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North Korean Refugees in China
NORTH KOREAN REFUGEES IN CHINA Findings • The Chinese government continued to detain North Korean refugees in China and repatriate them to the Democratic Peo- ple’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). North Korean refugees face se- vere punishments upon repatriation to the DPRK, including torture, imprisonment, forced labor, and even execution. The repatriation of North Korean refugees violates China’s obliga- tions under international human rights and refugee law. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Demo- cratic People’s Republic of Korea has stated that such repatri- ation may amount to ‘‘aiding and abetting crimes against hu- manity.’’ • Chinese and North Korean authorities continue to impose strict border controls. These controls are meant to deter North Korean refugees from escaping the DPRK, and the South Ko- rean government reported that about 1,047 North Korean refu- gees escaped to South Korea in 2019, compared to the 2009 peak of 2,914 refugees. The majority of North Korean refugees escape to South Korea via China and Southeast Asian coun- tries. • Chinese authorities’ crackdown on and expulsions of South Korean missionaries have undermined refugee rescue work carried out by the missionaries. South Korean missionaries and organizations play a crucial role in assisting and facili- tating the movement of North Korean refugees in China. Addi- tionally, further restrictions placed by Chinese and DPRK au- thorities during the novel coronavirus outbreak indirectly ham- pered missionary efforts to facilitate the movement of refugees in China. • The majority of North Korean refugees leaving the DPRK are women, who are often vulnerable to human trafficking. -
Joseonhakgyo, Learning Under North Korean Leadership: Transitioning from 1970 to Present*
https://doi.org/10.33728/ijkus.2020.29.1.007 International Journal of Korean Unification Studies Vol. 29, No. 1, 2020, 161-188. Joseonhakgyo, Learning under North Korean Leadership: Transitioning from 1970 to Present* Min Hye Cho** This paper analyzes English as a Foreign Language (EFL) textbooks used during North Korea’s three leaderships: 1970s, 1990s and present. The textbooks have been used at Korean ethnic schools, Joseonhakgyo (朝鮮学校), which are managed by the Chongryon (總聯) organization in Japan. The organization is affiliated with North Korea despite its South Korean origins. Given North Korea’s changing influence over Chongryon’s education system, this study investigates how Chongryon Koreans’ view on themselves has undergone a transition. The textbooks’ content that have been used in junior high school classrooms (students aged between thirteen and fifteen years) are analyzed. Selected texts from these textbooks are analyzed critically to delineate the changing views of Chongryon Koreans. The findings demonstrate that Chongryon Koreans have changed their perspective from focusing on their ties to North Korea (1970s) to focusing on surviving as a minority group (1990s) to finally recognising that they reside permanently in Japan (present). Keywords: EFL textbooks, Korean ethnic school, minority education, North Koreans in Japan, North Korean leadership ** Acknowledgments: The author would like to acknowledge the generous and thoughtful support of the staff at Hagusobang (Chongryon publishing company), including Mr Nam In Ryang, Ms Kyong Suk Kim and Ms Mi Ja Moon; Ms Malryo Jang, an English teacher at Joseonhakgyo; and Mr Seong Bok Kang at Joseon University in Tokyo. They have consistently provided primary resource materials, such as Chongryon EFL textbooks, which made this research project possible. -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
Strangers at Home: North Koreans in the South
STRANGERS AT HOME: NORTH KOREANS IN THE SOUTH Asia Report N°208 – 14 July 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. CHANGING POLICIES TOWARDS DEFECTORS ................................................... 2 III. LESSONS FROM KOREAN HISTORY ........................................................................ 5 A. COLD WAR USES AND ABUSES .................................................................................................... 5 B. CHANGING GOVERNMENT ATTITUDES ......................................................................................... 8 C. A CHANGING NATION .................................................................................................................. 9 IV. THE PROBLEMS DEFECTORS FACE ...................................................................... 11 A. HEALTH ..................................................................................................................................... 11 1. Mental health ............................................................................................................................. 11 2. Physical health ........................................................................................................................... 12 B. LIVELIHOODS ............................................................................................................................ -
Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney
Articles How Authoritarian Regimes Maintain Domain Consensus: North Korea’s Information Strategies in the Kim Jong-un Era Adam Cathcart, Christopher Green, and Steven Denney Te Review of Korean Studies Volume 17 Number 2 (December 2014): 145-178 ©2014 by the Academy of Korean Studies. All rights reserved. 146 Te Review of Korean Studies Pyongyang’s Strategic Shift North Korea is a society under constant surveillance by the apparatuses of state, and is a place where coercion—often brutal—is not uncommon.1 However, this is not the whole story. It is inaccurate to say that the ruling hereditary dictatorship of the Kim family exerts absolute control purely by virtue of its monopoly over the use of physical force. The limitations of state coercion have grown increasingly evident over the last two decades. State-society relations in North Korea shifted drastically when Kim Jong-il came to power in the 1990s. It was a time of famine, legacy politics, state retrenchment, and the rise of public markets; the state’s coercive abilities alternated between dissolution and coalescence as the state sought to co-opt and control the marketization process, a pattern which continued until Kim Jong-il’s death in 2011 (Kwon and Chung 2012; Hwang 1998; Hyeon 2007; Park 2012). Those relations have moved still further under Kim Jong- un.2 Tough Kim’s rise to the position of Supreme Leader in December 2011 did not precipitate—as some had hoped—a paradigmatic shift in economic or political approach, the state has been extremely active in the early years of his era, responding to newfound domestic appreciation of North Korea’s situation in both the region and wider world. -
Tom Gill Lecture No
Meiji Gakuin Course No. 3505 Minority and Marginal Groups of Contemporary Japan Tom Gill Lecture No. 4 Koreans 在日コリアン HISTORY 1. Ancient History • Korean kings thought to be buried at Nara; many archaeological finds show Korean influence on Japan. • Also Chinese influence via Korea – Confucianism, kanji etc. • Koreans in Japan today like to point out Japan’s cultural debt to Korea. Ancient Japanese burial mounds … 塚・古墳 … may conceal remains of Korean kings? … the Japanese government doesn’t want to know. Radical emperor? During a news conference to mark his 68th birthday, Emperor Akihito mentioned a historical document showing that one of his eighth- century ancestors was a descendant of immigrants from the Korean Peninsula. He said he felt a close "kinship" with Korea. 『続日本記』によると The Emperor, quoting from the "Shoku Nihongi" ("Chronicles of Japan"), compiled in 797, said the mother of Emperor Kanmu (737- 806) had come from the royal family of Paekche, an ancient kingdom of Korea. 桓武天皇の母親はコリアの皇室出身者 It was the first time a member of the Imperial family had ever publicly noted the family's blood ties with 23 Korea. December 2002 韓国で大歓迎 His remark received a warm welcome in Seoul. South Korean President Kim Dae Jung praised the Emperor for his "correct understanding of history." 手を上げてください I wonder how many of the Meigaku students here today know that Emperor Akihito himself has stated that he is of Korean descent? 明学の学生たち、明仁天皇自身が朝鮮の ルーツを認めているて、知っています か? 朝日だけ報道した Of the five national papers, the Mainichi, the Yomiuri, the Sankei and the Nihon Keizai Shinbun ignored the Emperor's Korea reference. -
A Musical Journey Towards Trans-Border Humanity
The Newsletter | No.69 | Autumn 2014 16 | The Study A musical journey towards trans-border humanity There are also cases of songs that have travelled from Music travels as people migrate from one place to another. As a shared human Japan to other places, including Primorsky Krai and Central Asia. The song Urajio Bushi (Song of Vladivostok) is one such activity, music often appeals to peoples of different ethnicities living in different example; it travelled from a rural area of Japan into continental Asia. The song is considered to be a variation of a local song places, and transcends various boundaries that are often defined by ethnicity, from the Amakusa Islands, Japan. It tells about nostalgia for home: “Someday, I would like to return and disembark at the nation and religion. In this sense, music demonstrates ‘trans-border humanity’ port of Nagasaki (located near Amakusa).” In 1881, a regular boat service opened between Nagasaki and Vladivostok, or bonds amongst human beings in the midst of differences, conflicts, and and many Japanese began to move to the Russian Far East. Karayukisan (Japanese overseas prostitutes, often hailing from transformation. This essay searches trans-border humanity by tracing music the Amakusa area) were such migrants and disseminated the song about their home in Vladivostok. At that time, Vladivostok that has travelled with migrating peoples around Northeast Asia, and beyond. was a rapidly growing city, in which Japanese, Koreans, Chinese, Russians, and other peoples from different regions intersected. Masaya Shishikura Later, the song Urajio Bushi became popular throughout the Russian Far East and even in Manchuria, as Karayukisan had moved around these areas under the Japanese colonial scheme.6 Some Koryo-saram (ethnic Koreans in the post-Soviet States) also remember Karayukisan and their Japanese tunes – as part of their nostalgia for home in the Russian Far East. -
The Status and Role of Ethnic Koreans in the Japanese Economy
5 The Status and Role of Ethnic Koreans in the Japanese Economy TOSHIYUKI TAMURA Who really are ethnic Koreans and who are they not in Japanese society? To answer this question is not an easy task. They are sometimes wrongly taken for Korean-Japanese, that is, Koreans residing in Japan with Japanese nationality. Actually, these people may or may not be included in the con- cept of ethnic Koreans, depending on the scope and the context of argu- ment. The overwhelming majority of ethnic Koreans are legally foreigners with foreign passports, and accordingly their legal status should not be considered parallel to that of people in other countries, such as Korean-Americans. For a closer understanding of the concept, we must retrace the modern history of Korea and Japan and their interrelationships. A smattering of history will convince one how and why the illusion that Japan is ethni- cally homogeneous—which I have termed the “homogeneity myth”1—has spread so widely among Japanese citizens. It was this kind of conscious- ness that, together with the North-South division of the Korean penin- sula, had made the legal status of Korean residents so complicated and peculiar to Japan. In this chapter, I try to describe the past and the present situations of Koreans in Japan, making utmost use of official statistical data, as well as the results of my own work. In the second and third sections, I Toshiyuki Tamura is dean of the Faculty of International Politics and Economics at Nishogakusha University. 1. See Tamura (1983b). 77 Institute for International Economics | http://www.iie.com introduce my own definition of the concept of Zainichi Koreans. -
K-Pop in Latin America: Transcultural Fandom and Digital Mediation
International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 2250–2269 1932–8036/20170005 K-Pop in Latin America: Transcultural Fandom and Digital Mediation BENJAMIN HAN Concordia University Wisconsin, USA This article examines the transnational popularity of K-pop in Latin America. It argues K- pop as a subculture that transforms into transcultural fandom via digital mediation, further resulting in its accommodation into Latin American mass culture. The article further engages in a critical analysis of K-pop fan activism in Latin America to explore the transcultural dynamics of K-pop fandom. In doing so, the article provides a more holistic approach to the study of the Korean Wave in Latin America within the different “scapes” of globalization. Keywords: K-pop, fandom, Latin America, digital culture, Korean Wave The popularity of K-pop around the globe has garnered mass media publicity as Psy’s “Gangnam Style” reached number two on the Billboard Charts and became the most watched video on YouTube in 2012. Although newspapers, trade journals, and scholars have examined the growing transnational popularity of K-pop in East Asia, the reception and consumption of K-pop in Latin America have begun to receive serious scholarly consideration only in the last few years. Numerous reasons have been explicated for the international appeal and success of K-pop, but it also is important to understand that the transnational and transcultural fandom of K-pop cannot be confined solely to its metavisual aesthetics that creatively syncretize various genres of global popular music such as Black soul and J-pop. K-pop as hybrid music accentuated with powerful choreography is a form of visual spectacle but also promotes a particular kind of lifestyle represented by everyday modernity in which social mobility in the form of stardom becomes an important facet of the modernization process in Latin America. -
Digital Trenches
Martyn Williams H R N K Attack Mirae Wi-Fi Family Medicine Healthy Food Korean Basics Handbook Medicinal Recipes Picture Memory I Can Be My Travel Weather 2.0 Matching Competition Gifted Too Companion ! Agricultural Stone Magnolia Escpe from Mount Baekdu Weather Remover ERRORTelevision the Labyrinth Series 1.25 Foreign apps not permitted. Report to your nearest inminban leader. Business Number Practical App Store E-Bookstore Apps Tower Beauty Skills 2.0 Chosun Great Chosun Global News KCNA Battle of Cuisine Dictionary of Wisdom Terms DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive DIGITAL TRENCHES North Korea’s Information Counter-Offensive Copyright © 2019 Committee for Human Rights in North Korea Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior permission of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea 1001 Connecticut Avenue, NW, Suite 435 Washington, DC 20036 P: (202) 499-7970 www.hrnk.org Print ISBN: 978-0-9995358-7-5 Digital ISBN: 978-0-9995358-8-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2019919723 Cover translations by Julie Kim, HRNK Research Intern. BOARD OF DIRECTORS Gordon Flake, Co-Chair Katrina Lantos Swett, Co-Chair John Despres, -
The Elusive Nature of North Korean Reform
The Elusive Nature of North Korean Reform Marcus NOLAND ISSUES Analysis from the East-West Center SUMMARY The new leader of North Korea, Kim Jong-un, appears to be No. 108 February 2013 fostering a new political enthusiasm for reform. Is this all theatrics? Or does The East-West Center promotes better rela- tions and understanding among the people it signify a substantive policy shift? Reform is possible: Kim Jong-un may and nations of the United States, Asia, and the Pacific through cooperative study, research, have the necessary resolve to successfully push reform; officials associated and dialogue. Established by the US Congress in 1960, the Center serves as a resource for with the last reform attempt are still present and may truly be able to bring information and analysis on critical issues of common concern, bringing people together to lessons learned to bear on a new reform effort; and, importantly, both China exchange views, build expertise, and develop policy options. The Center is an independent, and South Korea are likely to be supportive of a sincere attempt at reform. public, nonprofit organization with funding from the US government, and additional support But while the projected image is positive and progressive, rumors coming provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and governments out of North Korea illustrate unsettled and contradictory impulses of gov- in the region. ernment policy. Provocations such as missile and nuclear tests may deter Papers in the AsiaPacific Issues series feature topics of broad interest and significant impact potential partners from engaging with North Korea. It appears likely, unfor- relevant to current and emerging policy debates. -
Reactionary Nationalism and Democratic Development in Myanmar and Japan Apichai W
Policy Forum Reactionary Nationalism and Democratic Development in Myanmar and Japan Apichai W. Shipper1* Nationalism has reemerged as a major issue in Asia, where thousands of ethnic groups live inside national boundaries artificially constructed by Western colonizers. While other Asian societies are witnessing various forms of nationalism, Myanmar and Japan are experiencing reactionary nationalism, which is making negative headlines around the world. I define “reactionary nationalism” as a demonstration of love for the nation among a group of ordinary people in reaction to a perceived, falsely constructed, or real threat to its national security or existence from an ethnic minority or foreigner group. It arises from a dissatisfaction with modernization that is accompanied by increasing economic and social inequality. Reactionary nationalists seek to punish specific ethnic minorities or foreigner groups that act in ways perceived as destroying their collective political community or as undermining their common identity or national unity. They view the targeted ethnic group with prejudice for receiving special privileges or assistance from the government or the international aid community. While demonstrating their love for the country, they often incite hatred against a particular minority or foreigner group. Reactionary nationalists in both the heterogeneous society of Myanmar and the homogeneous society of Japan have formed hate groups comprised of Buddhist nationalists and internet ultra-rightists (netto uyoku), respectively. I argue that these particular nationalist groups hinder democratic development in their countries, because democracies require respect for individual political rights and for differences in culture (beliefs and identities) between individuals and groups. Reactionary nationalist groups espouse undemocratic ideals and ethnic violence against minority groups.