Exploring the Transformative Essence of Intellectual Feminism in Africa
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Editorial Amina Mama
Editorial Amina Mama The launch of Feminist Africa marks a critical moment in the continental history of gender politics. Three decades after the development industry first began to respond to the international resurgence of women's movements, African gender politics have become increasingly complex and contradictory. Feminism, as a movement that is both global and local, leaves little untouched. In post-colonial contexts it presents a praxis that directly opposes the hegemonic interests of multinational corporations, international financial and development agencies and nation-states, as well as the persisting male domination of disparate traditional structures, civil society formations and social movements. In African contexts, feminism has emerged out of women's deep engagement with and commitment to national liberation, so it is hardly surprising that African women's movements today feature in the disparate struggles and social movements characterising post-colonial life. African women are mobilising at local, regional and international levels, and deploying various strategies and forms. Little wonder that they display gender politics ranging from the radically subversive to the unashamedly conservative. Gender politics in post-colonial Africa are deeply contested, within and beyond the minority who might name themselves as feminists. Today's women activists are as likely to be engaging the World Bank over the deleterious impact of structural adjustment on African women as they are to be lobbying the national governments over the marginalisation of women in the corridors of political power, or challenging traditional and community-based organisations. Since independence, the persistence of patriarchal hegemony across the African region has stimulated a visible proliferation of feminist scholarship and strategy, yet this is only rarely brought together for collective reflection and analysis. -
Explaining the Institutional Capacity of State
Explaining The Institutional Capacity Of State Feminism In A Non-Western Setting: A Case Study of the Malaysian Women’s Policy Agency A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2015 RABI’AH BINTI AMINUDIN SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Department of Politics Table of Contents FIGURES AND TABLES ................................................................................ 7 FIGURES AND TABLES ................................................................................ 8 LIST OF ACRONYMS .................................................................................... 9 ABSTRACT .................................................................................................. 12 DECLARATION ............................................................................................ 13 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT ......................................................................... 14 DEDICATION ............................................................................................... 15 ACKNOWLEDGMENT ................................................................................. 16 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION .............................................................. 17 BACKGROUND ..................................................................................................18 RESEARCH AIM AND OBJECTIVES .................................................................25 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ..........................................................................26 -
Everyday Decolonialities of Feminist Publishing a Social Cartography
Everyday decolonialities of feminist publishing A social cartography By Juliana Santos de Carvalho and Carolina Oliveira Beghelli 1 Gender Centre Working Paper 14 | 2021 2021 14 | 14 Gender Centre Working Paper Everyday decolonialities of feminist publishing A social cartography About the authors Juliana Santos de Carvalho is a PhD candidate in International Law with a minor in International Relations and Political Science at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva (Switzerland). She is a holder of a Swiss Government Excellence Scholarship for Foreign Scholars and a research assistant at the Albert Hirschman Centre on Democracy at the Graduate Institute. She holds an LL.M in Law and Politics of International Security from the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam (Netherlands) and an LL.B from the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (Brazil). Her current research interests include legality, feminist epistemologies, and the production of knowledge. Carolina Oliveira Beghelli holds a master’s degree on Transitional Justice, Human Rights and the Rule of Law from the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights (Switzerland), having specialised in security systems’ reform from a gender perspective. She also holds an LL.B from the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte (Brazil). Over the past years, Carolina has been working with civil society support in the Latin-American region, focused on women human rights defenders and protection strategies. 2 This working paper provides findings from a research conducted at the Graduate Institute’s Gender Centre with support from the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). To cite this document Santos de Carvalho, Juliana and Carolina Oliveira Beghelli. -
SEX WORK and FEMINISM
SEX WORK and FEMINISM a guide on the feminist principles of sex worker organizing Contents IntroduCtIon 1 Common mIsConCeptIons about femInIsm 2 a glossary of femInIst termInology 4 a brIef look at femInIst aCtIvIsm In the CeeCa regIon 9 feminism under state socialism and communism 9 feminist activism after the collapse of the soviet union 10 rise of anti-trans and anti-sex work feminists 12 abolItIonIst dIsCourses and Counter arguments 14 the femInIst Ideals of sex worker organIzIng 18 IntroduCtIon The last decade saw increasing attacks against sex worker communities globally, not only from governments and political actors but also from abolitionist feminist activists. While governments chose to tackle “the issue of prostitution” through punitive, rather than social measures by directly criminalizing sex workers, or indirectly punishing them by offences of drug use and possession, homelessness, hooliganism or vagrancy, aboitionist feminists mobilized and lobbied for the introduction of the criminalization of clients (also known as the Swedish Model). This model criminalizes the purchase of sexual services, at the same time it pushes sex workers into clandestine working environments, exposing them to health risks and violence.1 In Central-Eastern Europe and Central Asia (CEECA), similar abolitionist proposals so far have not reached legislative levels, but public debates surrounding sex work have intensifed. In the region, abolitionist feminists might not have very close ties to governments (yet), however, they shape public opinion through their platforms and media connections, and frequently (cyber-)bully sex worker rights activists. In order to prepare its membership for potential abolitionist campaigns, the Sex Workers’ Rights Advocacy Network (SWAN) initiated conversations with its members on topics related to sex work and feminism. -
TOWARD a FEMINIST THEORY of the STATE Catharine A. Mackinnon
TOWARD A FEMINIST THEORY OF THE STATE Catharine A. MacKinnon Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England K 644 M33 1989 ---- -- scoTT--- -- Copyright© 1989 Catharine A. MacKinnon All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America IO 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 First Harvard University Press paperback edition, 1991 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data MacKinnon, Catharine A. Toward a fe minist theory of the state I Catharine. A. MacKinnon. p. em. Bibliography: p. Includes index. ISBN o-674-89645-9 (alk. paper) (cloth) ISBN o-674-89646-7 (paper) I. Women-Legal status, laws, etc. 2. Women and socialism. I. Title. K644.M33 1989 346.0I I 34--dC20 [342.6134} 89-7540 CIP For Kent Harvey l I Contents Preface 1x I. Feminism and Marxism I I . The Problem of Marxism and Feminism 3 2. A Feminist Critique of Marx and Engels I 3 3· A Marxist Critique of Feminism 37 4· Attempts at Synthesis 6o II. Method 8 I - --t:i\Consciousness Raising �83 .r � Method and Politics - 106 -7. Sexuality 126 • III. The State I 55 -8. The Liberal State r 57 Rape: On Coercion and Consent I7 I Abortion: On Public and Private I 84 Pornography: On Morality and Politics I95 _I2. Sex Equality: Q .J:.diff�_re11c::e and Dominance 2I 5 !l ·- ····-' -� &3· · Toward Feminist Jurisprudence 237 ' Notes 25I Credits 32I Index 323 I I 'li Preface. Writing a book over an eighteen-year period becomes, eventually, much like coauthoring it with one's previous selves. The results in this case are at once a collaborative intellectual odyssey and a sustained theoretical argument. -
Conversation Living Feminist Politics - Amina Mama Interviews Winnie Byanyima
Conversation Living Feminist Politics - Amina Mama interviews Winnie Byanyima Winnie Byanyima is MP for Mbarara Municipality in Western Uganda. The daughter of two well-known politicians, she was a gifted scholar and won awards to pursue graduate studies in aeronautical engineering. However, she chose to join the National Resistance Movement under Museveni's leadership, and later became one of the first women to stand successfully for direct elections. Winnie is best known for her gender advocacy work with non- governmental organisations, her anti-corruption campaigns, and her opposition to Uganda's involvement in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. She is currently affiliated to the African Gender Institute, where she is writing a memoir of three generations of women – her grandmother, her mother and her own life in politics. Here she is interviewed by Amina Mama on behalf of Feminist Africa. Amina Mama: Let's begin by talking about your early life, and some of the formative influences. Winnie Byanyima: I grew up pretty much my father's daughter. I admired him very much, and people said I was like him. I had a more difficult relationship with my mother. But in the last few years as I've tried to reflect on who I am and why I believe the things that I believe, I've found myself coming back to my mother and my grandmother, and having to face the fact that I take a lot from those women. It's tough, because it means that I must recognise all that I didn't take as important about my mother's struggles. -
I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism As a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence”
“I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence” Janiece L. Blackmon Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In History Committee Chair: Dr. Beverly Bunch‐Lyons Committee Member: Dr. Hayward Farrar Committee Member: Dr. Brett L. Shadle June 16, 2008 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Gender, Africana womanism, Rastafarianism, Black Panther Party, Nation of Gods and Earths “I Am Because We Are: Africana Womanism as a Vehicle of Empowerment and Influence” Janiece L. Blackmon ABSTRACT The purpose of this research project has been to shed light on the experiences of Black women in Afrocentric groups—Nation of Gods and Earths, the Black Panther Party, and Rastafarians—that operated on the fringes of society during the 1960s through the early 2000s. This work articulates the gender dynamics between the men and women of the groups. In it, I trace the history of Black nationalism and identity in the United States in the late 19th century to the 20th century which set the framework for the formation of the Nation of Gods and Earths (NGE), the Black Panther Party(BPP), and Rastafarianism and its members to see themselves as a part of the Black nation or community and the women of these groups to see their identity tied in with the goals and desires of the group not as one set on individualistic ambitions. The Africana womanist did not see herself as an individual but rather a vital part of the entire Black community. -
Founding Voices of Women's and Gender Studies in Uganda
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 21 Issue 2 Articles from the 5th World Conference Article 2 on Women’s Studies, Bangkok, Thailand April 2020 A Room, A Chair, and A Desk: Founding Voices of Women’s and Gender Studies in Uganda Adrianna L. Ernstberger Marian University Follow this and additional works at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Ernstberger, Adrianna L. (2020). A Room, A Chair, and A Desk: Founding Voices of Women’s and Gender Studies in Uganda. Journal of International Women's Studies, 21(2), 4-16. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol21/iss2/2 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2020 Journal of International Women’s Studies. A Room, A Chair, and A Desk: Founding Voices of Women’s and Gender Studies in Uganda By Adrianna L. Ernstberger1 Abstract This paper studies the birth and development of women’s and gender studies in Uganda. I conducted this research as part of a doctoral thesis on the history of women’s and gender studies in the Global South. Using feminist and standpoint theories, much of the research includes oral histories gathered over the course of three years of field work in Uganda. -
Historicising the Women's Manifesto for Ghana
Amoah-Boampong, C./ Historicising The Women’s Manifesto for Ghana DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v29i2.2 Historicising The Women’s Manifesto for Ghana: A culmination of women’s activism in Ghana Cyrelene Amoah-Boampong Senior Lecturer Department of History University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana E-mail: [email protected] Submitted: April 13, 2018/ Accepted: October 20, 2018 / Published: December 3, 2018 Abstract Women are one of Ghana’s hidden growth resources. Yet, Ghanaian women have been marginalized from the developmental discourse by a succession of hegemonic political administrations. At best, Ghanaian women were said to have a quiet activism, although each epoch had its own character of struggle. Bringing together history, gender and development, this article examines the historical trajectory of female agency in post- colonial Ghana. It argues that through the historisation of women’s activism, Ghanaian women’s agency and advocacy towards women’s rights and gender equality concerns rose from the era of quiet activism characterised by women’s groups whose operations hardly questioned women’s social status to contestation with the state epitomized by the creation of The Women’s Manifesto for Ghana in 2004 which played a critical role in women’s collective organisation and served as a key pathway of empowerment. Keywords: women, activism, empowerment, Women’s Manifesto, Ghana Introduction Globally, there exists gender disparities in human development. According to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, gender equality is fundamental to delivering on the promises of sustainability, peace and human progress (United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2016). Ghana adopted all 17 goals set to end poverty and ensure prosperity for all. -
One Between Third World/Women of Color Feminism and Decolonial Feminism
Notes One Between Third World/Women of Color Feminism and Decolonial Feminism 1. By alter-modern here I mean other than modern or a demodern stance as a way of delinking from modernity and its discourses (Mignolo 2007). For more details see chapter two. 2. One of the new grounds for uniting the women of color discourses is the decolonial option discussed in detail in chapter two. 3. Jayawardena’s later works such as The White Woman’s Other Burden (1995) and Nobodies to Somebodies (2000) reconsider and problematize some of her initial Marxist interpretations concentrating on transcultural and trans-epistemic encounters between Asian and Western women. 4. Sandoval’s critical dialogue with modernity and postmodernity is more flexible and open than many male heterosexual variants of non-Western emancipating discourses. Instead of the intellectual operation of denounc- ing modernity in all its manifestations she attempts to find certain impulses, ideas, and drives in critical modern philosophy that would echo the decolonial agendas and thus be used as a ground for dialogue. Two Decolonial Feminism and the Decolonial Turn 1. For more details see Mignolo and Tlostanova 2006. 2. The first or Christian phase of modernity in decolonial option stretches from the sixteenth century and until the enlightenment while the second secular modernity is a post-enlightenment phase. 3. For the argument on intersections and differences between the decolonial option and postcolonial studies see Mignolo and Tlostanova 2007. 4. Race is fundamental in the shaping of the modern/colonial imaginary and its reverberations can be felt in distorted forms even in such countries as Russia and its former and present colonies. -
Academic Freedom and Social Responsibility of Intellectuals: What Are the New Challenges?” Oran 9-11 Th March 2010
1st Draft – Not for circulation or citation. CODESRIA Conference ‘Academic Freedom and Social Responsibility of Intellectuals: What are the New Challenges?” Oran 9-11 th March 2010 The Challenges of Feminism: Gender, Ethics and Responsible Freedom Amina Mama University of California, Davis I Introduction Feminism challenges us at very many levels, and as an intellectual politics it also faces many challenges. It is a call to freedom, in an era where (as Mkandawire noted) there is generally less ‘freedom in the air’. It denotes the struggle to free women from centuries of oppression, exploitation and marginalization in all our societies. It is a call to end patriarchy and to expose, deconstruct and eradicate all the myriad personal, social, economic and political practices, habits and assumptions that sustain gender inequality and injustice around the world. It seeks nothing less than the transformation of our institutions, including our knowledge institutions. The widespread manifestations of feminism in the 21 st century affect all of us in numerous ways in various aspects of our personal, socio-cultural and political lives. As an intellectual paradigm, feminism was only beginning to push into the consciousness of Africa’s mainstream scholarly community 20 years ago. I will trace the role and contribution of feminism as an liberating paradigm within Africa’s scholarly community between 1990 and now, highlighting some of the challenges - institutional and intellectual - which it continues to pose for advocates of freedom in general, and socially responsible intellectual freedom in particular, and discussing some of the strategies that have emerged in the context of addressing the challenges. -
The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence Against Women in Global Perspective, 1975–2005 MALA HTUN University of New Mexico S
American Political Science Review Vol. 106, No. 3 August 2012 doi:10.1017/S0003055412000226 The Civic Origins of Progressive Policy Change: Combating Violence against Women in Global Perspective, 1975–2005 MALA HTUN University of New Mexico S. LAUREL WELDON Purdue University ver the past four decades, violence against women (VAW) has come to be seen as a violation of human rights and an important concern for social policy. Yet government action remains O uneven. Some countries have adopted comprehensive policies to combat VAW, whereas others have been slow to address the problem. Using an original dataset of social movements and VAW policies in 70 countries over four decades, we show that feminist mobilization in civil society—not intra-legislative political phenomena such as leftist parties or women in government or economic factors like national wealth—accounts for variation in policy development. In addition, we demonstrate that autonomous movements produce an enduring impact on VAW policy through the institutionalization of feminist ideas in international norms. This study brings national and global civil society into large-n explanations of social policy, arguing that analysis of civil society in general—and of social movements in particular—is critical to understanding progressive social policy change. iolence against women is a global problem. Re- is widely seen as a question of fundamental human search from North America, Europe, Africa, rights. Many national governments and international VLatin America, the Middle East, and Asia organizations have adopted a wide variety of measures has found astonishingly high rates of sexual assault, to address VAW, including legal reform, public educa- stalking, trafficking, violence in intimate relationships, tion campaigns, and support for shelters and rape crisis and other violations of women’s bodies and psy- centers.