Neither Printer's Wife Nor Widow: American Women in Typesetting, 1830-1950 Author(S): Mary Biggs Source: the Library Quarterly: Information, Community, Policy, Vol

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Neither Printer's Wife nor Widow: American Women in Typesetting, 1830-1950 Author(s): Mary Biggs Source: The Library Quarterly: Information, Community, Policy, Vol. 50, No. 4 (Oct., 1980), pp. 431-452 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4307273 Accessed: 19-12-2017 22:34 UTC

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This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms NEITHER PRINTER'S WIFE NOR WIDOW: AMERICAN WOMEN IN TYPESETTING, 1830-1950

Mary Biggs

Women have been active in American printing since the establishment of the first colonial press. Most historians who acknowledge this cite the contributions of printers' daughters, wives, and widows. This study focuses instead on women employed as typesetters in printing offices where they had no family connec- tions. Special attention is given to the arguments raised against the employment of women, the threat their labor represented to male typesetters, and their relations with the typographical union. Sources consulted while preparing this paper include publications of the national union and several local subordinate unions, internal records of the Chicago local, government reports, books, and newspaper and magazine articles.

I do not think there is any other business from which a woman can derive more satisfaction than that of printing. It is like music to me to hear the click of the type as it falls into the stick, and the buzzing sound of the old press as she turns her papers out on the "fly." [RENA CHALLENDER, forewoman of the Manistee (Michigan) News office, quoted in 1897 (1, p. 408)]

When Elizabeth Glover arrived in Massachusetts from England- having been widowed en route-and established the Daye Press, she set a pattern which became familiar in America. The printing press which her deceased husband had been transporting was the foundation of this new business, and his intended assistants, Stephen and Matthew Daye, were probably its operators. Throughout colonial days and into the nineteenth century, wives and daughters assisted in family-run printing shops; should a printer die without leaving behind a grown son, his widow typically continued the business. These women performed their chores with varying degrees of competency and for varying lengths of time, but it is certain that some-such as Ann Franklin in Rhode Island and Sarah and Mary Katherine Goddard, mother and daughter, in

[Library Quarterly, vol. 50, no. 4, pp. 431-452] ? 1980 by The University of Chicago. 0024-2519/80/5004-0003$01.00

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Rhode Island and Maryland, respectively-functioned for many years as able printers, publishers, and business managers.' In the 1800s, partly because of the example set by printers' female relations, typesetting was regarded as a possible source of employment for girls forced to earn their own livings. Because few statistics were gathered, and those figures which are available often lump compositors with press feeders and other less skilled workers, it is difficult to judge how many young women actually set type as nonfamilial employees. Certainly they were few in relation to the number of men, and girls very rarely served regular apprenticeships. However, significant numbers of nineteenth-century women did set type, and there were frequent pre- dictions that they would eventually outnumber men in the trade. In 1834, female shoebinders on strike in Lynn, Massachusetts, threatened to abandon their craft and turn to printing, which implies that this work was generally available to women, and in 1836 a committee of national trade unions stated that New England printing was "in a certain mea- sure governed by females" [5, pp. 213-14]. Four years later, the En- glish journalist Harriet Martineau visited the United States and identified typesetting as one of only seven occupations open to women [6, p. 202]. As the century wore on, women continued to enter printing shops, but their symbolic significance in the labor movement, as the threat most commonly flung at rebellious journeymen by employing printers, over- shadowed their real importance in the trade. As the typographical union gained strength, it naturally moved to neutralize the threat of cheap female labor. Showing remarkable shrewdness, male printers were able to restrict the numbers of women in their trade by accommodating them-on union terms. Today two popular views of this situation exist: the union view of the typographers as pioneer egalitarians, and the feminist view of the union as destroyer of the first and best opportunity women had to participate in a remunerative skilled trade. As far as they go, both views are correct, yet the matter is still more complex. It is clear that the conflict between men and women compositors in the 1800s was a product, on the one hand, of management's opposition to unionization and, on the other, of an economic and social system which declared most paid labor unsuitable for women, proffered employed women the lowest possible wages, and assumed that all women toiled only temporarily before finding their permanent occupation as wives. Union policies, though ultimately exclusionary, were founded not in sexism but in the workingman's need to survive.

1. Accounts of these women's accomplishments can be found in [2-41.

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Arguments against Women Compositors

In the mid-1800s women were considered moral guardians of society, and in their early opposition to the hiring of female compositors, union members appealed to that image. At the Buffalo convention of the National Typographical Union (NTU) in 1854, Charles F. Town, a delegate from New York City, warned of the detrimental effect on feminine morals of exposure to "many medical and other scientific works . . . which contain matter eminently unfitted and highly improper for the perusal of modest young women" [7, p. 423]. During the same year, a communication which appeared in the Philadelphza Daily News and was signed "The Printers' Union" called on Americans to oppose the hiring of "woman" in order to safeguard her "purity," predicting rather vaguely that contact with a man's world "would have a very pernicious effect upon her morals" [7, pp. 426-27]. In a famous editorial, Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune (and former head of the New York printers' union [8, p. 35]) made a wry response. Accusing the printers of "waxing theologic and pious," he agreed that it was appropriate for them "to apprise [woman] beforehand of the moral atmosphere into which promiscuous typesetting would expose her" and of the corrupting effect of "your society and conversa- tion," but suggested it was ultimately the woman's own "lookout" [7, pp. 425-26]. The printers' sincerity was suspect, especially since their con- cerns for female purity were always expressed in conjunction with complaints about female competition. However, even an 1863 editorial in an English popular periodical, which argued strongly for the use of female typesetters, mentioned, almost as an aside, that they must not, of course, work in "offices planned for the other sex" [9, p. 40]. Woman's purity was most easily preserved in the relative isolation of her home-and the moral argument against female typesetters was often accompanied by discussions of woman's proper place. Town's fellow New York delegate, Thomas J. Walsh, denounced "the sordid philanthropy and hypocrisy of those who would thus induce woman from her sphere" [7, p. 423], and the printers' union statement referred to "the sphere of action God ... designed her to occupy" [7, p. 427]. In his reply, Greeley proposed that the printers provide their female com- petitors with that alternative by marrying and responsibly supporting them-but noted that single women and those wed to "drunken, loafing, good-for-nothing husbands" had the need and right to work [7, p. 425]. Many disagreed with Greeley then, and some continued to disagree well into the present century. The assumption that women printers in general, and wives in particular, needed money less than men did and, implicitly, should therefore not compete with them for work, was echoed

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 434 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY by Carlton in 1911 [10, p. 413-15] and described in 1944 by a compositor named Constance Roe: "If you had a husband with a job [the men thought], what were you doing here, taking bread out of some man's children's mouths?" She emphasized that there was less, but similar, resentment against single women as well and told of a competent, un- married journeywoman fired during the Depression to make room for an unemployed family man who had proven unreliable in the past. Roe also spoke of her own care not to be seen in expensive clothes by her co-workers, lest they conclude she did not need to work [ 1 1, pp. 29, 37]. A particularly common objection to the employment of women as printers centered on their supposedly delicate health. It was generally agreed, even by Greeley, that night work was too arduous for women, and the laws of many states forbade it; this effectively barred women in those states from work on morning newspapers. Whether the nineteenth-century printing shop was a substantially less healthful environment than the factories and mills where women toiled in large numbers is hard to say. The 1863 London editorial referred to earlier stated there was "nothing in the nature of [the compositor's] craft to make it unhealthy," citing an occasional paralyzed hand as the only occupational hazard and suggesting that the dirt of unsanitary shops would be "reduced to a trifle" by the women [9, pp. 39-40]. This article, like Greeley's and other editorials of the period which dealt with this subject, has the aroma of self-interest. On the same pages, the anonymous editorial writer tells of young printers "mown down by consumption," and other writers have described the unusually short life span of typographical union members in the nineteenth century and their high rates of respiratory disease, nervous tension, lead poisoning, and dissipation [12; 13; 14, pp. 74-82]. A woman who worked briefly as a press feeder described conditions in a turn-of-the-century American shop. For ten and one-half hours, feeders worked standing in a crowded pressroom amid "deafening" noise, the "stifling" odor of paper and ink, and a "fine rain of bronze dust" which settled upon them. The work itself was nerve-racking, requiring intense concentration to avoid mangled fingers [15, pp. 137-38]. That women were widely accepted as press feeders-a strenuous, unskilled, and poorly paid job [15, pp. 135-42]-casts some doubt on the motives of those who resisted their employment as skilled and well-paid compositors, ostensibly because such employment would damage their health. In 1907-8, Annie Marion MacLean studied working conditions in a number of industries employing women and found that printing shops were somewhat crowded but compared favorably with factories and other workplaces [16, pp. 43-44]. While life expectancy for printers improved dramatically during the first half of the twentieth century,

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 435 heat, fatigue, nervous tension, and accidents increased with mechaniza- tion, prompting various union actions [14, pp. 74-78; 17, pp. 268-69]. Roe complained of weight loss, fatigue, and frayed nerves caused by working conditions, and of having one finger smashed in a linotype machine [11, p. 37]. Still, the working environment seems not to have been worse at any time than that in other industries which employed many women and girls. Allied to the question of women's health was that of their physical strength. In 1957, Elizabeth Faulkner Baker, who studied and wrote about the printing industry for thirty years, hypothesized that discrimi- nation against women printers was a result of their inability to lift forms [18, p. 61], and the master printers of nineteenth-century Boston are said to have found women "a great inconvenience" in the shops, unable to lift their own cases and requiring constant assistance and supervision [19, p. 254]. Greeley, too, considered the lifting of forms an obstacle [7, p. 426]. Even Constance Roe, who did hand and machine composing for many years during the first half of the twentieth century, conceded that once or twice a day, she needed men's help in lifting [11, pp. 28-29], though this does not seem to have compromised her value as a typesetter. On the other hand, Rena Challender scorned the notion that typesetting was too heavy for women, although she criticized women workers for creating that impression through unnecessary requests for help t 1, p. 406]. Examples of successful all-women shops confirm that the physical demands of printing were not prohibitive. One of the most interesting of these was the Bohemian Women's Publishing Company of Chicago, which, around the turn of the century, published kenske Listy, a popular Bohemian women's weekly, and also did handsome job printing in Bohemian and English. In this shop, established, owned, and run by a woman, and staffed by fifty women and girls, "not so much as the shadow of a man darken[ed] the premises" [20].2 Somehow, the Bohe- mian women managed to lift their own forms. Indeed, manual dexterity was probably more important for compositors than muscular strength, and some writers have assumed that women's small, agile fingers gave them a natural advantage in the trade (for example [1, p. 405; 2, p. ix]). In 1910, Edith Abbott pointed out that the study of women's participation in printing was particularly revealing because "it is one of the few skilled trades in which work is light enough to be suitable for women," and she went on to quote the 1899 testimony

2. Photographs of many of the staff members and samples of their job printing are in a scrapbook held by the University of Illinois at Chicago Circle library; copies of Zenske Listy are at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign library.

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 436 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY of an American Federation of Labor official who characterized printing as "peculiarly women's work" [19, p. 260]. The argument best calculated to confound proponents of hiring women typesetters was that women-whatever their potential-were simply not as competent as men. Even Greeley implied this, assuring male printers that women could never compete except on "the simplest and worst-paid work" [7, p. 426]. Throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century, observers continued to deprecate the skill and productivity of women in both hand and machine composing (for example [6, pp. 212-13; 21, p. 159]). Others declared the opposite-frequently in the pages of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony's newspaper, The Revolution (which, as we will see, became despised among New York printers for an additional reason). Malcolm Macleod, an organizer of the machinists' union, claimed that in many New York offices women did most of the typesetting, and on May 12, 1870, The Revolution reported that women printers had "for years [been] successfully employed by the Harpers and . . . in nearly all the book and paper offices in the city" (excluding the morning papers), and that their work equalled men's "both in quantity and quality" [5, pp. 219, 215]. The Revolution was a partisan source, but then as now there were few nonpartisan evaluations of women's work. Certainly the examples already mentioned of successful women printers disprove generalities about women's incompetence. And many more such examples could be cited. One of the women listed in Barlow's recent compila- tion is Mildred Dyre Harris, who, from 1892 to 1899, was a hand compositor for newspapers in Cape Elizabeth and Portland, Maine. Shortly before her death at the age of ninety-seven, she reminisced, "They told me it would take two years to learn the trade, but I mastered it in two months. They even had me setting ads-a job women never did in those days, and I also learned to run the press. Our pay wasn't as much as men's" [4, p. 29]. It would be easy, therefore, to conclude that complaints about women's ability were inaccurate, or that, if women did do inferior work, it was the result of discouragingly low pay. Each conclusion tells part of the story, but a more important consideration is the differential opportunities for training which were made available to young men and women. From the time of their earliest organizations in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, U.S. printers stressed the importance of the formal apprenticeship for maintaining quality and high pay scales in their trade; consistently, they opposed both the overuse of apprentices and the hiring of compositors who had never served apprenticeships. In 1809, the newly formed New York Typographical Society made completion of a three-year apprenticeship a membership

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 437 requirement and deplored the "direful practice" of employing "half-way journeymen" which forced fully qualified journeymen to become "birds of passage, seeking a livelihood from Georgia to Maine." They continued: "To render an art respectable it's indispensably necessary that its professors should be perfect masters of their calling, which can only be acquired by serving a proper apprenticeship" [22, pp. 34-36]. The New Yorkers' concern was shared by printers throughout the country, and an apprenticeship requirement was incorporated into the laws of the NTU when it was formed in 1852.3 But except in small family shops or, occasionally, in nonunion shops, women did not serve apprenticeships. They learned typesetting through the most cursory on-thejob training, in vocational schools offering a few weeks of instruction (although this became a common method only after the linotype was introduced), or, as we shall see, as strikebreakers. It can be maintained that union members' resistance to women printers was based on their desire to affirm the value of the apprenticeship. Most women, however capable, were less versatile than their male counterparts, being skilled only in "straight work." Samuel B. Donnelly's 1899 testimony before the Industrial Commission suggests that employers promoted this situation. He claimed that in Boston, although master printers employed as many women as they could find, they tended to "keep a woman on straight composition, to make as much as possible an automaton of her" [19, p. 254]. Twelve years later, a U.S. Senate report noted this tendency also and declared that, because of it, the competition between men and women compositors "is more seeming than real." Yet, the report went on, "this difference in training is not optional with the woman. Theoretically there is no reason why she should not serve an apprenticeship, but practically no opportunity to do so is open to her, and it is only the very clever and determined woman who can pick up an all-around training for herself while working at the comparatively unskilled tasks to which she is assigned" [23, pp. 188-89]. In the nineteenth century, the number of boys willing to serve printing apprenticeships was usually adequate, and it is well known that, given the choice, male employers were more likely to hire males. Many of the women listed by Barlow [4] gained their first work experience in

3. Alternative dates are sometimes given. In 1836, the National Typographical Society held a meeting in Washington, D.C., and adopted a constitution, but it was designed as a liaison between independent local societies and was not truly a national union. In 1850, the National Convention of Journeymen Printers, which was the forerunner of the NTU, met in New York City. At its third annual meeting, held in Cincinnati in 1852, the National Convention reorganized and renamed itself the National Typographical Union [14, p. 186; 22, pp. 117-39].

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 438 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY small towns and cities where fewer young men may have been available and employers may have been able to pay only meager wages. The situation did not change drastically with the coming of the twentieth century. Writing in American Federationist in 1926, Ethel M. Johnson deplored the lack of training for skilled trades provided to women [24, p. 9761. In 1944, Constance Roe observed that much male contempt in the printing industry was directed at women's lesser preparation. She had never heard of a woman serving a regular six-year apprenticeship; most learned printing in small-town shops or six-week linotype- keyboard courses. Roe, however, was the only writer I encountered who stressed that many male printers learned their trade the same way and that this was frequently overlooked when women's qualifications were being derided [11, p. 29]. Fourteen years later, Harry Kursh prefaced his study of apprenticeship in America with the rueful explanation that only men would be discussed because "apprenticeships for women are so rare" [25, p. xiii]. In 1975, Naomi Briggs found that typesetting was one of the eight trade groups (out of fifty-three surveyed) showing more than 100 women apprentices: 9.7 percent of all apprentice typesetters were women [26]. Although this proportion may be high relative to other skilled trades, the number of potential fully qualified journeywoman printers remained small. Observers writing between about 1850 and 1930 sometimes claimed that women resisted long, poorly paid apprenticeships because they intended to work only until they married (for example [10, p. 416; 24, p. 976]). Indeed, in his distinguished 1921 study, Paul H. Douglas declared that the greatest barrier to women entering the skilled trades was their universal desire to marry and the fact that, once married, they almost invariably left the labor force [21, p. 74]. There is a difficulty here in distinguishing cause from effect. Scarce job opportunities and low wages make the married state appear attractive for practical reasons. In the past decade, as educational and vocational opportunities for women have increased, they have begun marrying later and having fewer children; many are eschewing marriage and/or motherhood altogether. On the other hand, there is no doubt that until very recently, social expectations enforced marriage, and most women did consider housekeeping and family care their real lifework. Feisty Mildred Dyre Harris retired in 1899, at the age of twenty-five, following her marriage [4, p. 29]; another nineteenth-century journeywoman, Ida C. Crowell, was a member of Providence Typographical Union No. 33, but retired at twenty-one, after working for five years, when she married a newspaperman [27, p. XXV]. Even Augusta Lewis, who organized Women's Typographical Union No. 1, assumed that marriage was women's chief interest when she recommended organizing female compositors "by convincing them

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 439 that it will not interfere with their chances of a home" [22, pp. 253-54]. Indeed, when MacLean studied workingwomen during the first decade of this century, she found that, of 3,390 women in New York and Chicago, only 140 were wives living with their husbands, and only 747 were twenty-five or older [16, pp. 54, 72]. Charges that the majority of women worked less ambitiously and for fewer years are credible. The effects of this must be considered in explaining why employing printers refused to hire women in preference to men-and why journeyman typesetters failed to acknowledge women as their equals.

The Threat of Female Labor

To assess union policy regarding women, it is necessary to understand how women were used by employing printers during the nineteenth century. Arguments for their employment usually focused on the lower wages acceptable to women. Even Greeley, who for a long time was a friend and supporter of the most notable feminists of his era [28], saw no inconsistency in stating approvingly that "there is very much typesetting that [women] can do as well as men could, and considerably cheaper, while making far better wages than they could otherwise secure...." Continuing, he threw up a challenge to journeymen: ". . . this work they will do, and ought to, and you may as well accede to it at once" [7, p. 426]. The Philadelphia printers to whom this was a response had claimed "that the pretensions made by the press in long and labored articles for the amelioration of the condition of women are neither more nor less than base hypocrisy, put on to conceal their designs to depress the liberty and reduce the wages of the males" [7, p. 427]. Rena Challen- der agreed that male printers' antipathy to women was based on the latter's willingness to work for lower wages [1, p. 406]. Given the status of women in nineteenth-century America, the men's attitudes toward female compositors were surely affected by prevailing assumptions about women's abilities and proper sphere. However, their most fundamental opposition was not to women but to the competition of inferior and cheap labor. Workers invariably react against such a threat, and it was this, more than anything else, which prompted the union first to resist, and later to insist upon, the admission of women compositors. Because women were not organized and would gratefully accept wages far below men's, employing printers regarded them as a prime weapon in battling the unionization of the journeymen. The availability of women could be cited to make journeymen fearful of pressing for higher wages and shorter hours and, not incidentally, to humiliate them

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 440 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY by implying that they were replaceable by less trained, lowlier beings. For the compositors, who took strong pride in their craft, this must have been painful indeed. Furthermore, if they did strike, women could be hired as strikebreakers. Some nonunion shops, of course, depended upon female labor simply because it was cheaper, irrespective of union actions. In one of the earliest derogatory printed references to the hiring of women typesetters, the Boston Courier in 1830 called it "an evil of recent growth" which was depriving journeymen of work and disheartening apprentices [5, p. 213]. The first recorded conflict involving women occurred in 1832, when a rumor swept Philadelphia that a master printer intended to hire women compositors and, as their foreman, a nonunion printer. The Typographical Society of Philadelphia erupted in protest, and the master printer in question, who was a member of the society, felt compelled to write a letter disavowing any such intention. Three years later, a second rumor was printed in a Washington, D.C., newspaper, agitating printers in both Washington and Philadelphia. A master printer named Duff Green, whose office was being struck, was said to be training women typesetters who would then be exported to Washington to do government printing. The (District of) Columbia Typographical Society quickly contacted other printers' associations to determine whether women printers were at work in their cities and, if so, how they planned "to prevent the further progress of the evil" [19, p. 250; 6, p. 421]. While both rumors came to nothing, the immediate, emotional, and probably extreme reactions of the printers show that the rumors touched a sensitive nerve. Women had been involved in printing continuously since the establishment of the first North American press; the prospect, and perhaps the reality, of their competition must have occurred to these men before. The next major conflict involving women was recorded in the 1850s, though there must have been minor skirmishes during the intervening twenty years. We know that many disputes have gone unrecorded in histories of the printing industry. For example, Barlow unearthed the tale of Jane Swisshelm, who was a printer from 1847 to 1865 and a crusader against "catholicism, slavery, and politicians." As editor and typesetter on the Pittsburg Visiter this colorful woman broke an 1852 printers' strike by hiring and training women replacements [4, p. 39; 29, pp. 155-58]. The first widely reported use of women "scabs" occurred in New York City during the 1853 Day Book strike, when its publisher advertised for women to train as compositors "rather than submit to the tyranny of any trade union in the universe." Four of the more than forty applicants were hired, and the publisher announced: "We see no reason that they

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 441 will not make good compositors and earn their eight to ten dollars a week, which will be to them good wages.4 This we look upon as the real practical way of enlarging the sphere of female labor, and if no other good comes out of this strike this benefit to the girls will be worth the efforts and trouble we are put to" [7, p. 422]. It is small wonder that, one year later, the Philadelphia printers fulminated against the "base hypocrisy" of the press (see above), and the trade began its efforts, at a national level, to control the employment of women. In 1853 and 1854, women scabs were also reported in Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and Louisville newspaper offices [5, pp. 214-15], while in 1853 Chicago Typographical Union No. 16 rewarded feminist leader Harriet Case with a "beautiful ring" when she refused the request of employing printers to recruit women compositors because they were not to be paid union scale [30]. The hiring of two women typesetters was one cause of an 1854 strike against the Philadelphia Daily Register. In the same city, Annie McDowell had to import a foreman from Boston to supervise her all-female composing room at the Woman's Advocate because no qualified local printer would take the job [5, p. 2151. It should be emphasized that, until the following decade when locals began admitting women to membership, the hiring of women automatically meant the use of nonunion labor. This was a direct challenge to the authority of the union, whatever the women's wages or the conditions under which they were engaged. In 1864, most local unions were still all-male, and there was a bumper crop that year of strikebreaking women compositors. They were reported in Boston [5, p. 216], Rochester, St. Louis, New York, and Chicago. One Chicago daily newspaper publisher boasted of placing typesetting equipment in "remote rooms" of the city and "secretly" training women to proficiency in the craft, so that he might spring them on any printers who committed the folly of going on strike [23, p. 104]. This assertion, like similar claims of the time, was never verified. An interesting case study is presented by the 1864 printers' strike against the Chicago Post. The Post was the smallest daily in town and was probably in financial trouble; soon after the strike, it became a weekly. The exact cause of the strike is unclear. Thomas Hoben Robinson, who wrote a study of the Chicago Typographical Union (CTU) in 1925, was able to interview several nineteenth-century members. He mentions a disturbing rumor, never confirmed, concerning the training by a Mrs. Blatchford of forty women compositors. Shortly thereafter, Robinson claims, the Post printed a "series of articles" advocating the hiring of

4. At this time, New York union compositors earned a minimum of twelve dollars per week [7, p. 246].

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 442 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY women, which, combined with the earlier rumor, roused the union's suspicions and sparked a strike [31, p. 41]. There was, in fact, only one such article, but it was provocative indeed. The Post editorialist claimed that while his office paid union scale gladly, it would hire no more union men because the CTU had pressured the Post to discharge its nonunion foreman. However, following this was strong criticism of the union for demanding excessively high wages (the scale had risen the preceding fall [31, pp. 39-40]), which would force employers "to resort to the education of another class of persons." Lest there be any doubt as to the identity of this class, the writer explained that "since January last there have been over 2,000 females under instruction in the city of New York, and as many more in Philadelphia. Employers have established agencies in all the country towns of New England, New York and Pennsylvania, and young women, who have hitherto found employment in the factories, are now learning the printing business ... by the first of next year the female compositors will be crowding their male brethren to the wall, and will monopolize the entire work." The article continued with the observations that the craft was "peculiarly adapted" to the aptitudes of women and might pay them more than twice as much as teaching, which was then the best paid of the traditionally female occupations [321. Within days, the CTU struck the Post [33]. The battalion of women typesetters never materialized, but twenty-one years later, long-time CTU member M. J. Carroll claimed that during the strike, which lasted four or five weeks, the paper assembled a makeshift staff of "compositors, good, bad, and indifferent, male and female," who succeeded in producing a paper which was only "about the size of an ordinary theatre program" [31, p. 41]. "About" may be the operative word; I detected no significant change, in size or typographical quality, in Post issues which were put out during the strike. Slowly, male-female conflicts within the trade tapered off, although they did not vanish at once. In 1869, for example, women scabs were reported at composing rooms in San Francisco and in Worcester, Mas- sachusetts [5, p. 217]. By this time, however, the union had finally gained strength and formulated a policy which would neutralize female competition. However, the issue rose again approximately two decades later in connection with the automation of typesetting.

Women and the Typographical Union

As I have mentioned, no unified national action to control the use of women in typesetting was attempted by printers until 1854, two years after the founding of the NTU. However, local printers' societies had

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 443 existed from 1794, and some must have written laws or policies which addressed the subject of female labor. We know, for example, that just one year after its formation, the Boston Printers' Union was considering the problem. As early as 1831, at least 200 women are believed to have been setting type in Boston printing shops at wages well below those paid to men [23, p. 190]. When the Printers' Union was organized in 1848, and completion of a four-year apprenticeship was made a prerequisite for joining, none of these women were involved [34, p. 7], nor did the by-laws mention women [7, pp. 45-47]. However, their presence in Boston in such numbers must have been on the men's minds. In 1849 they resolved that, "this union discountenances the employment of female compositors.... It is therefore distinctly understood that we will not work in any office where they are employed, or for any employers who employ them" [7, p. 240]. In January 1854, four months before the convention that marked the NTU's first official recognition of the "woman problem," and six months before publishing his famous Tribune editorial, Horace Greeley attended a banquet held by the New York local to commemorate Benjamin Franklin's birthday. "Woman" was toasted, as was the custom of the time, and Greeley responded intrepidly with the hope that women would soon be employed at equal pay with men and added that he was delighted to see women typesetters working capably and profitably [7, pp. 424-25]. No one recorded the members' reaction. In April, it was revealed that Mount Vernon, Ohio, printers had signed a secret oath never to work with or instruct a woman. This came to light when a man setting type for the Home Visitor refused to give instructions to a woman working on Amelia Bloomer's paper, The Lily, which was printed in the same office. As a result, the shop's male printers were fired and replaced by three other men and four women [5, p. 215]. Finally, in May 1854, at the annual NTU convention, Detroit local 18 turned up the heat and brought the long-simmering issue of female labor to full boil. The Detroit delegation urged action to guide local unions as they dealt individually with "this injurious innovation, by which employers wish to set aside fair usage and compensation." Their statement was interesting for its emphasis on the autonomy of the locals. Until much later in the nineteenth century, the NTU was highly decen- tralized, with each local organization retaining almost total indepen- dence [35, p. 19]. The tone of the Detroit statement foreshadowed the reticence to set policy which the NTU would exhibit. It also prompted a succession of other statements, each differing from the one that pre- ceded it. Some favored the recognition of only male compositors, while N. R. Pierce of Cincinnati declared sex irrelevant and argued for the right of anyone who had served the required apprenticeship to work

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 444 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY and join the union. More debate followed, and the matter was referred to a committee which issued two reports; the majority downplayed the threat of women, characterizing their employment as "necessarily spasmodic and eventually unsuccessful," and threw the ball back to the locals. The minority, on the other hand, announced that "we as work- ingmen, husbands, sons, brothers and fathers take a lively interest in the welfare, and have the warmest desires to advance the best interests of females." They then resolved that "we recognize the right of females to any employment for which they may be fitted," but ended as the majority had, by leaving the final decision in the hands of each local. A sub- sequent motion that only male compositors be recognized lost "by a decided majority." More assertions and proposed resolutions followed. Unable to agree on a definite stand, the members finally resolved "that this union will not encourage, by its acts, the employment of females as compositors" [7, pp. 422-24], but left details to be worked out at the local level. In light of the conflicts between men and women printers in preceding years, the general status of women in 1854, and the strong, emotional reactions being generated by the blossoming women's rights movement, much of what transpired at this convention was astonishingly progressive, despite its rather negative outcome. The following year, the Philadelphia union charged its delegates to the national convention with opposing any move to recognize women. In 1856, on the other hand, the Boston group "postponed indefinitely" consideration of a motion which would have mandated expulsion of any member who worked in an office employing women compositors. The next year, Boston passed a resolution expressing the principle which, thirteen years later, would become the basis of the national union's policy toward women: "... . All females [will] be allowed by this society to work in all branches of the business, provided they receive the scale of prices adopted by this union" [7, p. 428]. A full seven years passed, however, before the union received the traveling card of Annie R. Mitchell of Burlington, Iowa, No. 75, who became its first woman member [33, p. 101. There is scant evidence of other female union members prior to 1868, although there must have been a few. Chicago Typographical Union No. 16 claims to have begun admitting women "some time in the 1860s" [30], though this cannot be confirmed since its records were destroyed by the Great Fire of 1871. In the surviving minutes of the CTU, the first woman is mentioned almost at once-in January 1872. She was A. M. Hoag, who applied for membership and was soon admitted with no special notice. Policy apparendy followed practice in Chicago; only in November 1872 did the union change its constitution to specify the acceptability of women as members [36].

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In 1867, in Washington, D.C., the NTU debated a resolution that the Special Committee on the President's Address "inquire and report a plan to regulate and control female compositors, so that ladies in the business may benefit themselves and inflict as little injury as possible upon printers." The majority report of that committee affirmed that women had been used as an "instrument of evil" against working men; asked, "Is there any good reason for this state of warfare between male and female labor continuing?"; and answered itself that there was not, for "the interests of Labor, whether that Labor be of the male or of the female gender, are identical and inseparable. . . ." The report went on to censure employers' exploitation of women and stressed that the printers had contributed to their own problems by excluding women from their unions. However, the will to autonomy remained strong, and the delegates finally resolved that the issue was of a "local character" and must be handled locally [7, p. 429; 22, p. 226]. Later that year, following a strike settlement, the New York World discharged women typesetters who had worked through the dispute and brought upon themselves the enmity of New York Typographical Union No. 6. When Stanton and Anthony's The Revolution criticized this action, the World insisted in an editorial that it had hired and fired the women without reference to any labor disputes; its reasons for hiring, the editorial writer claimed, were philanthropic-its reasons for firing were the women's low endurance, productivity, and general incompetence. Indeed, they "never punctuated." There were, apparently, no excep- tions to this bleak profile, though the World did commend the ladies for being "neat and decent in their dress, and well behaved" [7, pp. 431-32]. Augusta Lewis, who was soon to play a major role in the union, was working at the World office during this time. A former journalist and a typesetter, she had served her apprenticeship on the New York Era. Although Lewis was not discharged by the World, she resigned in sym- pathy.5 On October 8, 1868, she organized Women's Typographical Union No. 1 (WITU), and, early the following year, succeeded in preventing women compositors from scabbing during a strike against New York book and job offices [7, pp. 432-33]. The nature of the relationship between the WTU and women's rights activists is difficult to ascertain. The adulatory Lewis obituary which appeared in the printers' trade journal in 1920 stressed her "long friendship" with Anthony and Stanton [37, p. 408], but this was, of

5. It is interesting that in the Typographical Journal obituary of Augusta Lewis, the strikebreaking of the World women was reported approvingly [37, p. 408). By the time of her death in 1920, Lewis had become a symbol of the ITU's egalitarianism and a sort of union folk heroine.

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 446 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY course, written shortly after passage of the Nineteenth Amendment. The early suffragists were by then regarded benevolently as the grand old ladies of a vindicated cause, and Lewis's eulogist may have associated her name with theirs in order to reflect their glory upon her. The facts imply that they could not have been close friends. Only three weeks after formation of the WTU, Anthony announced triumphantly in The Revo- lution that she had received fourteen requests for women typesetters, including a request for six compositors and one forewoman from the Galveston Courier; at approximately the same time, the WTU refused a Galveston editor's request for compositors because he did not intend to pay union scale [5, pp. 219-20]. It seems likely that the editor in question was the same man. Late in January 1869, while Lewis was whipping up support for the book and job printers' strike, Anthony was urging their employers to contribute to the establishment of a women's typesetting school. "There are," she asserted, "hundreds of young women now in this city-more than 50 have made personal application to me-who stand ready to learn the trade; women who are stitching with their needles at starving prices because that is the only work they know how to do.... Give us the means and we will soon give you competent women compositors." Shortly thereafter the employers resolved to hire women compositors, but all thought of this resolution and of Anthony's proposed school seems to have ended with the settlement of the strike [7, pp. 433-34]. Both the WTU and Susan Anthony favored women's rights, but while the printers placed primary emphasis on organizing women and strengthening their adherence to union regulations, Anthony was more interested in expanding women's opportunities for training and employment. As it turned out, these two purposes were incompatible, and the sparks of conflict blazed into an interesting brush fire that August during the convention of the National Labor Congress. The congress first received Anthony's credentials but later forced her withdrawal at the behest of the delegation from New York Typographical Union No. 6, which claimed that The Revolution paid wages below scale to its women compositors, had discharged WTU President Lewis from its employ, and, furthermore, that Anthony had lied about both matters [7, p. 433]. She was denounced as "an enemy, not only to the working men, but to the working women of New York," and it was reported that Augusta Lewis provided evidence supporting this judgment [22, p. 251]. Two months prior to this skirmish, at the typographical union's annual convention, a dramatic change was made in its national policy regarding women. WTU No. 1 presented a petition for a charter to the convention; to grant it would require breaking two precedents. Not only would it be the first all-female subordinate association within the NTU

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(which was renamed the International Typographical Union [ITU] at this convention), it would also be the first chartering of two locals within the same city (New York). This violated union regulations. However, the printers had recently seen demonstrated the practical advantage of including women. In his supporting speech to the membership, Presi- dent Robert McKechnie cited the women's refusal to scab during the strike of the preceding winter, and also their refusal to provide compositors for wages below those paid to men, and asserted that it was both "sound policy" and only fair to charter the WTU [7, p. 434]. To its constitution, the ITU added a provision for the chartering of women's locals on the condition that they not work for wages below union scale. With a "heart ... too full for utterance," Lewis managed to utter that the ITU's action "removed temptation from the path of those 'philanthropic' persons who advocate the employment of women merely because they are cheap" [7, p. 436]. In less than two years, she would regret those words. In July, the WTU received its charter, and the following year, in 1870, Augusta Lewis was elected corresponding secretary of the ITU, becom- ing the first [7, p. 436] and to this day the only [38] woman to hold high office at the international level. At this time, she still saw all-female locals as ideal instruments for improving the lot of women compositors, and she tried to foster their formation [7, pp. 436-37]. But women resisted because they knew that demanding men's wages would probably cost them their jobs. In 1871, at the Baltimore convention of the ITU, Augusta Lewis conceded defeat in a passionate, despairing speech. She claimed that women compositors in New York City "have never obtained a situation that we could not have obtained had we never heard of a union. We refuse to take the men's situations when they are on strike, and when there is no strike if we ask for work in union offices we are told by union foremen 'that there are no conveniences for us.' We are ostracized in many offices because we are members of the union; and, although the principle is right, disadvantages are so many that we cannot much longer hold together." While stressing that her own experiences with union men were more positive, she declared: "It is the general opinion of female compositors that they are more justly treated by what is termed 'rat' [nonunion] foremen, printers and employers than they are by union men." After sketching other injustices, she concluded that "No. 1 is indebted to No. 6 for great assistance,6 but so long as we are refused work because of our sex we are at the mercy of our employers, and I can see no way out of our difficulties" [7, p. 437].

6. The men's union had helped the women at earlier stages by supplying them with a rented hall, stationery, and other necessities [23, p. 1041.

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There was no way out. Most employers would not pay union scale to women if male printers could be found. And while union membership required completion of an apprenticeship, young women were rarely taken on as apprentices. Furthermore, Lewis's accusation that union printers were unfair in individual cases was verified implicitly when, in 1884, the ITU thought it necessary to enact a law requiring local union policies and foremen on the job to make no distinctions of any kind based on sex [22, p. 372]. Out of necessity, WTU members violated the terms of their charter by working for low wages, and in 1872 the ITU Committee on Female Labor rejected sex-segregated unions as an ex- periment that had not worked. Although a resolution to strike the article providing for the chartering of women's unions was defeated, the convention did recommend the admission of women into existing locals "upon the same footing, in all respects, as men," thus shifting the focus of union policy on the issue. From 1874 until the dissolution of the WTU following the ITU's 1878 ruling that no additional women's unions would be chartered,7 New York Typographical Union No. 6 fought to have the women's charter revoked for "working without any fixed scale of prices . . . being frequently the cause of throwing union men out of work, or preventing them from getting work." Not surprisingly, the WTU's membership had fallen from over fifty to only twenty-eight in 1874, the last year for which records are available [7, pp. 438-40]. Gradually, former members and some new women compositors began to affiliate with No. 6. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the ITU was growing more powerful and cohesive, establishing strong control over employers and reducing opportunities for nonunion compositors. At the same time, women were being admitted to membership on an equal basis as long as they possessed qualifications which they did not have an equal chance to acquire and conformed to rules which often cost them their livelihoods. It is not surprising that women came to view printing as a diminished possibility. Their numbers in the trade remained small and were probably reduced, in proportional terms, from the mid-1800s to the mid-1900s. Their influence was even smaller. It must be acknowledged, however, that after 1870 it was no longer unusual to find women printers in local unions, though they always remained few. Those women who joined and maintained their member- ships must have benefited from the affiliation. Teresa McDonald, who set type in six states and the District of Columbia during the late

7. A similar resolution had passed at the Montreal convention of 1873 [22, p. 268], but it was apparently repealed later.

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms WOMEN TYPESETTERS, 1830-1950 449 nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, was initiated into the Providence Typographical Union in 1886; years later, she wrote: ". . . It is my hope and desire to retain my membership ... as long as I live" [27, p. LXI]. Occasionally, women have served their locals as delegates to the ITU annual conventions, as committee members, and even as officers in major posts. In the early 1900s, Anna C. Wilson of Columbia Typo- graphical Union No. 101 became the first woman elected to the Board of Trustees of the Union Printers' Home [39, p. 55]. Beatrice M. Pen- nington is presently a home trustee; in 1980, Pennington also ran for ITU secretary-treasurer, the second highest office in the union, in a bid to become the second woman in the organization's history to hold a major international office.8 In 1974, Pennington was the first woman ever appointed to the prestigious Committee on Laws. Today, of the approximately 510 ITU locals, seventeen have women presidents, and forty-eight women secretary-treasurers. Of the thirty-three "typographical and/or mailer conferences," four are served by women presidents and three by women secretary-treasurers [38]. With the introduction of linotype and monotype machines in the 1890s, observers again predicted the demise of the journeyman printers and their replacement by cheaper, less skilled female labor. But at a time when other trades often resisted automation, the typographical union concentrated its efforts on learning and monopolizing machine composing and was generally successful. An organizer for the Federation of Labor in Indiana declared admiringly: "These machines would now be run by typewriters [that is, typists-who were usually poorly paid women], not typesetters, had it not been for the union taking possession of the situation to that extent that they compelled them to use typesetters to run the machine" [ 17, p. 270]. Actually, those union members operating the machines were not invariably full-fledged journeymen with apprenticeships behind them (for example [11; 37]); this requirement evidently became more flexible after typesetting machines came into common use. In 1948, Freeman Champney, who was an ITU member and the manager of Antioch Press, complained that printers were being sub- jected to "chop-licking reports" in the media of "new processes, machines, and assorted gimmicks which are supposed to take the individual skill out of printing and replace the grizzled craftsman with a gum-chewing female fresh out of high school" [40, p. 49]. In the 1940s, most compositors must have regarded those as empty threats. But Champney's concern may have been well founded. During the past two

8. At the time this article was written, the outcome of the election was not known.

This content downloaded from 73.55.183.7 on Tue, 19 Dec 2017 22:34:34 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 450 THE LIBRARY QUARTERLY decades, printing technology has advanced dramatically, and there is evidence that union control has begun to erode, the apprenticeship system has become less significant, and, as a result of all this, the numbers of open shops and women in composing rooms may well be in- creasing."

Conclusion

Prior to 1869, local typographical organizations tended to exclude qualified women printers. After that date, there can be no doubt that individual male union members, on occasion, treated female members unfairly-sometimes in violation of union rules (for example [7, p. 437; 11; 23, pp. 190-91]). Certainly, union literature painted union policy with a thick rose-colored glaze. Ignoring heavy evidence that self- protection was the printers' major motivation for finally admitting women, an official union history saw their action as proof that they were "'ever open-minded and gfted with vision" [8, p. 35]. Vision they had, but not in the sense that was clearly meant by this historian. In terms of what they were once expected to achieve in the trade, and of what seemsjust to a contemporary mind, women were crushed during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by a complex set of social restrictions and expectations and by union influence. On the other hand, some women did find rewarding careers as typesetters. In comparison with other skilled trades, typesetting was unusually open to women.

REFERENCES

1. Willard, Frances E., assisted by Helen M. Winslow and Sallie Joy White. Occupationsfor Women. Cooper Union, N.Y.: Success Co., 1897. 2. Hudak, Leona M. Early American Women Prinrs and Publishers, 1639-1820. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1978. 3. Demeter, Richard L. Primer, Presses, and Composing Sticks: Women Printers of the Colonial Period. Hicksville, N.Y.: Exposition Press, 1979. 4. Barlow, Marjorie Dana, comp. Notes on Women Printers in Colonial America and the United States, 1639-1975. New York: Hroswitha Club, 1976.

9. Among the general discussions of technological advances in printing are those found in [41; 42]. Articles appear regularly heralding new technological applications which promise to reduce the numbers of printing employees needed (for example [43; 44]). Among the considerations of technological advance in relation to printing workers and their unions are [45-48].

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5. Sumner, Helen L. History of Women in Industry in the United States. Report on Condition of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States, vol. 9. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1910. 6. Wright, Carroll D. The Industrial Evolution of the United States. Meadville, Pa.: Chautauqua-Century Press, 1895. 7. Stevens, George A. New York Typographical Union No. 6: Study of a Modern Trade Union and Its Predecessors. Albany, N.Y.: J. B. Lyon, 1913. 8. Lynch, James M., comp. Epochal History of the International Typographical Union. Official ed. Indianapolis: International Typographical Union, 1925. 9. "Some Notes on Compositors." The Leisure flour: A Family Journal of Instruction and Recreation, no. 577 (January 17, 1863), pp. 37-40. 10. Carlton, Frank Tracy. The History and Problems of Organized Labor. Boston: D. C. Heath, 1911. 11. Roe, Constance. "Can the Girls Hold Their Jobs in Peacetime?" Saturday Evening Post 216 (March 4, 1944): 28-29, 37, 39. 12. Hoffman, Frederick L. "Progress in the Hygiene of the Printing Trade Up to 1902." Monthly Labor Review 15 (November 1922): 1105-14. 13. Hoffman, Frederick L. "Mortality Experience of International Typographical Union, 1927." Monthly Labor Review 26 (April 1928): 770-73. 14. Loft, Jacob. The Printing Trades. New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1944. 15. Van Vorst, Mrs. John, and Van Vorst, Marie. The Woman Who Toils: Being the Experi- ences of Two Ladies as Factory Girls. New York: Doubleday, Page, 1903. 16. MacLean, Annie Marion. Wage-earning Women. Citizen's Library of Economics, Poli- tics, and Sociology. New York: Macmillan, 1910. 17. Barnett, George E. "The Introduction of the Linotype." Yale Review 13 (November 1904): 251-73. 18. Baker, Elizabeth Faulkner. Printers and Technology: A History of the International Printing Pressmen and Assistants' Union. New York: Columbia University Press, 1957. 19. Abbott, Edith. Women in Industry: A Study in Amenrcan Economic History. 1910. Reprint. New York: Arno Press & New York Times, 1969. 20. "Bohemian Women of Chicago Uniquely Distinguished." Chicago Sunday Times-Herald (March 25, 1900). 21. Douglas, Paul H. American Apprenticeship and Industrial Education. Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, vol. 45, no. 2; Columbia University Studies in the Social Sciences, no. 216. 1921. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1968. 22. Tracy, George A., comp. History of the Typographical Union. Indianapolis: International Typographical Union, 1913. 23. Andrews, John B., and Bliss, W. D. P. Histoy of Women in Trade Unions. Report on Condition of Woman and Child Wage-Earners in the United States, vol. 10. Senate Documents, vol. 95, no. 645. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1911. 24. Johnson, Ethel M. "The Problem of Women in Industry." American Federationist 33 (August 1926): 974-77. 25. Kursh, Harry. Apprenticeships in America. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1958. 26. Briggs, Naomi. "Apprenticeship." In Women in the U.S. Labor Force, edited by Ann Foote Cahn for the Joint Economic Committee. New York: Praeger Pubs., 1979. 27. Providence Typographical Union No. 33. Printers and Printing in Providence, 1762- 1907. Providence, R.I.: Providence Typographical Union, 1907. 28. Gurko, Miriam. The Ladies of Seneca Falls: The Birth of the Woman's Rights Movement. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1974. 29. Swisshelm, Jane Grey. "Politics and Printers." In Hay a Century. 2d ed. Chicago: Jansen, McClurg, 1880.

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30. Chicago Typographical Union No. 16. "Civil Rights: A Proving Ground." In centen- nial, 1852-1952, edited by Henry Rosemont and Fred R. Hunt, Jr., for Chicago Typographical Union No. 16. Chicago: Sleepeck-Helman Printing Co., 1952 (unpaginated). 31. Robinson, Thomas Hoben. "Chicago Typographical Union No. 16: Fifty Years of Development with Emphasis on Its Relations with the Daily Newspaper Publishers (1852-1902)." M.A. thesis, University of Chicago, 1925. 32. "A Chapter on Printers: Revolution in the Trade." Chicago Post (April 10, 1864), unpaginated. 33. "The Strike Against the Post." Chicago Post (April 21, 1864), unpaginated. 34. Boston Typographical Union No. 13. Leaves of Histoiy: From the Archives of Boston Typographical Union No. XJIH, from the Foundatin of the Boston Typographical Society to the Diamond Jubike of Its Successor. Boston: Boston Typographical Union, 1923. 35. Lipset, Seymour Martin; Trow, Martin A.; and Coleman, James S. Union Democracy: The Interal Politics of the Internationa Typographical Union. New York: Free Press, 1956. 36. Chicago. Chicago Historical Society. Chicago Typographical Union No. 16. "Minutes, 187 1-85." 37. "Mrs. Augusta Lewis Troup." Typographical Journal 57 (October 1920): 408-9. 38. Horst A. Reschke, Director of Union Label and Public Relations, International Typo- graphical Union, to Mary Biggs, February 28, 1980. 39. Siebold, George C., comp. Historical Sketch of Columbia Typographical Union, Number One Hundred and One. Washington, D.C.: Columbia Typographical Union, 1915. 40. Champney, Freeman. "Taft-Hartley and the Printers." Antioch Review 8 (March 1948): 49-62. 41. Bailey, Herbert S., Jr. The Art and Science of Book Publishing. New York: Harper & Row, 1970. 42. Clair, Colin. A Histoiy of European Publishing. London and New York: Academic Press, 1976. 43. Wiseman, N. E.; Campbell, C. I. C.; and Harradine, J. "On Making Graphic Arts Quality Output by Computer." Computer Journal 21 (February 1978): 2-6. 44. "IBM Introduces Laser Printer." Electronics 52 (March 1, 1979): 46, 48. 45. Kelber, Harry, and Schlesinger, Carl. Union Printers and ControUed Automation. New York: Free Press, 1967. 46. Raskin, A. H. "The Big Squeeze on Labor Unions." Atlantic 242 (October 1978): 41-48. 47. Wright, Pearce. "Technological Fix for Printer's Pie." New Scientist 80 (November 23, 1978): 616-18. 48. Stark,Judy. " 'Hold the Front Framel' "New Scientist 80 (November 30, 1978): 696-98.

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