration. To be clear, “effigies” are used in various ways beyond the socio-political. In the Google Books Ngram Viewer, there are many more references to “effigies” than the other com- mon use of “burning in effigy” phrase (often related to public demonstrations). (Figure 1) This search was done in books pub- lished in English from 1800 – 2000. Note that the “burning in effigy” is low on the x-axis. The first reference to “effigy” in Eng- lish stems from 1539 and is thought to come from the Latin term “effigies” or representations (“Effigy,” Nov. 14, 2019). The concept of “effigy” has been in long use in the scanned books of the Google Books Ngram Viewer, from at least the 1800s and earlier. Figure 1: “effigy” and “burning in effigy” in the Google Books Ngram Viewer In a historical sense, an effigy may refer to “recumbent” statues, “funerary art,” and other representations (“Effigy,” Nov. 14, 2019). In the political form, effigies “are damaged, destroyed or paraded in order to harm the person represented by magical means, or merely to mock or insult them or their memory,” with burning IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... 331 in effigy also used for protest (“Effigy,” Nov. 14, 2019). An “effigy mound” refers to “a raised pile of earth built in the shape of a stylized animal, symbol, human, or other figure and generally containing one or more human burials” (“Effigy mound,” July 30, 2019). In a theoretical work from the 1960s, one author describes an “effigy” as a human-created object made for other humans because of its representational value. He writes: If pictures consisted only of canvas and colored pig- ments, paper and daubs, how could a few pencil scrawls, i.e., thinly dispersed deposits of graphite, change a sheet of paper into a drawing, a picture? If pictures are immaterial figurations, how is it that they can be seen? If they are material things, how can they stand for other things, and yet differ from the things they stand for? Pictures are artificial even when they are not artistic human productions. Only man is in a position to understand the pictures of his own making as effigies. For a dog or horse a photograph is something entirely neutral; for man, to the contrary, it is both a something of paper and an effigy which, according to the theme represented, can touch, move, or emotionally shake him. (Straus, 1965, p. 672) The power of the effigy, in part, stems from its effect on other human viewers, who may be emotionally and cognitively affected. This work also suggests that reference objects, like pho- tographs, can be used to represent a person in effigy, and the in- world uses of people’s photos (in publications and from other sources) have appeared as representations of the individual and / or the bureaucracy or industry that they are a part of. Drawings, illustrations, and cartoon depictions of people may also be human models and effigies and treated in particular ways based on the ideas of the artist, the visual editor, the publisher, and oth- ers who are in the chain-of-production for that visual. 332 IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... In an applied sense, an effigy may be created to speak not only to supporters of the political effort but also those who are unde- cided and even those who are antagonistic. For some, there may be the sense of the added power of ceremonial objects, something with historic shamanic evocations. However, in general, contem- poraneous effigies in the West seem to be more about direct action for social change than trying to harness magic. (In other parts of the world, the tie to folk magic practices remain, as refer- enced later.) Protest effigies tend to be generally separated from the underlying word referent in a historical sense. Exploratory research questions The research questions surround the various personages depicted, what the effigies say about the demonstrators’ shared identities, the physical materials used in the construct of protest effigies, the various types of attacks (and other non-aggressive actions) on protest effigies, some political dialogues occurring around protest effigies currently, and global and transnational issues that are animating for people. The questions are the fol- lowing: 1. Real-Life Personages • Which global leaders and other personages attract the most lightning rod sorts of attention? Why? • What are the most common personal attacks in persons represented in protest effigies? How is their dignity attacked? Their personhood? How are political leaders punished for their stances and representation contrary to the desires of the dissenters? • How are political effigies styled? What messages does the styling evoke? 2. About Demonstrators • Who is being appealed to with the physical effigies and IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... 333 political messaging? What value is being offered in the particular collective groups, and why? Who is being left out in the messaging, and why? (If blame is being apportioned, who is being blamed?) • How does the effigy help create the identity of the demonstrators, who stand against the effigy as other / or who stand with the effigy as the same? 3. Physical Materials for the Construct of Protest Effigies • What are the most common analog materials used to create effigies? • How are protest effigies presented in physical space? • How are physical protest effigies presented in social digital spaces in two-dimensional imagery? • How are effigies re-used transnationally (if any)? • How do still social imagery of political effigies compare to social videos available (on YouTube)? 4. Actual and Symbolic Treatment on the Protest Effigies • What are some common ways that protest effigies are attacked? Verbally? Physically? And others? • What are some non-aggressive ways in which protest effigies are treated? 5. Political Dialogue and Protest Effigies • How are protest effigies a part of political dialogue? • Based on the proliferation of social imagery on formal mass media and on informal social media, what sorts of power do contemporaneous political effigies evoke? How? • Do contemporaneous modern-day effigies have ties to prior ones, used culturally and ritually? What are some senses of the magical uses of effigies to call up magical powers? 334 IN FLAMES, IN VIOLENCE, IN REVERENCE: PHYSICAL PROTEST EFFIGIES... 6. Global and Transnational Issues • According to reverse imagery searches online, in a global sense, what are the main issues being protested in political effigy through social imagery? • What parts of the world are the locales of the most political effigy-based expression in social imagery? Why might these be so? • How do various governments respond to political effi- gies, and why? (In some countries, public protests are precluded by law, and demonstrators put themselves at great risk of harm when they engage in such activities.) Physical demonstrations, based in physical space, may be local issues. On mass media and social media, they may find resonance on the national, transnational, and global levels. The broad reach of social media, the WWW, and the Internet enable potentially global-scale interest in local issues. (Figure 2) People are at once local, national, and global citizens; in other sense, they may be members of transnational memberships (such as for professional organizations, non-governmental organizations, and others).
Recommended publications
  • Surrounded by Slogans Perpetual Protest in Public Space During the Hong Kong 2019 Protests
    12 Spaces of perpetual protest The breakdown of ‘normal’; continuously The Study reacting to and accommodating the protests Surrounded by slogans Perpetual protest in public space during the Hong Kong 2019 protests Milan Ismangil On the way to the metro, I walk past graffiti and posters asking me to be conscious and supportive of the protests. In the metro itself footage of protesters is shown on the many television screens.1 Public space in Hong Kong can no longer be neutral, it seems. The protests in Hong Kong are entering their fifth month at the time of writing. Originally demanding the withdrawal of a controversial extradition bill, they quickly transformed into a larger cry for accountability of those in power, with universal suffrage and an independent investigation into police brutality amongst the five main demands. The Lennon Walls 2 that have popped up all over Hong Kong and other places across the world are home to post-its, posters and various other visual media, put there by anyone wishing to Fig. 1 (above): express their support for the movement. In this The ‘Lennon Bridge’ in Tai Wo Hau. article I discuss the transformation of Hong Fig. 2 (left): Kong’s public areas into spaces of perpetual Remembering the movement near Wong protest. Tai Sin temple. Fig. 3 (below): Appeals to history and memory at the Chinese t is nearly impossible to walk anywhere the attacks on protesters by assailants with University of Hong Kong. in Hong Kong today without encountering knives on 21 July 2019, and the second to Fig.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded License
    international journal of taiwan studies 3 (2020) 343-361 brill.com/ijts Review Essay ∵ Review of the Exhibition Oppression and Overcoming: Social Movements in Post-War Taiwan, National Museum of Taiwan History, 28 May 2019–17 May 2020 Susan Shih Chang Department of Communications and New Media, National University of Singapore, Singapore [email protected] Jeremy Huai-Che Chiang Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom [email protected] Abstract This review article looks at “Oppression and Overcoming: Social Movements in Post- War Taiwan” (2019.5.28–2020.5.17), an exhibition at the National Museum of Taiwan History (nthm) through approaches of museum studies and social movement studies, and aims to understand its implication for doing Taiwan Studies. This review con- cludes that “Oppression and Overcoming” is significant as a novel museological prac- tice by being part of a continuation of social movements, which transformed the mu- seum to a space for civil participation and dialogue. This allows the exhibition to become a window for both citizens and foreigners to understand and realize Taiwan’s vibrant democracy and civil society. In addition, this review suggests that future © SUSAN SHIH CHANG AND JEREMY HUAI-CHE CHIANG, 2020 | doi:10.1163/24688800-00302009 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com09/24/2021 07:47:53AM via free access <UN> 344 Chang and Chiang exhibitions on social movements could demonstrate the possibility to position Taiwan in a global context to better connect with other countries in the Asian region.
    [Show full text]
  • In Hong Kong Restrictions on Rights to Peaceful Assembly and Freedom of Expression and Association
    BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG RESTRICTIONS ON RIGHTS TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY AND FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND ASSOCIATION Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover photo: An estimated 1.03 million people in Hong Kong took to the streets to protest the Extradition Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Bill on 9 June 2019. (Photo credit: Amnesty International) (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 17/0944/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS CONTENTS 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 1. BEIJING’S “RED LINE” IN HONG KONG 8 1.1 THE SINO-BRITISH JOINT DECLARATION AND THE BASIC LAW 8 1.2 NATIONAL SECURITY LEGISLATION 9 1.3 THE WHITE PAPER ON “ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS” 10 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-It Note Protests Photos by Laurel Chor Photos by Laurel Hong Kong’S Lennon Walls Offer Bright Messages of Resistance Against Beijing’S Tightening Grip
    LIFE & ARTS Post-it note protests Photos by Laurel Chor Photos by Laurel Hong Kong’s Lennon Walls offer bright messages of resistance against Beijing’s tightening grip LAUREL CHOR Contributing writer ll over Hong Kong, a colorful form of peaceful protest has A been blossoming. People have been writing their thoughts, demands and encouragement onto Post-it notes, and sticking them onto walls in public spaces, creating an eye-catching and instantly recognizable mosaic. They’ve bloomed on walls of footbridges and pedestrian tunnels, and on the sides of government buildings and highway pillars, with some torn down as quickly as they flowered, and others having lasted since early June. These temporary installations are called Lennon Walls, taking their name from the graffiti-covered, peace- themed wall in Prague first painted with a picture of the late musician John Lennon in 1980. The first Hong Kong Lennon Wall appeared on the sides of the legislature in 2014, during the pro-democracy Umbrella Movement, when major streets were occupied in the heart of the city for 79 days. Five years later, they have again become a powerful symbol in the former British colony, which has been rocked by almost two months of increasingly Ms. Ho (first name withheld), 14, said she was putting violent demonstrations. up a made-up character representing “dirty cops” The protests were sparked by a on the outskirts of the wall in Tai Po. “I want people proposed bill that would allow anyone to know that the cops are like this, that they don’t care about people, and don’t help people, and hit us.” in Hong Kong to be extradited back to mainland China, while the police 54 Nikkei Asian Review Aug.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 6 Hong Kong
    CHAPTER 6 HONG KONG Key Findings • The Hong Kong government’s proposal of a bill that would allow for extraditions to mainland China sparked the territory’s worst political crisis since its 1997 handover to the Mainland from the United Kingdom. China’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s auton- omy and its suppression of prodemocracy voices in recent years have fueled opposition, with many protesters now seeing the current demonstrations as Hong Kong’s last stand to preserve its freedoms. Protesters voiced five demands: (1) formal with- drawal of the bill; (2) establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality; (3) removing the designation of the protests as “riots;” (4) releasing all those arrested during the movement; and (5) instituting universal suffrage. • After unprecedented protests against the extradition bill, Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam suspended the measure in June 2019, dealing a blow to Beijing which had backed the legislation and crippling her political agenda. Her promise in September to formally withdraw the bill came after months of protests and escalation by the Hong Kong police seeking to quell demonstrations. The Hong Kong police used increasingly aggressive tactics against protesters, resulting in calls for an independent inquiry into police abuses. • Despite millions of demonstrators—spanning ages, religions, and professions—taking to the streets in largely peaceful pro- test, the Lam Administration continues to align itself with Bei- jing and only conceded to one of the five protester demands. In an attempt to conflate the bolder actions of a few with the largely peaceful protests, Chinese officials have compared the movement to “terrorism” and a “color revolution,” and have im- plicitly threatened to deploy its security forces from outside Hong Kong to suppress the demonstrations.
    [Show full text]
  • Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong's
    ASIEN 148 (Juli 2018), S. 5–25 Refereed article Protest Geographies and Cross-Modal Icons in Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement Sandra Kurfürst Summary In September 2014, thousands of people occupied the heart of Hong Kong’s state and corporate power, the central business district. This paper provides a snapshot of the first days of the events that resulted in what would ultimately become a 79-day- long occupation, which eventually came to be known as the “Umbrella Movement.” The paper first maps the protest geographies, focusing on the symbolism of place. It then proceeds to decipher the symbols employed by the protestors both in urban public and in digital space. The paper argues that the transformation of tangible everyday items like the umbrella into intangible digital icons demonstrates resilience in the face of state coercion in physical space. Acknowledging the symbolism of place and its inherent contestation, the paper, moreover, shows that the symbols that became cross-modal icons were those that were non-place-specific ones, and thus those shared by a wider collective. Finally, the article suggests it is important to reflect on the distribution of leadership across a wider collective and via different media forms. The data is drawn from participant observation on Hong Kong Island and Kowloon during the week of university class boycotts, from September 21–26, 2014, before the official start of Occupy Central — as well as from internet ethnography, newspaper analysis, and secondary literature research too. Keywords: Public space, social media, social movements, symbols, Hong Kong, Occupy Central Sandra Kurfürst is Juniorprofessor of “Cross-cultural and urban communication” at the Global South Studies Centre, University of Cologne.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hong Kong Protests 01 October 2019
    IPRI Brief The Hong Kong Protests 01 October 2019 N Jayaram Indpendent Analyst, Bangalore IPRI Brief 25 September 2019 In order to understand the current churning in Hong Kong, which has received global International Strategic and attention,Security it would be Studies Programme (ISSSP)useful to take stock of National Institute of developments in China and in Hong Kong from at least the mid-1970s. Some essential details Britain acquired Hong Kong island and the Kowloon peninsula after the mid-19th century Opium Wars, adding the vast New Territories ISSSP, National Institute of taken on a 99-year lease from Qing Empire in Advanced Studies (NIAS) 1898. In the 20th century, during the period of 2 Civil War pitting the Communist Party (CPC) forces and the Nationalist (Kuomintang or KMT) forces and in the aftermath of the Communists’ victory and establishment of the People’s Republic of China 1949, there was a steady influx of refugees that helped boost Hong Kong’s economy. The influx continued during the periods when Mao imposed ultra- left policies such as the Great Leap Forward (1958-1961) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). In 1967, at the height of the Cultural Revolution, there were also riots in Hong Kong, fuelled by the gross inequalities in the territory. This spurred the British colonial government to adopt a series of welfare measures including public housing, the addition of more schools and hospitals, crackdown on corruption and police reforms. First Tiananmen Incident and later rise of Deng Some weeks after Premier Zhou Enlai, long the number 2 leader after Mao Zedong, died in January 1976, there began an outpouring of grief as he was seen as having tried to temper the worst excesses of the regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Dissertation FINAL2.Pdf
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of Communications AFTER A RAINY DAY IN HONG KONG: MEDIA, MEMORY AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, A LOOK AT HONG KONG’S 2014 UMBRELLA MOVEMENT A Dissertation in Mass Communications by Kelly A. Chernin © 2017 Kelly A. Chernin Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2017 The dissertation of Kelly A. Chernin was reviewed and approved* by the following: Matthew F. Jordan Associate Professor of Media Studies Dissertation Adviser Chair of Committee C. Michael Elavsky Associate Professor of Media Studies Michelle Rodino-Colocino Associate Professor of Media Studies Stephen H. Browne Liberal Arts Research Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences Ford Risley Professor of Communications Associate Dean of the College of Communications *Signatures are on file in the graduate school. ii ABSTRACT The period following an occupied social movement is often overlooked, yet it is an important moment in time as political and economic systems are potentially vulnerable. In 2014, after Hong Kong’s Chief Executive declared that the citizens of Hong Kong would be unable to democratically elect their leader in the upcoming 2017 election, a 79-day occupation of major city centers ensued. The memory of the three-month occupation, also known as the Umbrella Movement was instrumental in shaping a political identity for Hong Kong’s residents. Understanding social movements as a process and not a singular event, an analytic mode that problematizes linear temporal constructions, can help us move beyond the deterministic and celebratory views often associated with technology’s role in social movement activism.
    [Show full text]
  • Museum Activism
    MUSEUM ACTIVISM Only a decade ago, the notion that museums, galleries and heritage organisations might engage in activist practice, with explicit intent to act upon inequalities, injustices and environmental crises, was met with scepticism and often derision. Seeking to purposefully bring about social change was viewed by many within and beyond the museum community as inappropriately political and antithetical to fundamental professional values. Today, although the idea remains controversial, the way we think about the roles and responsibilities of museums as knowledge- based, social institutions is changing. Museum Activism examines the increasing significance of this activist trend in thinking and practice. At this crucial time in the evolution of museum thinking and practice, this ground-breaking volume brings together more than fifty contributors working across six continents to explore, analyse and critically reflect upon the museum’s relationship to activism. Including contribu- tions from practitioners, artists, activists and researchers, this wide-ranging examination of new and divergent expressions of the inherent power of museums as forces for good, and as activists in civil society, aims to encourage further experimentation and enrich the debate in this nascent and uncertain field of museum practice. Museum Activism elucidates the largely untapped potential for museums as key intellectual and civic resources to address inequalities, injustice and environmental challenges. This makes the book essential reading for scholars and students of museum and heritage studies, gallery studies, arts and heritage management, and politics. It will be a source of inspiration to museum practitioners and museum leaders around the globe. Robert R. Janes is a Visiting Fellow at the School of Museum Studies , University of Leicester, UK, Editor-in-Chief Emeritus of Museum Management and Curatorship, and the founder of the Coalition of Museums for Climate Justice.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case Study of Recent Social Movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan: Convergence of Counter-Identities Amid China’S Rise
    A Case Study of Recent Social Movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan: Convergence of Counter-Identities amid China’s Rise Christina Lai August 2020 Global Taiwan Institute About the Global Taiwan Institute GTI is a 501(c)(3) non-profit policy incubator dedicated to insightful, cutting-edge, and inclusive research on policy issues regarding Taiwan and the world. Our mission is to enhance the relationship between Taiwan and other countries, especially the United States, through policy research and programs that promote better public understanding about Taiwan and its people. www.globaltaiwan.org GTI Taiwan Scholarship Program GTI Taiwan Scholarship program enables outstanding researchers from the United States to perform valuable Taiwan policy research based on field visit to the country. To find out more about this opportunity and other programs please visit our website at www.globaltaiwan.org. About the Author Christina Lai is a junior research fellow at the Institute of Political Science at Academia Sinica, Taiwan. She was previously a lecturer in Global Security Studies at Johns Hop- kins University. Her research interests include U.S.-China Relations, Chinese Foreign Policy, East Asian politics, and Qualitative Research Methods. Her research for GTI examines Taiwan’s and Hong Kong’s discourse with regard to their social movements. Cover: “Hong Kong Protests 2019” by K_iwi is licensed under CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 Board of Directors Wen-yen Chen Chieh-Ting Yeh Jennifer Hu (Chairperson) (Vice Chairperson) (Vice Chairperson) John Huang Keelung Hong
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Antifa and Urban Guerrila Warfare
    UNDERSTANDING ANTIFA AND URBAN GUERRILA WARFARE RESTRICTED TO LAW ENFORCEMENT ONLY Introduction This manual is a working manual, i.e., the readers are encouraged to submit their observations, field experiences and opinions regarding what is presented, in the hopes that this will better serve their fellow officers. It is understood that, at this moment, law enforcement is undermanned, underequipped, undertrained, and, under supported by Administrators in their departments and public officials. The one item for which each police officer is not in short supply is their DEDICATION to their jobs and the communities they serve. Each of you must never lose track of the fact that this is not a protest, IT IS A REVOLUTION. The Editors Table of Contents UNDERSTANDING ANTIFA AND URBAN GUERRILA WARFARE The Author’s Experience of Past Revolutions and How These Compare to 6. What You Are Experiencing Now. 1. Riots 2. Bombs 3. Author’s Comments 4. Arson 5. Safe Havens 6. Ambushes 7. Conclusions and Lessons Author’s Comments 14. War for the Cities 18. 1. Fourth Generation Warfare 2. Carlos Marighella, “Mini-Manual for the Urban Guerrllla” 19. 3. Author’s Observations 21. 4. Author’s Suggestions 22. Yellow Vests, Rising Violence – What’s Happening in France? 25. Tactics and methods surrounding the 2019-20 Hong Kong protests 31. Major principles 1.1 Decentralized leadership 1.2 Flexible tactics 1.3 Unity and cohesion 2 Demonstrations 2.1 Black bloc and group defences 2.2 Offensive actions, petrol bombs, and arson 2.3 Vandalism and violence 3 Alternative protests 3.1 Neighborhood Lennon Walls 3.2 Hunger strikes 3.3 Non co-operation movements 3.4 Police station blockades 3.5 Human chain 3.6 Nightly democracy chants 3.7 Petition campaigns 4 Economic protests 4.1 Yellow economic circle 4.2 Boycotts 5 Art and music 6 Technology 6.1 Online activism 6.2 Doxing 6.3 AirDrop broadcast 6.4 Peer-to-peer mesh broadcasting 6.5 Crowdfunding 7 Publicity 7.1 Advertising campaign 7.2 Citizens' press conference 8 References Hand signs of the Hong Kong Protestors 65.
    [Show full text]
  • Asylum Seekers
    Executive Summary Experts have documented the systematic oppression and violence against democratic activists in Hong Kong, well before the start of the protest movement in June 2019. The imminent implementation of a national security law (NSL) threatens the fundamental rights and freedoms of the entire Hong Kong population. Democratic activists, who are suppressed and many have been assaulted, see Appendix A & B, now fear further political persecution. ​ ​ The Canadian government should consider providing temporary protected or permanent residency status to Hong Kong residents, participants and activists of Hong Kong’s democratic protests who hold a political opinion that is critical of the Chinese or Hong Kong government, and individuals with family and support systems in Canada for reunification. In addition to the clear humanitarian purpose, accepting asylum seekers from Hong Kong would provide Canada with economic and foreign policy benefits, as refugee claimants from Hong Kong are likely to be young, educated, English-speaking global citizens whose values align with those of Canada. The government must also consider barriers specific to Hong Kong asylum seekers by: ● Waiving arrests, charges, convictions records tied to individuals’ participation in the democratic protest movement that are deemed political persecution, see Appendix B; ​ ​ ● -------------------------------------------- pro-democracy activists whose freedom of movement ​ is suppressed, see Appendix E; ​ ​ ● Allowing refugees’ immediate family to seek safety in Canada, see Appendix D; ​ ​ ● Including applicants who are also suffering from persecution in China. Recommendations Below are five recommendations that can be combined to form a comprehensive strategy to support asylum seekers from Hong Kong and China: 1. Add Hong Kong and China to the countries that qualify for less complex claims; 2.
    [Show full text]