De Eindeloze Stad: Troje En Trojaanse Oorsprongsmythen in De (Laat)Middeleeuwse En Vroegmoderne Nederlanden

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De Eindeloze Stad: Troje En Trojaanse Oorsprongsmythen in De (Laat)Middeleeuwse En Vroegmoderne Nederlanden UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) De eindeloze stad: Troje en Trojaanse oorsprongsmythen in de (laat)middeleeuwse en vroegmoderne Nederlanden Keesman, W.A. Publication date 2014 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Keesman, W. A. (2014). De eindeloze stad: Troje en Trojaanse oorsprongsmythen in de (laat)middeleeuwse en vroegmoderne Nederlanden. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:06 Oct 2021 VI. Trojaanse oorsprongssagen in de verdere Nederlanden 1. Inleiding Brabant was niet het eerste en enige vorstendom in de Nederlanden waarin men zich verbond met Troje. Ook in de andere territoria werd de Europese, speciaal de Frankische traditie gevolgd. Al deze sagen moeten niet alleen in het kader van die oudere overlevering maar ook in elkaars licht worden gezien: er was onderlinge navolging en - soms duidelijk, soms subtiel - concurrentie. In het vorige hoofdstuk bleek bijvoorbeeld dat de Brabo-sage ontstond in reactie op kritiek van Maerlant. Hier zal blijken dat Maerlant zelf daarmee vermoedelijk reageerde op de in de eerdere Brabantse Troje-sage vervatte pretenties. Dergelijke verwevenheid is vaker aan te wijzen. Dat is, als gezegd, het gevolg van de politieke situatie in het versnipperde Neder-Lotharingen, waarin vele baasjes naar macht en oppermacht streefden. 2. Vlaanderen 2.1. Inleiding Het graafschap Vlaanderen staat niet bekend als een land met een Trojaans verleden. Men had er de forestierslegende, die door onderzoekers steeds als een andere, zelfstandige overlevering is opgevat.1 We zullen echter zien dat Vlaanderen meer bij de Europese Troje-traditie aansloot dan gedacht. 2.2. De band met de Karolingers Vlaanderen lag, zoals bleek, voor het grootste deel in Westfrankisch gebied. Het kon zich daar snel tot een zelfstandig vorstendom ontwikkelen. De eerste graaf, Boudewijn met de ijzeren Arm († 879), dankte zijn positie nog aan zijn schoonvader Karel de Kale, de laatste Karolingische vorst met werkelijke macht. De daaropvolgende snelle desintegratie van het centrale gezag creëerde een machtsvacuüm en kansen die Boudewijns directe opvolgers goed wisten te benutten. Zijn kleinzoon Arnulf de Grote (918-965) heerste niet alleen over een uitgebreid territorium, maar had ook een oog op de inmiddels omstreden Westfrankische troon.2 Tegen de achtergrond van die ambitie ontstond, kort voor 960-962, het vroegste genealogische geschrift over het Vlaamse huis - tevens het vroegste over een niet-koninklijk geslacht.3 Dit werk, bekend als de Genealogia Arnulfi comitis, werd geschreven door een zekere Witger, een geestelijke die waarschijnlijk in dienst stond van de graaf. Het benadrukt de Vlaamse bloedband met de Karolingers door Judith, vrouw van Boudewijn I en dochter van Karel de Kale. Aanleiding tot het schrijven ervan was vermoedelijk het huwelijk van Arnulfs zoon en beoogde opvolger Boudewijn III. Deze bleek zo tevens waardig als eventuele 1 Vgl. bijvoorbeeld het gesuggereerde contrast met de Brabantse belangstelling voor Troje in Kelders 2000 A (170, 176). 2 Hoyt 1966, VIII § 21 en 23; Jansen 1974 A, 77-78; AGN I, 354 e.v; Freise 1989, 232-238. 3 Genicot 1975 B, 19; NaSo W037. Van een zuivere genealogie is overigens geen sprake: vgl. Freise 1989, 206 e.v. 379 kandidaat voor de begeerde Westfrankische kroon. Maar Boudewijn stierf jong, en het graafschap raakte zelf in een machtscrisis. Witgers genealogie, achterhaald, had geen invloed op de verdere historiografie in Vlaanderen.4 De Karolingische afstamming van de Vlaamse graven bleef desondanks, als historisch en belangrijk feit, een constant element in die latere geschiedschrijving. Soms werd deze bloedlijn expliciet doorgetrokken tot Troje. Zo werd er rond 1117 in de ‘dynastieke’ Sint Pietersabdij te Gent, in een Sermo de adventu sanctorum Wandregisili, Ansberti et Vulframni in Blandinium, herinnerd aan de gemeenschappelijke Karolingische en daarmee Romeinse en Trojaanse afstamming van Arnulf I en Sint Wandregisel.5 Hun verwantschap maakte duidelijk dat Arnulf het recht had gehad het gebeente van deze heilige over te laten brengen naar Gent. Zo werd het bezit van deze bijzondere relieken gelegitimeerd. De tekst, vermoedelijk uitge- sproken in aanwezigheid van de jonge Boudewijn VII, gaf bovendien gewicht aan de kloos- terhervorming die deze nieuwe graaf - net als zijn illustere voorvader Arnulf - wilde doorvoe- ren.6 Van rond dezelfde tijd dateert het invloedrijke Liber Floridus (ca. 1100 - ca. 1121), door Lambert van Sint Omaars. Deze encyclopedie bevat veel materiaal over de eigen, Vlaamse geschiedenis. Men vindt er onder meer een genealogie van het Vlaamse gravenhuis, van de Genealogia regum Francorum comitumque Flandriae: Lambert van Sint Omaars herleidt de graven van Vlaanderen via de Karolingische Judith uit Troje. Autograaf Liber Floridus, voltooid ca. 1121, Gent UB hs. 92 fol. 105. 4 Over tekst en achtergronden: Freise 1989. 5 NaSo S031. Het Trojaanse bloed wordt hier afgeleid via de Romeinen, waarbij moet zijn gedacht aan Ansbert. Biedt dat een verklaring voor de proloog-passage over de waardigheid van de Romeinse senatoren? Vgl. Sermo de adventu ed. 1978, XXVII, CXVII-CXVIII, en over Ansbert hiervóór, IV.4.2.; over het historiografische én dynastieke belang van de Gentse St. Pietersabdij in deze tijd Kelders 2005, 158. Ook Witger begon zijn genealogie overigens met “Ansbertus nobilissimus” (MGH SS IX, 302), maar zonder verwijzing naar Rome of Troje. 6 Over Arnulf I heet het: “Hic igitur a sancto Arnulfo [Arnulf van Metz, vgl. hiervóór, IV.4.2.], avo scilicet sanctissimi patris Vuandregisili, et nomen traxit et genus a sanguine Romanorum, qui et olim Trojanorum, [...]”: ed. Sermo de adventu 1978, 23-4; zie over de achtergronden de inleiding van Huyghebaert, speciaal XXX en LXXXV- LXXXVIII. De editeur vermoedt dat de genealogische verwijzing bovendien ook betrekking had op abt Arnulf, wiens familie met het gravenhuis verwant lijkt te zijn geweest (LXXXVIII). Hij acht de verwijzing een van de twaalfde-eeuwse toevoegingen aan het oorspronkelijke, tiende-eeuwse verslag van de translatie (CVIII, CXV). 380 Frankische Priamus tot Karel de Goede (1119-1127).7 Veel Vlaamse kronieken gingen bovendien vergezeld van een Frankisch-Franse genealogie waarin de Trojaanse afkomst van de Karolingers kon worden geëxpliciteerd.8 De band met Troje was dus in principe steeds aanwezig, maar werd niet sterk benadrukt. Men kon volstaan met de verwijzing naar de Karolingers. Pas wanneer de eigen positie of ambitie was bedreigd door andere Karolingische erfgenamen zou er noodzaak tot verdere, meer eigen banden met Troje zijn geweest. Zo’n situatie ontstond door de grote Capetingische machtsuitbreiding onder Filips II Augustus (1180-1223). Hij was de eerste uit zijn geslacht die zich met recht koning over heel Frankrijk kon noemen. Dat ging ten koste van de grote Franse vazallen, waartoe ook de graaf van Vlaanderen behoorde. In 1191 kon inlijving van het graafschap bij Frankrijk ternau- wernood worden voorkomen. Ook daarna bleef dreiging vanuit het zuiden aanwezig.9 Weerslag in een nieuwe onderbouwing van de eigen status door middel van een nieuwe Vlaamse Troje-sage kreeg dit alles echter niet. Kort tevoren was er al een andere historische constructie bedacht die Vlaamse onafhankelijkheid en superioriteit ten opzichte van de Capetingers impliceerde. Het graafschap kwam in 1191 in handen van Boudewijn V van Henegouwen (in Vlaanderen regerend als Boudewijn VIII). Hij stamde uit de oudste, maar ooit onttroonde tak van het Vlaamse huis. Deze graaf was zeer geïnteresseerd in zijn voorvader Karel de Grote.10 Hij was tevens de vader van Elisabeth van Henegouwen, koningin van Frankrijk (door haar huwelijk met Filips II Augustus, in 1180), maar door veel Franse edelen beschouwd als te laag geboren voor die hoge rang. Zoals we eerder zagen ontstond als reactie daarop, waarschijnlijk in opdracht van de gekrenkte vader, de theorie van de reditus regni Francorum ad stirpem Karoli. Deze invloedrijke gedachte werd tussen 1181 en 1184 ontwikkeld door de Vlaams-Henegouwse geschiedschrijver Andreas van Mar- chiennes. Zij maakte de Capetingische band met de Karolingers - en daarmee de legitimiteit van het regerende Franse koningshuis - afhankelijk van de Henegouwse, en dus van de Vlaamse verwantschap met deze vroegere Frankische vorsten.11 Zo kon het ook. 2.3. De Vlaamse forestiers Maar Vlaanderen was voor een eerbiedwaardig verleden niet uitsluitend afhankelijk van de aangetrouwde, Karolingische Judith. Ook de inheemse wortels van de dynastie werden onder- zocht. Op basis van uit kloosterannalen en rijksverordeningen bijeengesprokkelde gegevens construeerde de Vlaamse historiografie in de loop van de elfde
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